
Class. 
Book. 



/^34 



.1 



AMERICAN 



MILITARY BIOGRAPHY; 



CONTAINING 



THE LIVES AND CHARACTERS 



OF THE 



OFFICERS OF THE REVOIiUTION, 



WHO WERE MOST DISTINGUISHED IN 

ACHIEVING OUR NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE. 



ALSO, 

THE LIFE OF 
GILBERT MOTIER LA FAYETTE, 

MAJOR-GENERAL IN THE CONTINENTAL ARMY, MARSHAL OF FRANCE, ANP 
COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE NATIONAL GUARDS. 



PUBLISHED FOR E. S JOHNSON. 



CINCINNATI: 

PRINTED AT THE CHRONICLE OFFICE. 

1834.' 




'^^ 



^ ^1 







B^T *'!' hm ,t ;J A Ji AT O U A 






iSUMMARY VIEW 



OF THE CAUSES WHICH LED TO 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 



Although the narrow and illiberal policy of the British 
government towards her North American colonies, from their 
first settlement, was calculated to alienate the affections of the 
colonies from the parent country; yet, from their exposed situ- 
ation and habitual loyalty, this unworthy conduct, long perse^ 
•Tered in, produced no sensible impressions on the Americans: 
Iheir loyalty and attachment to the interests of Britain were 
not in the smallest decree impaired, down to the period of the 
peace of Paris, in 1763. Never had they shown so much zeal, 
or made such great sacrifices in the cause of their country, as 
during the preceding war; having lost more than twenty-five 
thousand men, expended all the revenues they could raise, and 
involved themselves deeply in debt. Almost the whole burdens 
of the war in America had fallen on the colonies; and their 
exertions were altogether disproportionate to their means, and 
tended greatly to impoverish and distress them. After eight 
years' arduous struggles, attended with the greatest sacrificesj 
the successful termination of the war — the dominion of France 
in America being relinquished forever — occasioned universal 
joy throughout the colonies; they forgot their sufferings and 
distresses, in the fair prospects which the peace afforded. 

But these prospects were of short duration; the peace of 
Paris formed a new era in the views and conduct of Great 



^^ A SUMMARY VIEW OP TWE CLAUSES 

Britain to'RaiJs tier colonies in America. The possessions or 
Frante, in A tuerica, having been ceded to Britaiiuand having 
no lonuer any fear of her power in this hemisphere, a systenfi 
of measures was pursued towards tlie colo ies, i>ngij>atin<ii in 
jealousy, and tending to despotism. As soon --is the colonies 
had fought l!:eir way to a condition, wliicii afforded the pros- 
pect of rapi(il\ increasing in population and weahii, attempts 
were made to res-lrict their conmitrcia! and pohiical privileges, 
and gradually to reduce Ihem to the mosr wretched stale of 
coluiual vassalage. For a century and a half, the colonies had 
been left to tdemselv-s as to taxatior ; their own local ass-emldies 
had provided the neces-sary revenues to defray the expenses of 
their governments, and the parliament of Great Britain had 
neither direcUy nor indirectly ever attempted <o derive a (hilar 
of revenue from America, although various acts had, from iiine 
to time, been passed, regulatinjj the trade and commerce oi the 
colonies, yet none of these were designed or regarded, either 
in Britain or America, as revenue laws. 

But in an inauspicious moment, the British ministry conceived 
the idea ol taxing the colonies, under the pretei-ce o( providing 
for their projection, hui in reality to relieve the riatic-n froia 
the immetise debt, the weiglit ot which hung heavil} upon it. 
This iniqui ous scheme, oi iginalio^ with the cabi;.et, waseasilj 
"introduced in pailiament; and in March, 1764, as a prelude 
to I he inemoralile Stamp Jlcf, the house ot commons resolved, 
■^'That towards further defraying the necessary expenses of 
protecting he colonies, it may be necessary to charge certain stam^ 
duties upon them-''' and t!)is resolution was followed by what was 
commonly called the Sugar Act, passed on the 6th of April, 
and introduced by the following truly alarming prcctmhle: — 
"Whereas it is just and necessary that a reveni^e be raised in 
At*'erira, An* defraying the expenses of detending. protecting, 
and securing the same; we, the commons, &c., towards raising 
the same, give and imnt unto your majesty, after the 29th day 
of September, 1764, on clayed sugar, indigo, and coffee, of for- 
eign produce, [and various other articles,] the sum of," &c. — 
This was the lirst act adopted by parliament, for the avowcel 



WHieH LF© TO THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. t 

object of raising a I'everiue in the colonies. The justice of this 
nit.atiure, wuicti appeared so cl-'ar to the British parlianrient, 
w»'~ ret^arded in America as oppression and tyranny, aud occa- 
sioned great excitement and alarm. The deceptive preten- 
sion, that the revenue was to be raised for the purnose of pror 
teding \hv colonies, was only adding insult to ii)ju>ii<e; a? the 
colonies supposed that ihey were capable of protecting them- 
selves; and they apprehended that the object was rattier, under 
the pretence of alfording them protection, to maintain a mili- 
tary force in America, for the purpose of dragooning them into 
3ul»mission, and enforcing an unconstitutioiial system of taxa- 
tion; thereby rendering tliem the instiuments of forging their 
♦wn chains. This act was rendered more disgusting, by a pro- 
vision that the money raised by it must be paid in specie, and 
another, that those charged wiih having violated the revenue 
laws, might be pros( cuted in the courts of admiralty ; whereby 
tbey were deprived the privilege ot trial b^ a jui},and were 
liable to be condeini-'-d bv a single oliicer o< the crown, whose 
sabu) was to be p. id from the very forleitures decreed by 
hmiself. And this wa? not all, or even tiie worst; as the trial 
was conducted on such principles, that the accused, contrary 
to the well kuown maxims of the common law, and repugnant 
to every idea of justice, va<^ obliged to prove himself inno- 
cent, or sutler the penalties of the law. These iniquitous pro- 
ceedings destroyed all security of pro|)ert}, arid left every one 
at the mercy ol the minions ot the British crown. Their per- 
nicious iniiuence was soon tell extensively in the colonies; they 
no longer regarded Great Britain as an atFectionate mother, 
but viewed her in the light of a sehish, cruel, and imperious 
step-mother. The designs of the ministry were penetrated, 
and occasioned great alarm, which spread wider and wider, 
until it became universal. The press, that great engine of 
truth and liberty, was called into requisition; the subject was 
ably and elaborately discussed; and the more it was discussed, 
and the better it was understood, the more strong and deter- 
»nined the opjiosition became. All the colonies petitioned and 
remonstrated against these obnoxious measures, and most of 



Vi A NUMMARY VIFW OF THE CAl'SE» 

them appointed agents to present their memorials to parliament^ 
or the king. 

Bij(, notwithstanding the excitement and oppositson in Amer- 
ica, and the remonstrances of the colonies. Mr, Grenville, who 
was at the head of the treasury, prepared the Stamp Bill, and 
introduced it into parliament, in February, 1765; and, although 
opposed with all the powers of eloquence, by Alderman Beck- 
ford, Mr. Jackson, Colonel Barre, Sir William Merideth, and 
others, it was adopted by a great majority; fifty, only, voting 
in opposition, out of about three hundred members, who were 
presont. On the second reading of the hill, various petitions, 
not only from the colonies, but from the London merchants, 
interested in the American trade, were presented; but the 
petitions were not even received, being refused, on the plea 
that no memorial could be received on a money bill. Having 
passed both houses of parliament, on the 22d March, the Stamp 
Act received the ro\al assent. Dr. Franklin, then in England, 
as agent for Pennsylvania, wrote to Charles Thompson, after- 
wards secretary of congress — " The sun of liberty is set; you 
■TJist light up the lamps of industry and economy." Mr. 
Thompson, in a spirited reply, observed, "That he thought 
itther lights would be lighted up to resist these unconstitutional 
measures." It is unnecessary to add, that this prediction was 
soon ultilled. 

Tins unjust and impolitic act was the first great cause which 
led to the American revolution; indeed, it was substantially 
the first scene in the bloody drama of that revolution. It was 
passed in parliament, on the 7th of February, 1765, under the 
ministry of Loid Grenville, and was repealed on the 18th of 
March, I76G, !rom the intluence of Mr. Pitt. The period of 
thirteen months was the most eventful and tumultuous of any 
which had hitherto occurred; the apprehensions ol the people 
were roused to the highest pitch, and the most determined spirit 
©f opposition prevailed throughout the colonies. The Ameri- 
cans had not believed that the act would be passed, and ou 
receiving the intelligence, every one was struck with astonish- 
irient and filled with consternation; thev looked at each ether 



WHFCff LED TO THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION". vii 

with arnazement, and for a short interval hesitated what course 
to pursue; ^ut, soon recovering from their consternation, thej 
detf^rmined not to submit to such a flas^rant outrage on their 
rig'it?. In Boston, the ships in the harbor, in token of the deep- 
est mourning, saspe'ide J their colors half-mast high; the hells 
were rung mufled; and the obnoxious act, with a death's head 
in front of it, with the motto — " the folly of England axdthe 
RUIN or AMERICA," was Carried in solemn procession about the 
streets. The discontents soon spread throughout the colonies, 
and the opposition became general and determined; the spirit 
of the people gave a tone to the colonial assemblies, and bold 
and decide 1 resolutions were adopted against the iniquitous 
scheme of parliamentary taxation. Virginia took the lead, and 
on the 28t!i of May, 1765, Patrick Henry introduced his cele- 
brated resolutions in the houses of burgesses, which declared 
that the inhabitants of that colony were entitled to, and had 
possessed and enjoyed, all the rights, liberties, and privileges of 
the people of Great Britain; that the general assembly of the 
colony had always exercised, and alone possessed, the power to 
levy taxes and imposts on the inhabitants of the colony, and 
that they " were not bound to yield obedience to any law or 
ordinance whatsoever, designed to impose any taxation what- 
ever upon them, other than the law and ordinances of the gen- 
eral assemblv." So bold and unexpected were these resolu- 
tions, that whilst they were reading, one of the members cried 
out, " treason ! treason !" 

These resolutions were communicated to all the colonies, and 
the spirit they breathed spread from one legislature to another,, 
^nd their sentiments were reiterated in resolutions adopted bj 
the legislatures and freemen in public meetings. Committees 
were appointed, by the assemblies of the colonies, fo correspond 
with each other, and to meet for consultation; the object of 
which was to secure harmony of feeling; and concert of action. 
These measures had a very happv etTecf; in the mean time, the 
press teemed with constant publications, vindicating the rights 
of the colonies; and manv of them were of a highly inflamn»a^ 
tory character, calculated to raise the public mind to the highest 



Viii A SUMMARY VTF.W OP THR CAUSES 

pilch. The pnlpit, also, particularly in New-En sjlan^l, lahorefi 
in the same cause with greif z»al and effect; the flame oflib- 
ertv kmrlled from brea«t to breast, and spread from province 
to province, u-itil the conflagration became general. The spirit 
of opposition ran so high as to break out into acts of tumult 
and disorder. In Boston the effigy of Mr. Oliver, the stamp- 
master, was burnt, and his house assailed, partly demolished, 
and hisfurniture destroyed; and soon after, the house of Willijim 
Storer. deputv-res;ister of th > court of admiralty, was attacked, 
and the book's and files of the court destroyed; and the house of 
Benjamin Hallowell, comptroller of the customs shared the same 
fate. These outrasje* were -ollowed by a more hold and daring 
attack upon the dwelling of Mr. Hutchinson, lieutenant-governor 
of the province; he was obliged to flee to save his life, and his 
house was entirely demf>lished, except the walls, and every 
thing in it destroyed or carried off. Similar outrages were 
committed in other places. In Connecticut, Mr. Ingersoll. the 
stamp officer, was burnt in effigy in many towns; and whilst he 
was proceeding from New-Haven so Hartford, where the assem- 
bly was in session, he was pursued and overtaken by a large 
concourse of people, some from more than thirty miles, and. 
compejled to resign his office, which was followed by three 
hearty cheers of liberty and property. This took place at Weth- 
ersfield, from whence the people, who were headed by militia 
officers, proceeded to Hartford, where Mr. Ingersoll was cono- 
pelled to read his resignation in the hearing of the assembly, 
which WHS succeeded by loud acclamations of liberty and prop- 
erty. In New- York the stamp officer was compelled to resign, 
and Lieutenant-Governor Golden was burnt in effigy, with a 
stamp-bill in his hand, suspended from his own coach, and the 
whole was consumed together. 

In the southern colonies, the public feeling did not lead to 
the same excesses; but in all of them, means were found to 
compel the stamp officers to resign; and in all the colonies the 
asseml>lies adopted resolutions in opposition to the stamp act, 
although in many of them the royal governors prorogued and 
attempted to stop their proceedings. The members of the 



WHICH LED TO THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. {x 



*-. 



«eionial assemblies were animated and encouraged by the peo- 
ple, who, in most of the towns, instructed them to oppose the 
Stamp Act, But the most important measure to unite the colo- 
nies and give energy and effect to their opposition, was con- 
veninar a continental congress, consisting of deputies appointed 
by each colonv. This measure was tirst proposed by the 
' assembly of Massachusetts. The meeting was appointed to 
be holdcn in New- York, in October, 1765. All the colonies, 
except New-Hampshire, Virginia, North-Carolina, and Geor- 
gia, sent deputies; the three last of these colonies were pre- 
vented by their governors, and the first excused itself on ac- 
€0imt of its peculiar situation. The congress, after mature 
deliberation, adopted a declaration of rights, and a statement 
of the grievances of the colonies, and asserted, in the strongest 
terms, their exemption from all taxes not imposed by their own 
representatives. It also prepared a petition to the house of 
commons. 

As the first of November, the time when the Stamp Act was 
to go into operation, approached, public feeling became still 
stronger, and was exerted to the utmost to prevent the execu- 
tion of the law. In New- York, ten boxes of stamps which had 
arrived there for Connecticut, were seized by the populace 
and burned; and in other ports, the masters of vesseii?, which , 
brought out stamps, were compelled to return with their de- 
testable cargoes, or deliver them up to the people tobedestroy- 
sd. In Boston, and many of the principal towns, the first of 
November was kept as a day of mourning and deep distress: 
all the shops were shut, the bells were tolled muffled, and the 
effigies of the authors and abeUors of the act were carried in 
procession through the streets, and then torn to pieces and con- 
sumed by tlie flames. 

The lawyers of the supreme court of New- Jersey resolved 
that they would not purchase the stamps in their professional 
business, and that they would relinquish their practice as a 
sacrifice to the public good; and tli€ principal merchants ia 
the colonies, and great numbers of other classes of the inhabi- 
tants, entered into solemn engagements not only to refuse to 

2 



X A SUMMARY VIEW OF THE CAUSES 

use the stamps, but also not to import any more goods from 
Great Britain until the Stamp Act should be repealed. Asso- 
ciations were formed, called the " Sons of Liberty," the object 
of which was, to assist and protect wfth force, if necessary, 
every one who might be in danger from his resistance or oppo- 
sition to the Stamp Act. This bold association originated in 
New-York, and prevailed throughout New-England, and had 
not the act been repealed, must have led to civil war. The 
restrictive measures produced distress and tumults in England 5 
large numbers of the manufacturers being thrown out of em- 
ployment, and more than forty thousand, with black flags, 
appeared in the streets in London, and surrounded the royal 
palace and parliament house- Fortunately a change of minis- 
try took place, in consequence of what was called the regency 
bill, and Lord Grenville was succeeded by the Marquis of 
Rockingham, as first lord of the treasury, and the Duke of 
Grafton and General Conway were appointed secretaries of 
state. In January the parliament met; the affairs of America 
occupied the principal attention, and the first talents of the 
house were engaged in the discussion. Mr. Pitt, who had been 
confined to his bed by sickness, when the Stamp Act was pass- 
ed, now came forward as the great champion of the rights of 
•the American?, and with his manly and all-powerful eloquence, 
opposed the unjust, wnconstitutional, and dangerous measures; 
he even justified the Americans in their resistance of an act of 
tyranny and oppression. After a long and animated discus- 
sion, the act was repealed, accompanied, however, with a decla- 
ration, •*'that the king and parliament had, and of right ought 
to have, full power and authority to make laws and statutes of 
sufficient force to bind the colonies, and his majesty's subjects 
in them, in all cases zchatsoevcr.'''' An act of indemnity was also 
passed. 

The repeal of the obnoxious act occasioned universal joy, 
both in Great Britain and America: the ships in the Thames 
displayed their colors, and the whole city of London was illu- 
nunntcd; and in the colonies, notwithstanding the declaratory 
act, asserting -the principle of taxation, the joy and rejoicings 



WHICH LED TO THE AMERICAN REVOJ.UTIONi. xL 

were universal; the non-importation resolutions were rescind- 
ed; animosities, ill-treatment, and every thing past were for- 
gotten, and commercial intercourse with Great Britain was 
resumed with greater activjtj than ever before had been wit- 
nessed, the colonies hoped and believed, that harmony would 
now be restored, and did every thing in their power to promote 
this desirable object. But the officers of the crown, the min- 
ions of power, and the expectants of place, kept up a corres- 
pondence with the officers of the British government at home, 
and attempted to promote their own selfish views by misrepre- 
senting their countrymen. Governor Bernard, of Massachu- 
setts, was the head of this party, which contributed so much 
to breed difficulties and bring matters to a crisis. Notwith- 
standing that the declaratory act still hung over the heads of 
the colonies, like a portentous cioud, it was not generally ex- 
pected that the British government would very soon make ano- 
ther so dangerous an experiment. But these reasonable ex- 
pectations, however, soon proved to be fallacious, and all reli- 
ance on the justice or liberality of Britain, wei-e found to be 
deceptive and dangerous. Notwithstanding the distraction into 
which the colonies had been thrown^ by the Stamp Act, withia 
a few months after its repeal, and before the wounds it had occa- 
sioned had had time to heal, the chancellor of the exchequer, 
Charles Townsend, came forward with a new scheme of taxing 
America, and was so sanguine in his views, that he pledged 
his character for the success of the project. The new revenue 
scheme was, to take off the duties on teas, which were paid in 
Great Britain, and to levy three peiice per pound on all that 
was purchased in America, and also a duty on papeF, glass,. 
and several other articles. A board of customs was establish- 
ed, and commissioners appointed to set in Boston to collect the 
duties: and the custom-officers were to be paid from the reve- 
nue thus raised; the governor, judges of the superior court, 
and other officers in Massachusetts, who had hitherto been de- 
pendent for their salaries on the assembly, to render them inde- 
pendent of the people, and more devoted to Great Britain^ 
were also to b^ paid from these revenues; and to carry the 



jjj A SUMMARY VIEW OF THE CAUSES 

iniquitous system into effect, (as unjust laws can only be enforc-. 
ed by unjust means,) the powers of the court of admiralty were 
greatly extended, so as to deprive the people of trial by jury- 
in prosecution for violating the revenue laws. Writs of Assist- 
ance, as they were called, issued by the governors, or any offi- 
cer of the revenue, autliorised searching the house of the most 
respectable inhabitants in the province, on suspicion of itie con- 
cealment of contraband or smuggled goods. 

When intelligence of these new parliamentary regulations 
reached America, they occasioned universal astonishment, and 
revived all the excitement and alarm which prevailed during 
the Stamp Act. In the mjuds of reflecting men they were re- 
garded as more dangerous than that obnoxious act, as an indi- 
rect and disguised system of taxation, had a more certain and 
fatal tendency to undermine the liberties and enslave the people, 
than direct taxes. The colonies, assailed by the same injuries, 
bad recourse to the former measures of complaint and suppilca- 
tion; but their petitions were not even read, and their remon- 
strances treated with contempt, thus adding insult to injusiire. 
These accumulated injuries and indignities aroused the Teal's 
and spirit of the colonies; and a circular letter, addressed to 
the other colonies, by the assembly of Massaciius< tts, coijhib- 
uted to diffuse the fiame and lead to concert of action. This 
letter was dated the 11 th of February, 1768, and the senti- 
ments it contained were reiterated by most of the colonial 
assemblies. From the bold and determined conduct of the 
assembly of Massachusetts, it was prorogued by the governor. 
Another assembly was convened in May following, to which the 
governor, in his first communication, insolently demanded of 
them, as required by the British Secretary of State, to rescind 
the resolutions of the preceding assembly, which led to the cir- 
cular letter, and intimated, that unless they complied immedi- 
ately they would be dissolved at once. But the assembly acted 
with a firmness which became the defenders of liberty; and, 
instead of complying with this haughty mandate, petitioned the 
king for the removal of the royal governor, and charged upon 
him a long catalogue of crimes. The governor, exasperated 



WHICH LED TO THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. xili 

at their conduct, immediately dissolved the mutinous assembly, 
and applied to the commander-in-chief of the king's truops, 
then in New-York, to have several additional regiments sent to 
Boston. Alarmed at these circumstances, the inhabitants of 
Boston beseeclied the governor to convene another assembly; 
but he treated their request with contempt. The crisis requir- 
ed something to be done without delay, and accordingly letters. 
were wiitten to everj^ town in the colony, requesting the ap- 
pointment of delegates to meet in convention at Boston, before 
the arrival of the troops. Delegates from ninety-six towns' met 
on the 22d of September. The governor instantly sent them 
an angry message, commanding them to disperse, threatening, 
in ca^e of refusal, that they would suffer the consequence of 
their temerity. The convention, however, was not frightened 
into submission, but gave their reasons for convening, continued 
their deliberations, and prepared a petition to the king. 

On thf first of October, the troops arrived and landed ; and, 
sword in hand, paraded through the streets of Boston, which were 
filled with vast crowds, who with sullen silence, denoiing the 
deepest resentment, witnessed this, the first act in the great 
and bloody drama about to be performed. No tumult or resist- 
ance, however, ensued, notwithstanding the troops were quar- 
tered in the houses of the inhabitants. The assembly mei in 
yiciy, 1769, and immediately adopted several spirited resolu- 
tions; that the placing an armed force where the legislature 
was convened, to overawe their deliberations, was a breach of 
privilege, and that the quartering of troops on the inhahitrints, 
in time of peace, was illegal, and a violation of the rights and 
liberties of British subjects. 

A standing army was now stationed in the capital of Massa- 
chueetts, for the avowed object of coercing the inhabitants into 
submission : their commerce fettered, their characters traduced., 
the assembly prevented from meeting, and the petitions of all 
classes to have the assembly convened, treated with contempt 
by an insolent governor, who threatened to augment the troops, 
and enforce, at all hazards, his arbitrary and tyrannical meas- 
ures; it cannot be surprising that the fears and exasperations 



xiv A SUMiMARY VIEW OF THE CAUSES' 

of the people exceeded what had ever been witnessed before-^ 
At ibis alarming conjuncture, feomelhing must be done, and 
there was no other alternative but submission or resistance, as 
petitions had been treated with such contempt, that to memori- 
alize any branch of the British government would be equiva- 
lent to submission; and there were but two ways of resistancer 
either an appeal to the sword, or an entire suspension of all 
commercial intercourse with Great Britain, which, as was said 
by Mr. Pitt, in his speech, furnished the means wherebj Britain 
had carried on the war with France, and which if continued 
would atford the means of their own oppression. As all the 
colonies were involved in one common danger, they readily 
entered into the most solemn engagements, that no British or 
India goods should be imported, except a (ew specified articles 
of necessary use. The effects of these arrangements were sooa 
felt in England, and produced clamors and even tumults in some 
parts of the kingdom. But the partisans of the crown in Ame- 
rictH, endeavored, by their correspondence, to induce the minis- 
try to persevere in their oppressive measures, and represented 
in the strongest terms, that the interruption of commerce was 
only an effort of desperation which could not last long. They 
advised the ministry to purchase large quantities of goods, de- 
signed for the American market, and also to allow the mer- 
•Hants engaged in the American trade, a pren.ium equal to the 
profits of their stock in business. " If these measures are adopt- 
ed," said Mr. Oliver, secretary in Massachusetts, in one of his 
letters, " the game will soon be up with my countrymen.'''' 

The assembly which convened in Boston in May, set several 
weeks without doing any business, as they refused to act as 
long as an armed force was quartered in the town, and sur- 
rounded the house where they were in session; they were finally 
adjourned to Cambridge. They sent several messages to the 
governor to have the troops removed; but, after evading the 
matter for some time, he declared he had no authority over the 
king's troops; thus admitting that the military was above the 
civil power in the province. Governor Bernard sent a provok- 
fng message, stating the expenditure of quartering the troops 



WHICH LED TO THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. xv 

»n the town, and requesting that provision be made for the pay- 
ment of the same, and also for their future support; the assem- 
h\y were thus called on (o maintain the instruments by which 
they were to be oppressed and enslaved. But instead of com- 
plying with this request, they passed several spirited resolu- 
tions, censuring the conduct of the governor and General Gage, 
for tiieir rash and oppressive measures, their wanton violations 
df the constitution, the introduction of a standing army in time 
of peace, and their encroachments on the liberties of the citi- 
zens and of the province. The governor had received an order 
to repair to England, and lay before the king the state of the 
aolony; which he communicated to the assembly, with a re- 
quest that his salary might be continued during his absence, 
as his office would remain. But the assembly informed him, 
in decided terms, that they could not comply with either of his 
requests. On receiving this answer, he immediately, after a 
short, angry, and threatening speech, prorogued the legisla- 
ture. He soon after set sail for Europe, then little thinking 
that he should never return to a country that, by his violent 
temper and arbitrary conduct, he had brought to the brink of 
civil war. His reception at court convinced the Americans of 
the truth of what they feared, that the governor had been sent 
for, as a mischievous emissary, rather than for an impartial 
inquiry into the real situation of the province, or an investiga- 
tion of his own conduct. 

Thomas Hutchinson, the lieutenant-governor, was appointed 
to succeed Governor Bernard. Hutchinson was a native of 
Boston, and had run a career of popularity; wliilst, however, he 
was courting the people at home, he was not less assiduous in 
ingratiating himself into the favor of the British goverrment, 
by misrepresenting his countrynien. He was artful and plau- 
sible, and possessed of popular talents; but was ineidious, dark, 
intriguing, and ambitious; and the extreme of avarice marked 
every feature of his character. His appointment was announ- 
ced at the close of the year 1769. He in'inediaiely assumed a 
more haughty tone, and aimed at more high handed measures 
than his predecessor, and conamenccd his administration by 



XV) A fcVJMMARir VIEW OF THE CAUSES 

informing the assembl}' that he was independent of them and the 
people, as his majesty had made provision for his salary. Se- 
cure of the favor of his sovereign, he treated the people and 
the assembly with contempt, and answered their repeated 
solicitations to remove the troops from the capital, by withdraw- 
ing the garrison from a strong fortress in the harbor of Boston, 
who were in the pay of the province, and replacing them by 
two regiments of the king's troops. The ebulitions of popular 
feeling were so high as to occasion great alarm with the leading 
patriots, that it would break out into acts of violence, which 
might injure the cause of the people. The miserable minions 
of power, in America, endeavored to promote this result, and 
openly avowed, " that the only method to lestore tranquillity 
was to take off the original incendiaries, whose writings had in- 
stilled the poison of sedition into the people." James Otis, the 
most active, bold, and influential patriot of the day, having 
published, under his proper signature, some severe strictures on 
the conduct of the ofhcers of the crown, was assaulted in a 
public room by a band of hired ruffians, with swords and blud- 
geons; and being covered with wounds was left for dead. The 
assassins made their escape, and took refuge on board the king's 
ships in the harbor. Mr. Otis survived, but the lamp of his 
understanding, which had glowed with such elfulgence, was 
overcast with clouds and darkness. Blr. John Adams says that 
he "laid the foundation of the American revolution, with an 
energy, and with those masterly talents which no other man 
possessed;" and he is justly considered as the first martyr to 
American liberty. 

The insults which the inhabitants constantly experienced, 
from the soldiers, increased their animosity towards them to 
such a degree, as to lead to violence and blood-shed. On the 
2d of March, 1770, an affray took place between a party of sol- 
diers of the 2'Dth regiment, and some ropemakers, in front of 
Mr. Gray's ropewalk. This was followed by a more alarming 
outrage on the 3th; the indignant populace pressed upon and 
insulted the soldiers, while under arms, and assailed them with 
clubs, sticks, and snowballs covering stones. Being dared to 



WHICH LET> TO THE A.MERICAN" REVOLUTION. xfii 

fire by the mob, six of the soldiers discharged their muskets, 
which killed three of tne citizens, and wounded five others. 
The effect of ibis was electric: the town was instantly in com- 
motion, and the mass of the people were so exasperated, that 
it required the utmost exertions to prevent their rallying and 
driving the British myrmidons out of town; and nothing but 
an assurance that the troops should be withdrawn, prevented 
this resort to force. The captain of the parly, and eight me% 
were brought to trial; two of them were found guilty; the 
«aptain and the other two men were acqui tted. A general meet- 
ing of the inhabitants was immediately assembled in Faneuil 
Hall, who unanimously resolved that no armed force should be 
suffertd longer to reside in the capital; and a committee was 
appointed to wait on the governor, and request the immediate 
removal of the troops. The governor refused to act, under 
pretence of want of authority; but Col. Dalrymple, alarmed 
at the state of things, proposed to withdraw the 29th regiment, 
which was more culpable than any other; but he was informed 
that not a soldier should be left in town; he was reluctantly 
compelled to comply, and within four days not a Red-coat re* 
mained. This tragical affair produced the deepest impressions 
on the minds of the people; and the anniversary of the mas?- 
sacre of the 5th of March, 1770, was commemorated for many 
years, and orations delivered, which unfolded the blessings 
ef civil liberty, the horrors of slavery, the dangers of standing 
armies, and the rights of the colonif^s. These annual orations 
administered fuel to the fire of liberty, and kept it burning 
with an incessant flame, and in no small degree promoted the 
cause of the colonies, in a manner that served to give a deeper 
glow to the flame of liberty. In the spring of 1773, the 
schooner Gaspee was stationed at Providence, to prevent smug- 
gling; and the conduct of the commander having exasperated 
the inhabitants, two hundred men entered on board the schooneg 
at night, and compelled the captain and crew to go ashore, 
then set tire to the vessel. The government otfered a reward 
of five* hundred pounds (or the apprehension of any of the pers^ 
soils engaged lo this outrage; but such was the spirit and una*- 

3 



■^Viii A-^UMM AR\ VltW OF THE CAUSFS 

•niniity of the people, that the pecuniary inducement produced 
no effect, and tlie authors of tfu' outrasje could not be discover- 
ed. About this period, the letters of Governor Hwlchinson, 
and Mr. O'iver, to their friendsi in England, urginif the sjovern- 
ment to adopt more decisive and vigorous measures, to coerce 
the C'^loriies into submission, were discovered and sent hack t© 
America bv Dr. Franklin, which, being pub|i;ihed by the assem- 
bly of Massachusetts, greatly contributed to inflame the public 
mind, and exasperate the people against these officers of the 
crown, who were justlv charged with having shamefully be- 
traved their tru<t and the people, whose rights it was their duty 
vigilantly to guard. Whilst the other diilies were repealed, 
that on tea was retained, for the sole and avowed object of 
maintaining the power which parliament had asserted, of collect- 
ing a revenue in America. The ministerial scheme was cunning 
and artful; but did not, in the least degree, deceive the vigilance 
of (he Americans. The object was to cheat the colonies out 
of (heir rights, by collecting an indirect, imperceptible duty, 
little more than nominal in amount, which, however, if acqui- 
esced in, would have been an admission of the principle or right 
of Britain to raise a revenue in America. It was an attempt t© 
obtain, covertly and by frauds what they had attempted, but 
failed to obtain openly by force. In the first place, measures 
were adopted, openly and explicitly, for taxing the colonies, 
the duties to be paid directly by the consumer; but, being un- 
able to enforce this act, it was repealed, accompanied with a 
declaration of the r?^A^ of parliament to tax the Americans io 
all cases w hatsoever. This naked assertion of a right, when 
the application of it had been attempted and abandoned, did 
not give the Americans much concern: t'ley would not have 
cared, if the British had kept that assertion of a right to d© 
wrong on tlieir statute-book, as loni», as tlie two countries exist- 
ed, provided they had not attemi'Aed to exercise their assumed 
right. But the advocates of \merican taxation seemed to be 
sensible, tha4^^ the bare ass-r^rtion of a right^ after, an unsuccess- 
ful attempt to enforce U, would amount to but little, and that 
c-OHclusions, obviousjiy following the abandonment of the first 



WHICH LED TO THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 



XiJt 



-attempt to tax the Americ.nns, would be left in their full force. 
Under the circumstances in which the two countries were 
placed, therefore, the right must be enforced, or it must be con?- 
aidered as virtually abandoned . But this had been once attempt- 
ed without success; a more ingenious mode, there/ore, must be 
devised, or one less likelv to give alarm to the colonic?. The. 
stamp duties were a direct tax, as the duties constituted the 
entire value of the sum paid; but a trifling impost would not be 
perceived, as the duty would scarcely make any sensible differ* 
ence in the price of the article. The bitter pill, which it was 
intended to make the colonies swallow, was gilded with sugar. 
The duty was more artfully disguised than a simple impost. 
It was, in fact, no additional burden on the consumers of tea, it. 
being only a different mode of collecting the duly which had 
before been paid; yet this alteration ot llie mode involved the 
right and power of parliament to establish a revenue system ia 
America. ^According to the former regulations, the teas of the 
India Company were tirsl brought to England, where a duty 
was paid before they weie sent to the colonies. The scheme 
was merely to change the place and mode of collecting the duty; 
it was to be paid in America instead ot England; tor which 
purpose custom regulations were established, and olijcers ap- 
pointed. A duty of three pence on a pound of tea would not 
be felt by the people, and this, or rather a greater duty, had 
been paid before in England, so that, instead of ttie burdens of 
the people being increased, they were rather lightened by this 
new regulation. So artfully disguised was this scheme. It is 
a maxim with many politicians, and too generally correct, that 
the people will not be alarmed or excited by any principle, how- 
ever it may be fraught with danger; that they xtWiSi feel and 
suffer before their fears will arouse them into action. But this 
maxim did not hold true with the Americans; they saw the 
danger, and resolved to resist, at the hazard of their lives, a 
principle^ calculated to undermine the foandation of their liber- 
ties; although its operation at the time was not felt ^ in the 
slightest degree. The resistance of the Americans to the 
scheme of collecting a duty on tea ia America, instead of Eng 



j^ A SU\TM ARY Vllw OF THE CAUSED 

land was flie resistance of the principle which that scheme 
involved, 8oleIv; as no additional burden was thereby imposed 
on the people. It is believed that this is the only instance in 
history, of an entire people being roused to resistance, from 
measures which were not burdensome or oppressive in their 
immediate operations, and dangerous only from the principle on 
which they were founded. Tliis consideration affords the 
hiHiest evidence of the intelligence of the Americans, as well as 
of their extreme jealousy and vigilance, in guarding their rights. 
That the experienced politician should foresee the uUimate 
design and tendency of measures, not immediately oppressive, 
is natural enough, but that the common people, or rather that 
the entire population of a country should be aroused to resist- 
ance, on account of measures not burdensome or oppressive, 
but dangerous only from the principle on which they were 
founded, is unparallelh^d. It is not, however, to be supposed 
that the colonists would have been so alarmed and aroused to 
such a spirit of resistance, by the new regulations as to lea, had 
it not been for the previous measures of the parent country, 
evincing, in the clearest manner, a settled design to exercise the 
power of taxation over them. They considei ed the new regu- 
lations as to tea, as an artful and disguised revenue system, 
although it imposed no additional duty, and the} were determin- 
ed not to be cheated out of their liberties, as they had before 
resolved not to be frightened out of them. 

Measures were immediately adopted to prevent the introduc-. 
tion of the tea into the country, so as to avoid the payment of 
the duty; and such was the strength and unanimity of public 
opinion, that without the aid ot law, or rather in opposition 
to law, they were enabled to render their measures efficient, 
solely by the force of public sentiment, although measures of 
all others, the most difficult to enlori e, as interfering both with 
the inlerests and the established habits of the people. In most 
of the towns, from JNew-Iiampsliire to Georgia, the people 
assembled and resolved to discontinue the use of tea, which was 
now regarded as an herb, (lowc ver agreeable as a beverage,) 
uoxiQ'us to the political couslilution. In the large comniercigS!! 



WHICH LED TO TIFE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. xxi 

towns, reaulations were adopted to prfvent the landing of {ea^ 
committees were appointed toiiispect n.erchanl's books, propose 
tfs;?, and to make use of other n.eans to defeat the designs 
i,i Britain. Where it could be done, the consignees ot the 
teas, were persuaded or compelled to resign, or to bind them?, 
selves not to act in that capacity. The cargo sent to South 
Carolina, was stored, the consignees being constrained to enter 
into an engagement and not to oifer any for sale; and in many 
of the colonies, the ships were compelled to return without 
discharging their cargoes. So vigorously were these measures 
enforced, thai during one year, eighty-tive pounds was the 
whole amount of diities received. The teas consumed in the 
colonies, were principail) smuggled into the country, by the 
Dutch and French, who were favored b\ the inhabitants in 
evading the revenue laws. During the lour or tive jears that 
the new system had been in existence, very trifling quantities 
of teas,had been introduced into the colonies, and instead of 
the restrictive measures being relaxed as was expected in Eng- 
land, they increased in vigor and ttbcacy, and the quantity of 
tea introduced had constantly diminished. 

As had been the case with other matters of difference be* 
tween the two countries, the principle struggle, glowing out 
of the regulations as to tea, occurred at Boston, The other 
provinces had avoided the alternative which was reserved for 
this, of either suffering the teas to be disposed of, or to destroy 
them by violent means. Knowing the spirit ol the inhabitants 
of Boston, the India Company had been more cautious as to the 
canjoes shipped for that port, than those sent to the other 
provinces; and the zeal ot Governor Hutchinson and the other 
officers of the crown there, greatly surpassed that of the crown 
officers in the other colonies, and was calculated to frustrate 
the measures of the inhabitants. The tea ships destined t© 
Boston, were all consigned to the sons, cousins, and persons who 
were the merest tools oi Governor Hutchinson. When called 
on to resign, the onl) aiswer they would give was, "that it 
was not in their power." As the consignees could not be in- 
duced or frightened to resign, tlie next plan was to compel thf- 



XXii ^ SUMMARY VIEW OF THE CAUSED 

vessels to return without landing their detestable cargoes: but 
the collector refused to give a clearance without the vessels 
were discharged of dubitable articles, and the governor refused 
to give a pass tor the vessels, until they were properly' qualified 
from the custom house; and to guard against the vessels being 
taken possession of, and conducted out of the harbor, the 
governor ordered Admiral Montague, who commanded the 
naval force, to keep a vigilant look out, and suffer no vessel, 
coasters excepted, to pass the fortress irom the town, without a 
pass signed by himself. The rigorous adherence to these mea* 
sures, afforded great satisfaction to the governor and his min- 
ions, and all the British party; they flattered themselves that 
the " Sons of Liberty," after all their clamor, resolutions, and 
schemes to resist the tea system, were out-managed, and thai it 
would be impossible for them to prevent the landing and sale 
of the obnoxious cargoes. Their measures had been planned 
so wisely, and their execution was entrusted to agents <^i such 
known fidelity to the ci own, and who were under the immediate 
influence and control of tiie governor, they thought there 
was not a loop-hole, whereby the rebellious Americans could 
escape paying the hateful tax. They did not even dream that 
an attempt would be made to destroy or throw overboard the 
offensive article, which covered a tribute to Britain; for if they 
had, the vessels would have been guarded. The governor, 
after all he had witnessed and experienced, judging rather 
from his feelings than his knowledge, was entirely ignorant of 
public sentiment, and of the spirit of the people; he had no 
idea that tluey had determined to resist the obnoxious measure, 
at every hazard, even that of life. Jvothing short of this bold 
step, could prevent tiie deep laid scheme, against the liberties 
of the country from succeeding. It had been rendered impos- 
sible that the vessels should return with their cargoes; and to 
suffer the tea to be landed and trust to the spirit and unanimity 
of the inhabitants not to purchase it, would have been to yield 
the point; for a small portion of the citizens were in favor of 
the British, and would of course consume the article, and by 
fair means or foul, it would have been distributed among others? 



WHICH LED TO THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION . xxiii 

And it would have been equally impracticable to prevent the 
tea from being landed; the most unwearied watching (\;\j and 
night, could not prevent this, as it might be conveyed ashore^ 
by small quantities in boats in the night season, and at such 
places as to escape the utmost vigilance. Every other measure 
had been attempted without success; the consignees had been 
urged to decline the commission, and a numerous public meeting 
of the citizens had been held, who presented a remonstrance to 
the gove'rnor, and uiged him to order back the ships without 
sutfering any part of their cargoes to be landed. But his 
answer satisfied them that he was the adviser of the measure, 
and determined to carry it into execution. The parties were 
at issue on tlie great question on which the liberties of the 
country hung suspended ; whether Great Britain should exercise 
the power of taxing the Americans in any way, or not. 
This question depended on the landing of a (ew cargoes of tea, 
which had become contaminated with an unconstitutional tax. 
The colonists were determined that they would not pay the tax, 
and t!ie British party were determined to carry into effect the 
tea regulation, and to frustrate the plans of the Americans, 
Both parties had taken their measures, and the British party 
were confident of success; the contest was advancing to a crisis; 
alarm and dismay prevailed; the deepest anxiety was depicted 
in every countenance; had an invading army been in the 
neighborhood, threatening to sack the town, or had the pesti- 
lence which walks in darkness, ravaged its pavilions, greater 
consternation could not have prevailed ; greater gloom could 
not have overspread tne town, or stronger indications been exhib- 
ited, of a pending event, big with the fate of three millions of 
peopk. During this deep and awful suspense, a report was 
started, which spread vvith the rapidity of lightning through 
the town, that admiral Montague was about to seize the ships 
and dispose of their cargoes, at public auction, within twenty- 
four hours; which was believed to be a cunning device of 
Hutchinson, as this would as effectually have secured the duties, . 
as if the teas had been sold at the stores of the consignees. 
This ramor was lik$ an electric shock; leaving their employ- 



Xxiv A SUMMARY VIEW OF THE CAUSES 

ments, the people rushed into the streets, and with amazed and 
terrified countenances, every one seemed to say, what shall we 
do to prevent the consummation, in so bold and daring a manner, 
of this iniquitous schenie* In a tew moments, as if from an 
instinctive impulse, a vast crowd repaired to one of the most 
spacious churches in Bos^ion, and organized themselves into 
a public meeti.i|j. Previously to taking any other step, a 
message was sent to the governor and the consignees, wlio with 
di/iiculty could be found, as they were afraid to encounter 
even the looks of an indignant and injured people. No satis- 
factory answers were returned; but instead of complying with 
their wishes, whilst the assembled multitude were quietly, 
notwithstanding the excitement which prevailed, consulting on 
their critical situation, and the measures proper to be adopted, 
the sheritf entered with an order from ttie governor, st}ling 
them an illegal and seditious assembly, and ordering them 
immediately to disperse. But he did not bring with him the 
^9sse comitatus, as the power of the county was already assem- 
bled, and it was that, the sheriff was ordered to disperse: this 
mandate was treated with deserved contempt and the sheriff 
hissed out of the house, mortified and chagrined, and a confused 
f murmur followed, not only in the house, but amongst the vast 
J multitude without; but soon order was restored, and the meeting 
adjourned, without adopting any vote or resolution. I'he 
leaders probably supposed that such a meeting was not the place 
to discuss and devise measures to meet the crisis. 

The bold measure was now conceived, and immediately 
proposed for execution, which surprised and agitated the two 
countries, and hurried on that memorable revolution which 
made them ''Enemies in war, and in peace friends." The 
success of it, as well as the danger attending it, required secrecy 
and despatch. It has never been known with certainty, either 
who contrived or executed this bold expedient: but there is n© 
reason to doubt, but that Mr. Samuel Adams and many of the 
leaders in the political affairs of the day, were its contrivers, 
^nd it is known that tlic hall of council was in the back room 
of Edesand Gill's printing office, at ttie corner of the alley lead* 



WHtCH LED TO THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. xxf 

ms, from Court-Street to Brattle-Street Church. Ii is a singu- 
lar cireumsiaiice, tlj^f this daring and desperate measure, for 
the mafnteiiance of the liberties ot the country, should have 
been counseled and contrived in an editorial closet of a news- 
paper, \)i|(liich was one of the organs of the public voice^ and a 
vi<iilant sentinel tiff tlie liberties .of the. people. Since this 
period tnahy political scheme:- have originated, in the ''back 
rooms''' of printing offices, but in general of a very ditfeient 
•haracter. 

III a few hours after the adjournment of the pui-.lic nieeting, 
the bold measure, on the surccss of which the great questio^of 
taxation hung suspeid -d ^vaacontrivMi, matured, and'ripened 
for execution; and the public were surprised with the suidi^'n 
appearance in the street?*, of a larj^c number of savages^ .o{ 
persons 'disguised, i^lad, and every way counterfeiiing the 
aborigines of the. countrjjj^? armed with a tomaiiavyk in one 
hand, atid a club overThe shoulder, who, in a silent and>olemn 
ma)iner,vnof a voice being lierrd, marched in Indian (il( , througli 
the street^amid a'^rowd of astonished spectators, who k. ew 
not whgflfeto think of ■^o unexpected and strange an exai!>ilion; 
and its nov<ity and the surpri-e which it occasioned, may have 
prevented any steps beinu taken to oppose their designs. The 
Indians^ \*hilst stron^trly attached to tobacco, in this instance at 
least appeared to have bad a mortal antipathy to tea; and as 
though attra( ted by its noxious qualities, they proceeded dirc( tlj 
towards the wharves where the tea ships lay; boarded tbenri, 
demanded the keys, and wi'hout \.\\o least hesitation or delay 
knocked op^the chests and emptied their coitents, duties and 
ail, iiito the ocean, comprising sfyeral thousand weight of tiie 
fi Vies I teas. The deed was done in the face of the world, and 
although surrounded by the king's shi|)S, ndibpposition was made 
or attempted; all was silence and amazement. Tuns the teas 
wbich were designed as a means of extorting tribute from the 
Americans, becl^me an offering to the '"spirits of the vasty 
deep," and a sacrifice to 'he liberties of the c>iintry. -^e 
" Indians," having effected their objert, shewed no maiks %( 
tn-ittiuph; no savage warwhoop was heard; nor did tijiey commit^ 

4 m- '■ 



35xvi A SUMMARY VIEW OF THE CAUSES 

any other violence or disorder, but i i the same silent, solemni 
and orderly mnuner, marciied back through the town, (bllowed 
by a vast crowd. No movements on the part of the government, 
or disturbance by the people, followed this event; and it was 
observed at the time, that the stillest night succeeded, which 
Boston had enjoyed lor several months. 

No person assisted »he savages in the destruction of the tea, 

except some boys or young men who had assembled on the 

occasion, and voluntarily took a part in what was going on; one 

o( these yoiuhs coilecled the tea whidi fell into iiis own shoes 

and those of several ol his compinioMS, put it in a phial ani 

sealed it up; which is now in his possession, ontaining the same 

obnoxious tea, which in this instance wa?. considered as more 

dangerous to the poliiical health and constitution of the people, 

even than strong drink. The number of the savages nnanufac- 

tured for the occasion, has been variously estimated, from 

sixty to eighty: although several persons have been mentioned 

as among the number, none of tiiem liave ever been known with 

certainty; there are many and obvious reasons, why secrecy 

then, and concealment since, were necessary. Not any of 

those who it had been comidenily asserted were ot the party, 

have admitted the fact except some of the boy-. Nearly all 

of the disguised peisons iiave left this scene of strife, and their 

secret has died with them; and what few remain, if any, will ' 

piobab'y be as prudent as ihose who have gone before them, 

and like them will suffer their knowledge to be )ur!ed with them^ 

so tliat the great secret will shortly be beyond the reach of 

human research. Tiies^uccessof this bold and daring n»easure, 

astonished Goveriior Hutchinson and the British party, and 

seemed to convince him, that Ihe " Sons of Li' eily" were not 

quit'' '^o contemptible as he had leprex nted them in his letterf 

to itie ministry; and it even astonished the whigs, in the other 

colonies, and contributed to fan t!ie flan.es of lit)erty, and give, 

IheoTi a deeper glow, and more intense he;it. , 

Whenth© intelligcnre of tliis event reached England, accom- 
panied with all tlip exMggeralion and coloring which Hutchin- 
'3on could give to it, it protluded tUe uunost excitement, and 



WHICH LED TO THE AMEHICAN REVOLUTION". xxvii 

indignation with the ministerial part} ; and eveii the opponents 
©f the American revenue system, could not juatily so rash and 
desperate a fneasure. Parliament at once determined to crush 
the devoted town, whiclj was the seat aiid cause oi this hi-h 
handed resistance to its suprerrmc) . Its omni[»o(ent power, and 
ail the terrors of its wrath, were to be concei:traied and 
directed against this rebellious town. A bill was immediately 
iniroduccd to" discontinue the landing and di&chari:ing, landing 
and siiippiiig of goud-j, wares, and merchandise, at the town of 
Boston, or witliin tlie harbor." Tiiis bill, called the "Boston 
Port Bill," passed on the 25th of March, 1774, and when it was 
known, threw the inhabitants ijito the utmost consternation, 
A general meeeting was called, and spirited resolutions adopted, 
expre'^sive, iii strong terms, of their sense of the oppressive 
measure, and they requested all the colonies to unite in aa 
engagement to discontinue all importations from Great Britain j 
and most of the colonies resolved to make common cause with 
Massachusetts, in her oppo.^ition to the unconstitutional measures 
of Parliament. The ti^^«t of June, when the port bill was to 
go into operation, was appointed to be kept as a day of fasting 
and prayer. This act was soon followed by another, "• for 
the better regulating government in the province of Mass-sachu*. 
setts Bay;" the object of which was to alter the chartej, so as 
to make the judges and shcritfs dependant on the king, and 
removable at his pleasure. And this act was soon succeeded 
by another, which provided, that any persons indicted for 
murder, or other capital offence, con milted in aiding the 
magistrates, in enforcing the laws, n)ight be sent b} the governor 
eitlier to any other colony, or to Great Britain for his triat 
The Quebec Bill followed in rapid succession, enlarging the 
bounds of that province, and conferring many privileges on 
the Riiman Catholics; the design of which was to secure the 
attachment of that province, and prevent its joining with 
the colonies in their measures of resistance. These measures 
instead of intimidating the colonies into submission, only 
confirmed their fears of ihe settled designs of Great Britain to 
deprive Ihemof tht" • hartered rights^ and reduce the colonies 



XXviu A SU MM ARY VIEW OF THE CAUSES 

to the lowest state of political degradation and oppression, 
A sense of common danger led to an extensive correspohdt irce, 
wliicli resulted in the opinion that it was expedient to convt-ne 
a ^eiK'i'd cougits!^, to consist oi deputies lr«>m aji the colonies. 
Tliis congress met at Pliilaiielphia on (he dm of bepiember, 
1774; and cort>pri?ed anioi.g iis members, son»e of the must 
disiin:iuishe<l |.a;)ioii-, stale^Inell, and orators- i'. (he countr}, or 
pt'i :.[- 1 an) oiher. JNotvitMsianamg the fcrniejit whicbi 
prevaded in most oi lue colonies, iheir [)roceedii gs uere char- 
ac(erI^td by coolness, unaninni), and urrnness. 

Tiiey pu dished a lonj^ and Hoienm declaration of rights, as 
Bn'i>n sul)jecis, and maimained, in the strongest terms, their 
exemption Irorn taxati^H h^ parlian.ent; besides which, they 
prepared a petition lo the king, which was reju^ed to be 
answered ; an address to the y^royyte of (ireat Britain, and another 
to tiie people of America, i hese document?- were drawn up 
witli a ma?lerlv hand, and^exiiiiiited great dignity and ability, 
and were in everj re^!pecl vNorth) of the men who had confided 
to them iheliberiies of tlieir counlrvvand the destinies of three 
n.ilho!)soi their countrymen, liircatened with slavery. 

Till' proceedings of congress did not tend to allay public 
fet-liiii:, iiid as the royal ai^ents in Massachusetts seemed deter- 
mined -o push matters lo exlremitiee, and reduce the people to 
u itoi.dilional submission, b}' arbitrary and forcible means^ 
ev< ly inii.g i ow wore the aj>pearance of civil war. A new 
council and new judges were appointed by the crown; and the 
la ■♦•r ailt aij'ted o enter upon the execution o( their otlicesj 
bu liiejtire-^ e u.--, d o be swiT'i under tiiCtn; the people in 
si»nie couitie- a>?cmbled to prevent their proceedings, and in 
Ber^ishire succeeded, thus set'ing an example which wa> after- 
wards followed b\ Shay's men, in violation of tlie laws of the state. 
Anoui lliis time the famous •' Tree of Liberty," in Boston. 
wnich had l)eeM pruned and ornamented with so much pride 
and car<!, »' fell a viiiim to British vengeance, or to some 
jndividual to whom its shade had become otrensive." 

Pievmusl\ to tl)i» perioil. General Gage had succeeded 
Hutciiiuson as Gorernor of Massachusetts; and, appreheudiog 



WHICH LED TO THE AMERICAN REVOLtJTION. xxvs 

Jan^fr from a general mu.-iter of <he militia, he caused the 
in.:^azii.ep and amunition at Charlestown and Cambridge, t6 
be reriitnfd to Boston, and Ibrtilied the neck of land whicii joins 
Boslo'i to the main land, at Roxliury. These npfeasures occa- 
8i(»ned ;ik universal panir; deletrales from all the towns in the 
eoiinlv of Suffolk met, and spirited resolution* and a remon- 
striice (o ilie tciivernor, were adopted. The eeneral as-^embly 
had been summoned to meet at Saj-m; bu', from the turbu- 
lence of the time's, the s;oveTnor issued his proclama<iori, coun" 
tt^.rmaiditur t! eir meetinii; vel, in drtiance of the governor's 
niandate. ninety memt»ers met, resolved themselves it to a pro* 
▼incial c<'ti^ress, chose Mr. Ilantock presfdent, and adjourned 
to Conconi, nineteen miles trcm Boston. They fearlessly pro- 
«ee(fed to 1 usiness; after add "essint; the Jiovernor, and reiterat- 
ing their grievances, in the face of British law and British troops, 
tfiev p]f>ceeded to adopt the first measures, which were taken, 
iirecfly and avow«^dly, preparatory to an appeal to the sword, 
in d^-fence of their rights and liberties; they regulated the 
militia, made provision for furnishing the people with arms, 
and for supplying the treasury ; and such was the enthusiasm 
of the people, that their recommendations had the force of law. 
G'wernor Gace was tilled with rage at these daring proceedings, 
and issued a proclamation, in which he insinuated that they 
amounted to rebellion. 

Early in 1775, parliament passed the fishery bills, which 
prohibited the colonies from trading it) fish with Great Britain, 
Ireland, and the West Indies, and from taking fish on the batiks 
of Nevvfoundland. Tliese acts were intended to operate on the 
towt' of Boston, which had become the devoted obje t of mJ! i*- 
terial wrath. The various statutes, wh'vch were passed, occa- 
sioned deep and general distress in Boston and its vicinity; but 
th ir brethren in the o^hercoh nies sytn|)athized with them, and 
promptU supplied them with piovisions, of every descriptioD, 
for the relief of the sufferers. 

This policy of the British government was not only oppres- ^^ 
sive, bu' mean and contemptible. Partial legislation is always 
odious and tyrannical; yet it consisted with the justice and 



A SUMMARY VIEW OF THE CAUSES 

dignity of the British natioD; and a series of atts were passed, 
and the power of the nation exerted, to cru!>h the towii ol Bos- 
ton, because it had shown a more deiermined spirii of resist- 
ance to their joppre^sive and unconstitutional measures than 
had appeared in other places. The ministry were not sensible 
that the colonies considered themselves all engaged in a com- 
mon caii^e; (liey weie in hopes fo humble and crush the rebel- 
linus inhabitants ofthat devoted town, which the} though' would 
be such a terrific ex-imple as would frighten all the colonies 
into submission. But their wicked desitdn* recoiled on the 
head'^ 'f their authors; for thest eppressivt niea?ui(s towards 
the Bostonians, only served to exasperate the people throughout 
all tlie colonies, who regarded them a? cruel and dett stal»le. 

In March, 1775, tiie public i? dignation was greatly excited 
by the following base and most shameful transact ions: 

"The people from the country, whose business called them 
into Boston, were suspected by the ofi'cers of purclasing guns 
from their soldiers. In order to funish an opportunity to inflict 
punishment, and to raise occasion for a serious quarrel, Lieu- 
tenanl-C« lonel Nesbit of the iorty-seventh regiment, ordered a 
soldit r to offer a countryman an old, rusty musket. A man 
from Billerica was caught by this bait, and purchased the gun 
for three dollars. The unfortunate n;an was immediately seiz- 
ed by Nesbit, and confined in tlie guard-house all night. Eailj 
next morning they stripped him entirely naked, covered hira 
over with warm tar, and then with feathers, placed him on a 
cart, a.id conducted him through the streets as far as liberty- 
tree, where the people began to collect in vast numbers; and 
the military, fearing for their own safety, dismissed the man, 
and retreated to their barrack'^. Tiie party consisted of about 
thirty grenadiers, with fixed bayonets, twenty drums and fifes 
playing the rogue's march, headed by the redoubtable Nesbit, 
with a drawn sword! What an honorable deed for a British 
field officer and grenadiers! The selectmen o( Billerica remon* 
strated with General Gage respecting this outrage, Lut obtained 
no satisfaction."* 

* Thacher's Military Journal. 



1 



WHICH LED TO THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. xxxi 

h. w^as about this time that the following ludicrous occurrence 
took place: 

" Some British officers, soon after Gage's arrival in Boston, 
Walking on Beacon Hill, after sunset, were affri^ited by noises 
in the air, (suppo>*ed to be flying bugs and beetles,) which they 
Jonk to be the sound of bullets. Tney left the hill with great 
precipitation, spread the alarm in their encampment, and wrote 
terrible accounts to England of being shot at with air gfuns, as 
appeare 1 by their letters, extracts of which were soon after 
piiMished in London papers. Indeed, for some time, they realy 
believed that the Americans were possessed of a kind of matiic 
white powder, which exploded at)d killed without a report," 
In t iaf much celebrated and admirable poem of the day, M'Fin- 
ga!, the circumstance is thus satirized: 

*' No more the British colonel runs 
From whizzin-; beetles as air-<;uns : 
Thinks horn-bu^s, bullets, or through fears, 
Musquitoes takes for musketeers ; 
N >r 'scapes, as if youM 2;ain'd supplies 
From Beelzebub''^ whole host of flies, 
No bug these warlike hearts appals, 
They better know the sound of balls." 

l^he breach between Britain and the colonies had now be- 
come so wide, as with the mass of the people, nearly to exclude 
all ideas of conciliation; and both parties began to make prepa- 
rations for an appeal to the sword. No alternative was left the 
Americans but slavery, or resistance by force; measures were 
adopted for 'training the militia to the use of arms, to encourage 
the manufacture of gunpowder, and for collecting all kinds of 
military stores; and committees of public safety were appointed 
in all the towns in the province. The British eovernment sent 
out a re-enforcetrient of troops to Boston, and in the mean time 
General Gage att'nojtted to counteract the designs and measures 
of the provincials, a id parricularly to seize or destroy their mil- 
itary stores, and thus to deprive them of the means of resistance. 
To destroy the military stores at Concord, General Gage des- 
patched, in a secret manner, a re<;iment of grenadiers, who 
undertook to disperse, aud fired upon, a party of militia at 



^xft SUMMARY VIEW OF THE CAUSES, ETC. 

Lexington, Several of whom were killed, which was the first 
blood spilt in that mennorable war and revolution, that sepaiated 
Great Britain arid America forever; and sjave to the latter, not 
only a rank among the nations of the eartt), but what onl\ can 
exalt a nation — liberty and' free institutions^ which are the du- 
rable foundations of its glory and rjsing prosperity; its lrHn()iiil- 
lity and happiness, its increasins;; population and wealt!i, the 
sapidity of which is unexampled in the annals of the world. 



TKE 



AMERICAN MILITARY BIOGRAPHY 



OF THE 



OFFICERS OF THE REVOLUTION. 



ETHAN ALLEN, 

Brigadier-General in the American Army. 

Oenerae. Allen was born in Salisbury, Conn., from whence, 
while he was yet young, his parents emigrated to Vermont 
By this circumstance, he was deprived of the advantages of an 
early education.' But, although he never felt its genial Influ- 
ence, nature had endowed him with strong powers of mind; 
and, when called to take the field, he showed himself an able 
leader and an intrepid soldier. 

At the commencement of the disturbances in Vermont, about 
the year 1770, he took a most active part in favor of the Greea 
Mountain Boys, as the settlers were then called, in opposition, 
to the g^.vernment of New-York. Bold, enterprising, and am- 
bitious, he undertook to direct the proceedings of the inhabi- 
tants, and wrote several pamphlets to display the supposed 
injustice, and oppressive designs of the New- York proceedings. 
The uncultivated roughness of his own temper and manners, 
seems to have assisted him in giving a just description of the 
views and proceedings of speculating land-jobbeis. His wri- 
tings produced effects so hostile to the views of the state of 
New- York, that an act of outlawry was passed against him, and 
five hundred guineas were offered for his 'apprehension. But 
his party was too numerous and faithful to permit hi^ to be 

6 



34 ETHAN ALLEN. 

disturbed by aaj'apprehensions for his safely. In all tlie strug- 
gles of the day he was successful, and proved a valuable friend 
to those whose cause he had espoused. 

The news of the battle of Lexington determined Allen to 
engage on the side of his country, and inspired him with the 
desire of demonstrating his attachment to liberty, by some bold 
exploit. While in this stale of mind, a plan for taking Ticon- 
deroga and Crown Point, by surprise, which was formed by 
several gentlemen in Connecticut, was communicated to him. 
and he readily engaged in the project. Receiving directions 
from the general assembly of Connecticut, to raise the Green 
Mountain Boys, and conduct the enterprise, he collected 230 
of the hardy settlers, and proceeded to Castleton. Here he 
was unexpectedly joined by Colonel Arnold, who had been com- 
missioned by the Massachusetts committee to raise 400 men, and 
effect the same object which was now about to be accomplished. 
They reached the lake opposite Ticonderoga, on the evening 
of the 9th of May, 1775. With the utmost diflicuUy boat? 
•were procured, and eighty-three men were landed near the 
garrison. Arnold now wished to assume the command, to lead 
on the men, and swore that he would go in himself the first. 
Allen swore that he should not. The dispute beginning to run 
high, some of the gentlemen present interposed, and it was 
agreed that both should go in together, Allen on the right 
hand, and Arnold on the left. The following is Allen's own ac- 
count of the affair: 

"The first systematical and bloody attempt at Lexington, to 
Oii&lave America, thoroughly electrified my mind, and fully 
determined me to take a part with my country. And while I 
was wishing for an opportunity to signalize myself in its be- 
half, directions were privately sent to me from the then colony, 
now stale of Connecticut, to raise the Green Mountain Boys, 
and if possible with them to surprise and take the fortress of 
Ticonderoga. This enterprise I cheerfully undertook; and 
after first guarding all the several passes that lead thither, to 
cut off all intelligence between the garrison and the country, 
made a forced march from Bennington, and arrived at the lake 



Erf HAN ALLBN , 35 

opposite Ticondcroga, on the evening of the 9th of May, 1775, 
with two hundred and thirty valiant Green Mountain Boys; and 
it was with the utmost difficulty that I procured boats to cross 
the lake. However, I landed eii»htj-three men near the garri- 
son, and sent the boats back for the rear guard, commanded 
by Col. Seth Warner; but the day began to dawn, and I found 
myself necessitated to attack the fort, before the rear could 
cross the lake; and, as it was viewed h.izardous, I harangued 
the officers and soldiers in the manner following: 'Friends and 
fellow-soldiers — You have, for a number of jears past, been a 
scourge and terror to arbitrary powers. Your valor has been 
famed abroad, and acknowledged, as appears by the advice and 
orders to me from the general assembly of Connecticut, to sur- 
prise and take the garrison now before us. I now propose to 
advance before you, and, in person, conduct you through the 
wicket gate; for we must, this morning, either quit our preten- 
sions to valor, or possess ourselves of this fortress in a {ew min- 
utes; and, inasmuch as it is a desperate attempt, which none 
but the bravest of men dare undertake, I do not urge it on any 
contrary to his will. You that will undertake voluntarily, poise 
your firelock*' 

" The men being at this time drawn up in three ranks, each 
poised his firelock. I ordered them to face to tlie right; and, 
at the head of the centre file, I marched them immediately to 
the wicket gate, aforesaid, where I found a sentry posted, who 
instantly snapped his fui#e at me. I ran immediately towards 
him, and he retreated through the covered way into the parade 
within the garrison, gave a halloo, and ran under a bomb proof. 
My party, who followed me into the fort, I formed on the parade 
in such a manner, as to face the barracks, which faced each 
other. The garrison being asleep, except the sentries, we gave 
three huzzas, which greatly surprised them* One of the sen- 
tries made a pass at one of my officers with a charged bayonet, 
and slightly wounded him.. My first thought was to kill him 
with my sword; but,inan instant, I altered the design and fury 
of the blow, to a slight cut on the side of the head ; upon which 
he dropped his gun and asked quarters, which I readily 



3^ ^THAN ALLEN. 

granted him; and demanded the place where the commanding 
officer kept. He showed me a pair of stairs in the front of the 
garrison, which led up to a second story in said barracks, to 
which I immediately repaired, and ordered the commander, 
Captain Delaplace, to come forth instantly, or I would s.icritice 
the whole garrison : At which time the captain came forth irrime- 
diately to the door, with his breeches in his hand, when I ordered 
him to deliver to me the fort instantly; he asked me by what 
authority I demanded it. I answered him, 'In the name of the 
great Jehovah and the Continental Congress.' The auihority 
of Congress being very little known at that time, he began to 
speak again, but I interrupted him, and with my drawn sword 
near his head, again demanded an immediate surrender of the 
garrison; with which he then complied, and ordered his men 
to be forthwith paraded without arms, as he had given up the 
garrison. In the mean time, some of my officers had given 
orders and in consequence thereof, sundry of the barrack doors 
were beat down, and about one-third of the garrison imprison- 
ed, which consisted of said commander, a Lieutenant Fellham, 
a conductor of artillery, a gunner, two sergeants, and forty- 
four rank and tile; about one hundred pieces of cannon, one 
thirteen inch mortar, and a number of swivels. This surprise 
was carried into execution in the gray of the morning of the 
10th of May, 1775. The sun seemed to rise that morning with 
a superior lustre; and Ticonderoga and its dependencies smiled 
on its conquerers, who tossed about the flowing bowl, and 
wished success to Congress, and the liberty and freedom of 
America. Happy it was for me, at that time, that the future 
pages of the book of fate, which afterward unfolded a miserable 
scene of two years and eight months imprisonment, were hid 
from my view." 

This brilliant exploit secured to Allen a high reputation for 
intrepid valor throughout the country. In the fall of 1775, he 
was sent twice into Canada, to observe the dispositions of the 
people, and attach them if possible to the American cause. 
During one of these excursions, he made a rash and romantic 
attempt upon Montreal. He had been sent by General Mont- 



i 



ETHAN ALLEN 37 

gomery with a guard of eighty men on a lour into the villages 
in the neighborhood. On his return he was met by a Major 
Brown, who had been on the same business. It was agreed 
between them to make a descent upon the island of Montreal. 
Allen was to cross the river, and land with his party a little 
north of the city, while Brown was to pass over a littie to the 
south, with near two hundred men. Allen crossed the river in 
the night as had been proposed, but by some means Brown and 
his party failed. Instead of returning, Allen with great rash- 
ness, concluded to maintain his ground. General Carlton soon 
received intelligence of Allen's situation and the smallness of 
his numbers, and marched out against him with about 40 regulars 
aiid a considerable number of English, CanadiaiiS, and Indiiuis, 
amounting in the whole to some hundreds. Allen atienjpted to 
defend himself, but it was to no purpose. Being deserted hv 
several of his men, and having fifteen killed, he, wi!h uiirU- 
eight of his men, were taken prisoners. 

He was now kept for some time in irons, and was treated with 
the most rigorous and unsparing cruelty. From his narrative 
it iippears that the irons placed o.i iiiin were mcommonly heavy, 
and so fastened, that he could not lie down, otherwise than 
on his back. A chest was his seat by day, and his bed by 
night. Soon after his capture, still loaded with irons, he was 
sent to England, being assured that the halter would be the 
reward of his rebellion, when he arrived there. Finding that 
threats and menaces had no effect upon him, high command 
and a large tract of the conquered country was afterward 
offered him, on condition he would join the British. To the 
last he replied, "that he viewed their offer of conquered 
United States land, to be similar to that which the devil offered 
to Jesus Christ: to give him all the kingdoms of the world, if 
he would fall down and worship him, when at the same time, 
the poor devil had not one foot of land upon the earth." 

After his arrival, about the middle of December, he was 
lodged, for a shor| time, in Pendennis Castle, near Falmouth- 
Onthe 8th of January, 177G,he was put on board a frigate, and 
by a circuitous route again carried to Halifax. Here he 



38 ETHAN ALLE\ 

remained closely canfitjcd in the jail from Juwe to ©elobei;, 
when he was removed to New-York. During the passage to 
this place, Captain Burke, a daring prisoner, proposed, to kill 
the British captain, and seize the frigate; but Allen refused to 
engjige in the plot, and was probably the means of saving the 
life of Captain Smith, who had treated him v*ilh kindness. He 
was kept at New York about a year and a half, sometimes im- 
prisoned, and sometimes permitted to be on parole. While here 
he had an opportunity to observe the inhuman manner in which 
the American prisoners were treated. In one of the churches in 
which they were crowded, he saw seven lying dead at one time, 
and others biting pieces of chips from hunger. He calculated,^ 
that, of the prisoners taken on Long Island and at Fort Wash- 
ington, near 2000 perislied by hunger and cold, or in conserpaence 
of diseases occasioned by the impurity of their prisons. 

Col. Allen was exchanged for a Col. Campbell, May 6th, 1 77C. 
and after having repaired to head quarters, and offered his 
services to General Washington, in case his health should be 
restored, he returned to Vermont. His arrival on the evening 
of the last day of May, gave his friends great joy, and it was 
announced by the discharge of cannon. As an expression of 
confidence in his patriotism and military talents, he was very soon 
appointed to the command of the state militia. His intrepidity, 
however, was never again brought to the test, though his patri- 
otism was tried by an unsuccessful attempt of the British to 
bribe hiwj to attempt a union of Vermont with Canada. He 
died suddenly on his estate, February 13th, 1789. 

Gen, Allen was brave, humane, and generous; yet his conduct 
does not seem to have been much influenced by considerations 
respecting that holy and merciful Being, whose character and 
whose commands are disclosed to us in the Scriptures. His 
notions with regard to religion were loose and absurd. He be- 
lieved with Pythagoras, the heathen philosopher, that man, 
after death, would transmigrate into beasts, birds, fishes, rep- 
tiles, &;c., and often informed his friends that he himself expect- 
ed to live again in the form of a large white horse. 



I 3y > 

WILIiIA3I ALEXANDER , 

Major-General in the Ameri6an Array. 

General Alexander, commonly called Lord Stirling, was a 
native of the city of New-York. He was considered, by many, 
as the rightful heir to the title and estate of an earldom in Scot- 
land, of which country his father was a native; and, although. ' 
when he went to North Britain in pursuit of this inheritance, he 
failed of obtaining an acknowledgment of his claim by govern 
ment, yet, among his friends and acquaintances, he receiv- 
ed, by courtesy, the title of Lord Stirling. In his youth, his 
labors were arduous in the pursuit of science, and he discover- 
ed an early fondness for the study of niathematics and astrono- 
my, in which he attained great eminence. 

At the commencement of the revolutionary war, he attached 
himself to the cause of America, and entered the field against 
her enemies. He was a brave, discerning, and intrepid otficer. 
In the battle on Long-Island, August 27th, 1776, he shared 
largely in the glory and disasters of the day. The part he bore 
in that engagement, is described as follow's: — " The fire to- 
wards Brooklyn eave the first intimation to the American right, 
that the enemy had gained their rear. Lord Stirling, perceiv- 
ing the danger with which he was threatened, and thaC he could 
only escape it by instantly retreating across the creek, by the 
Yellow Mills, not far from the cove, orders to this effect were 
immediately given; and, the more effectually to secure the re- 
treat of the mainbody of the detachment, he deterniined to at- 
tack, in person, a corps of the British, under Lord Cornwallis, 
stationed at a house somewhat above the place at which he 
proposed crossing the creek. Abont four hundred men were 
eho=en out for this purpose, and the attack was made with 
great spirit. This small corps was brought up to the caarge 
several times, and Lord Stirling stated, that he was on the 
point of dislod^in^; Lord Cornwallis from this post: but, the 
force in his front increasing, and General Grant also advancing 
on his rear, the brave men he commanded were no longer able 



4li) 



DANIEL BOONE. 



to oppose the superior numbers which assailed them ou eVevy 
i^uarter, and those who survived were, with their general, made 
prisoners of war. This bold and well judged attempt, though 
unsuccessful, was productive of great advantages. It gave an 
opportunity to a large part of the detachment, to save them- 
selves by crossing the creek. 

Immediately after his exchange. Lord Stirling joined the ar- 
my under the immediate command of General Washington. 
In the battle of Germantown, his division, and the brigade of 
Generals Nash and Maxwell, formed the corps of reserve. At 
the battle of Monmouth, he commanded the left wing of the 
American army. At an important period of the engagement, 
he brought up a detachment of atillery, commanded by Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Carrington, with some field-pieces, which play^^ 
ed with gpfat effect on the enemy, who were pressing on to the 
charge. These pieces, with the aid of several parties of in- 
fantry, detached for the purpose, effectually put a stop to their 
advance. The American artillery maintained their ground 
with admirable firmness, under a heavy fire from the British 
field, artillery. 

His attachment to W-ashington was proved in the latter part 

of 1777, by transmitting to him an account of the disaffection 

of General Conway to the Commander-in-Chief. In the letter, 

he said, "such wiclced duplicity of conduct I shall always think 

t my duty to detect." 

He died at Albany, January 15th, 1783, aged 57 years. 



DANIEL BOONE, 

The First Settler of Kentucky. 

The merit of opposing the hostile attacks of men regardless 
of every law of honor and humanity ; counteracting the treach- 
erous machinations of barbarians, who conceive an advantage 
can never be unjustly gained; and bearing up against continual 
party skirmishes, and uninterrupted harassments, in a contest 
for the unenclosed and unfrequented plains of nature, evidently 



A' "^^ 



DANIEL BOONE. /it 

deserve commemoration. The general intrusted with the chief 
coin'iiHivl of an army, vvlio ear. is his fame by the captuie cf a 
troo|), re i iclion of a town, province, or country, is stimulated 
by the fame, fhe natural consequence of tiis actions; and sees 
the speedy end of the contest; but tlie former expects i o epic 
m ise fo sinjj his worthy actions; thoutjh his valour is equally 
tried, or ralhor, teazed, by the continual and petty insults of 
the disorji;aniz('d and detached foe. To his courage he must 
add that per>«evering intesrrity wliich years of unintf rrupted 
assinlts cannot subdue. If^ersonal bravery, united with disin- 
terested zeal for the ijood of that community of which he was 
a member, merit our notice, Daniel Boone should not be passed 
over i) «ilence. Thou<ih not designed by fortune to display 
those talents which, in an important campaign between the civ- 
lized powers of Europe, would have enrolled his name in the 
list of worthies; yet, tortunately for the cause of virtue, and 
the just success of his fame, his labors are not consigned too!)li=- 
viou; bur unlike some of those beauteous productions of nature, 
in the lonely theatre of his actions, ^* born to waste their sweet- 
ness on the desert air," were by our author plucked from their 
native soil, and presented to his friends, 

Daniel Boone was born, as we are informed, near Bridge- 
north, in Somersetshire, England, about the year 1730. While 
he was young, tiis parents emiujrated to America, aiid se'lled 
in North Carolina, where he was bred to the profession ofarms, 
and was very early retained in the service of that counny on 
the part of the English government. He passed through all the 
inferior gradations to the post of colonel, in wliieh capacity he 
distinguished himself as the most -fictive, ze dous. and useful of 
the original settlers of Kentucky. It was his frequent combats 
with the Indians on that occa>^ion, during the period of thirteen 
years, which render him the ohjeft of this memoir. Tlie par- 
ticulars of liis campaigns, if they deserve that name, will be 
read with more pleasure as left us by himself, where, though 
devoid of art, and the ornaments a q^ualified biographer might 
have furnished, there may be seeh the stamp of unexaggerated 



'a DANIEL BOONE. 

authenticity, and lively feelings of the patriot, citizen, parent, 

and friend. 

"It was on the first of May, 1769, that I resigned my domesr 
tic happiness, and left my family and peaceful habitation on 
the Yadkin River, in North Carolina, to wander through the 
-wilderness of America, in quest of the country of Kentucky, ia 
company with John f'ude},John Stuart, Joseph Holden, James 
Money, and William Cool. On the seventh of June, after trav^ 
«Uing through a mountainous wilderness, in a western direction^ 
we found ourselves on Red River,_where John Finley had for^ 
merly been trading with the Indians; and from the top of an 
eminence saw with pleas^ure, the beautiful level o( Kentucky. 
For some time we had experienced the most uncomfortable 
weather. We now encamped, made a shelter to defend us 
from the inclement season, and began to hunt and reconnoitre 
the country. We found abundance of wild beasts in this vast 
forest. The buffaloes were more numerous than cattle on other 
settlements, browsing upon the leaves of the cane, or cropping 
the her!)age of these extensive plains. We saw hundreds in a 
drove, and the numbers about the salt springs were amazing. 
In this forest, the habitation of beasts of every American kind, 
we hunted with succ^^ss until December. On the 22d of De- 
cember, John Stuart and I had a pleasing ramble; but fortune 
changed the day at the close of it. We had passed through » 
great forest, in which stood myriads of trees, some gay with 
blossoms, others rich with fruits. Nature had here a series of 
wonders and a fund of delights. Here she displayed her inge- 
nuity and industry in a variety of flowers and fruits, beautifully 
colored, elegantly shaped, and charmingly flavored; and we 
were diverted with numberless animals presenting themselves 
perpetually to our view. In the decline of the day, near the 
Kentucky River, as we descended (he brow of a small hill, a 
number of Indians rushed out of a thick cane brake and made 
us prisoners. They plundered us, and kept us in confinement 
seven days. During this time, we discovered no uneasiness or 
deeire to "escape, which made tliem less suspicious; but in the- 



9ft^ f 



DANIEL BOONE. 43 

dead of night, as we lay by a large tire in a thick cane brake, 
when sleep had locki^d up their senses, my situation not dispos- 
ing me to rest, I gently awoke my companion. We seized this 
favorable opportunity and departed, directing our course to^ 
Wards our old camp; but found it plundered, and our compan- 
ions dispersed or gone home. 

About this time, my brother, Squire Boone, with another ad^ 
venturer, who came to explore the country shortly after us, was 
Wtndering through the tbrest,aijd accidentally found our cain}u 
Notwithstanding our unfortunate circumstances, and our daiM 
gerous situation, surrounded by hostile savages, our meeting 
fortunately in the wilderness gave us the most sensible saiisfac' 
lion. Soon after tliis, my companion in captivity, John Stuart, 
was killed by the savages; and the man that came with my 
brother returned home by himself. We were then in a dan- 
gerous, helpless situation, exposed daily to perils and death, 
among savages and wild beasts, not a white man in the country 
but ourselves. Thus, many hundred miles from our families, 
in the howling wilderness, we did not continue in a state of 
indolence, but imnted ever} da), and prepared a little cottage 
to protect us from the winter storms. We met with no distur- 
bance during the winter. On the first of Ma>, 1770, my bra- 
ther reiuTiied nome by himself lor a new recruit of horses and 
ammunition, leaving me alone, without bread, salt, or sugar, or 
even a horse or dog. I passed a lew days uncomfortably. The 
idea of a beloved wife and iamily, and their anxiety on my ac- 
count, would have exposed me to melancholy, if 1 had further 
indulged tlie thought. One day 1 undertook a tour through 
the country, when the diversit) and beauties of nature 1 met 
with, in this charming season, expelled every gloomy thoughts 
Just at the close of the day the gentle gales ceased; a profound 
calm ensued; not a breath shook the tremulous leat. Iliad 
gained the summit of a commanding ridge, and, looking round 
Avith astonishment and delight, beheld the ample plains and 
beauteous tracts below. On one band the famous Ohio, rolling; 
in silent dignity, and marking the western boundary of Ken.- 
tuckv with inconceivable grandeur. At a vast distance, I be 



^4 DANIEL BOONE. 

lipId the mmintains lift thtir venerable brows and penetrate the 
cloud . A)J i'ii.'iiis uere still. I kindled a ^^l•^■ near a fousi'ain 
ofswei ' waler, and feasted on the loin of a bnck, which, m tew 
hours ! ' fore, I had killed. The shrides of night soon over- 
spread t'e hemisphere, and the earth seemed to gasp after the 
hovering moisture. My ex( ursion had fatii^ucd ni} body and 
amused my mind. I laid me down to sleep, and awoke not 
until the sun had chased away the night. I continued tliis (our, 
and in a few days explored a great part of the country, each 
day equally pleased as the first j after which I returned to my 
old camp, which had not been disturbed in my absence, i did 
not confine my lodging to it, but often reposed in the thick cane 
brikes, to avoid the savages, who, I believe, ollen visited my 
camp, but, fortunately, during my absence. 

No populous ciiy, with all the varieties of commerce and 
stately structures, could aiford so much plea-ure to my mind as 
the beauties of nature I found in this conniiy. Until the 27th 
of July I spent the time in an unintenupied scene of sjlvan 
pleasures, wlien my brother, to my great felicit}, met me, ac- 
cording to appointmen*, at our old camp. Soon atter, we left 
the place and proceeded to Cumberland River, reconiunteiing 
that part ol the countiy, and giving names to tne dilhrent riv- 
ers, in March, 1771, 1 returned home to mj lamiJ}. being 
determined to bring them as soon as possible, a< the nt'k oi my 
life and fortune, to reside in Kentucky, w Inch 1 esteemed a 
second paradise. On m) relum, 1 tound my tamil} in happy 
circumstances. 1 sold my iurm at Yadkin, and what goods we 
could not carry with us; and on the 26lh of bepumber, 1773, 
we bade farewell to our Iriends, and proceeded on our journey 
to Kentucky, in company wuh live more lamihes, and fori} men 
that j' ined us in Powell's V allej, which is out tiundred and titty 
miies fnpm the now settled parts ol Kentucky ; but tins promising 
beginnffig was soon overcast with a cloud ol adversity. On the 
10th oi Oct. the rear of our company was attacked b} a number 
of Indian,-, who killed six and wounded one man. Ot these my 
eldest son was one that fell in the action. Tliough we repulsed 
thetpnemy,) et this unhappy affair scattcied our cattle, brought us 



DANIEL BOONE. 4y 

into pxtrerne cliffiruKv, and so discournged the whole company, 
that we retreated 40 miles to Clei)ch River. We had pa^6ed 
over two niouiitain?, Powel's and V\ alden's, and were ap- 
proMi hin^ Cun:l;erland Mountain, when Uns advert^e fintune 
oxeilook us. These nsountains are in the wilderness in pass- 
ing /lom the old settU-menis in Virginia (o KentncL}, are 
rai).'.'d in a S. VV.and ]N. E. direction, are ol gie;>t Icnatli and 
bie.dtli, and nor (nv disiant honi e;uh other. Over then- na-' 
tur<- iias loin.fd [?aetiei, less ditheull than n ight be (xpt( ted 
from the view of such huge piles. The a^pt ct of these cliffs 
is -o wild and horrid, that it is inipoK&ihIe to belioid ihem with- 
oui tenor. Until (he 6ih of June, 1774, 1 ren^ained wiUi my 
fa'mii} on the Clench, whwn I and Michael btorer vme solicit- 
ed b> Governor Dunmore, ol Virginia, to conduct a number of 
sui\«)ors to the Falls ot Ohio. This was a tour of near eight 
hundred ndles, Hnd took us sixty-two da}&. On n.y leiurn, 
Go\ernor Dunmore gave me the comiiiand oi three garrisons, 
during the campaign against the Shawanese. In Mart h, 17 75, 
at the solicitation of a number of gentlemen of North Carolina, 
I attended their treat} at Wataga, wiih the Cherokee Indiais, 
to purcha^e the lands on the south side o( Kentucky River. 
Atier this 1 undertook to mark out a road in the best passage, 
from the seliien.ents, through the wilderness to Kentucky. 
Having collected a number of enterprising men, well arn.ed, 
1 soon began this v\ork. We proceeded until we came within 
fifteen miles ol wheie Boonsborough now stands, where the 
Indians attacked us, and killed two, and wounded two more. 
This was the 20th of March, 1775. Three dajs after they 
attacked us again; we had two killed and three wounded. 
After this we proceeded on to Kentucky River vvithotit oppo- 
sition. On the 1st of April we be^jin to erect the fort of 
Boonsborough, at a salt lick, sixt) yards from the river, on the 
south side. On the 4th, the) killed one of aur nien;*'S On the 
14th of June, having finished the tort, 1 returned to m) family, 
• on the Clench. Soon alter, 1 removed my lami!) to this tort; 
we arrivea safe; my wile and daughters being the first white 
ivocien that stood on tlie banks ol Kentucky River. Eiecem 



44J DANIEL BOONE. 

her 24th, the Indians killed one man and wounded another, 
seemed determined to persecute us for erecting tliis fort. July 
i4tb, 1776, two of Col. Colwaj's daughters and one of mine, 
were taken prisoners near the fort: I immediately pursued the 
Indians with only 18 men. On the 16th I overtook them, killed 
two of them, and recovered the girls. The Indians had divided 
ihemselvrs info several parties, and attacked, on the same day, 
all our settlements and forts, doing a great deal ot mischief. 
The husbandman was shot dead in the (ield, and most of the 
eatile were destroyed. They continued their hostilities until 
the 15th of April, 1777, when a party of one hundred of them 
attacked Boonsboroutih,and killed one man and wounded four. 
July 4th, Ihey attacked it again with two hundred men, and 
killed one of us, and wounded two. They remained forty-eight 
hours, during which we killed seven of them. All the setde- 
ments were attacked at the same time. July I'Jth, Colonel 
Logan's fort was besieged by two hundred Indians. They did 
much mischief. There were only fifteen men in the fort; they 
killed two and wounded four of them. Indians' loss un- 
known. July 25th, twenty- five men came from Carolina, 
About August 20th, Colonel Bowman arrived with one hun- 
dred men from Virginia. Now we began to strengthen, and 
had skirmishes with the Indians almost every day. The sava- 
ges now learned the superiority of the longkntfe, as they call 
the Virginians; being out-generalled almost in every battle. 
Our affairs began to wear a new aspect; the enemy did not 
now venture open war, but practised secret mischief. January 
1st, 1778, 1 went with thirty men to the Blue Licks, on Lick" 
ing River, to make salt for the different garrisons. February 
7th, hunting by myself, to procure meat for the company, I met 
a party of one hundred and two Indians, and two Frenchmen, 
marching against Boonsborough. They pursued and took me. 
The next day I caj^lulated for my men, knowing they could not 
escape. They were twenty-seven in number, three having 
gone home with salt. The Indians, accordintr to the capitula- 
tion, used u'' generously. They carried us to Old Chillicothe, 
the principal Indian town on the Little Miami. On the IBlh 



DANIEL BOO-NHE. 47 

crf^^Pebruary, we arrived there, after an uncomfortable journey, 
in very severe weatiier. On the lOlh of March, I and ten of 
my men were conducted to Detroit, On the 30th we arrived 
there, and were treated by Governor Hannillon, the British 
commander at that post, with great humanity. The Indians 
had such an affection for me, that they refused one hundred 
pounds sterhng offered them by the governor, if they would 
leave me with the otiiers, on purfiose that he might send me 
home on my parole. Several English gentlemen there, sert- 
sihle of my adverse fortune, and touched with sympathy, gen- 
erously offered to supply my wants, which I declined with 
many thanks, adding, that I expected it never would be in my 
power to recompense such unmerited generosity. On the lOlh, 
of Apiil, they brought me towards Old Chillicothe, where we 
arrived on the 25th day of the same month. This was a long 
and fatiguihg march through an exceeding fertile country, re- 
markable for tine springs and streams of water. At Chillicothe 
I spent my time as comfoi tably as 1 could expect; was adopted, 
according to their custom, into a family where 1 became a son, 
and had a great share in the affections of my new parents, 
brothers, sisters, and friends, I was exceedingly familiar and 
friendly with them, always appearing as cheerful and satislied 
as possible, and they put great confidence in me. I often went 
a hunting with them, and frequently gained their applause for 
my activity; at our shooting matches, I was careful not to ex- 
ceed many of them in shooting ; for no people arq more envious 
thcin they are in this sport. I could observe in their counte- 
nances and gestures the greatest expressions of joy when Ihey 
exceeded me, and when the reverse happened, of envy. Tlie 
Shawanese king took great notice of me, treated me with pro- 
found respect and entire friendship, and often entrusted me to 
hunt at my liberty. I frequently returned with the spoils of 
the woods, and as often presented some of what 1 had taken to 
him, expressive of my duty to my sovereign. My food and lodging 
were in common with them; not so good, indeed, as I could 
desire, but necessity mide every thing acceptable. I now began 
to meditate an escape, but carefully avoided giving suspicion. 






48 DANIEL BOONE. 

Until the first of June I continued at Oil Chillicothe, and then 
was t;ii<en to the salt sunups on the Scioto, and kept there ten 
dny.s makinii >alt. During iah tiin*^ J hunted with them, and 
found the land, (or a yreat extent about this river, to rxteed 
tlie .^();| of lieiitucky, it p'>s*iblp, and remarkably well water- 
ed. On my reliirn to Ciiillirothe, 450 of the choicest Indian 
W srriors were readv lo niarch ajjainst Boonsbomugh, painted 
and armed in a frea Ifiil ttiapner* Tni«< alarmed <iie, and I 
deterfnined lo e$c ip>". On the 16th .>f .June, before snnri*e, I 
went off secretly, and reached Boon.-borougli on the 20t!i; a 
jo'irney of one hundred and sixty nrile.s, dsjring which I Ifnd 
only one meal. I f)nnd our fbrtres? in a bad slate; but we 
immediatei\ rep lired our flank«, U't{e«, posterns, as'd formed 
double bastions, which we (•om[)!''ted it» ten dnys. One of 
mv fellow-prisoners escapin^j after me. brought advice, that oa 
account of my fliirht, the Indians had put off the expedition 
for three weeks. About August 1st, I set out with nineteen 
men to surprise Point Creek Town on Sciato. Within four 
miles we fell in with thirty Indians going against Boonshoroujjh. 
We fought, and the enemy gave way. We suffered no loss. 
The enemy had one killed and two wounded. We to(d{ three 
horses, and all their baggaiije. The Indians havinti evacuated 
their town, and gone altogether against Booiisborou^h, vve re- 
turned, passed them oii the 6th day, and on the 7th arrived 
safe at Boonsborough. On the 8lh, the Indian army, 444 in 
iiumi)er, comnrianded by Captain Dugnesne, and eleven other 
Frenchmen, and their own chiefs, came and summoned flie 
fort. 1 requested two days consideration, which they granted. 
During this, we»brought in through the posterns, all the horses 
and, other cattle we could collect. On the 9th in the evening, 
I informed their commander that we were determined to de- 
fend the fort while a man was living. They then proposed a 
treaty, and said, if we sent out nine men to conclude it, they 
"vvoiJd withdraw. The treaty was held within sixty yards of 
the fort, as we suspected the savages. The articles were 
agreed to and signed; when the Indians told us, it was their 
custom for two Indians to shake hands with every white man. 



DANIEL BOONE . 49 

as an evidence of friendship. We agreed to this also. They 
immediately grappled us to take us prisoners; but we cleared 
ourselves of them, though surrounded by hundreds, and gain- 
ed the fort safely, except one that was wounded by a heavy 
tire from their army. On this they began to undermine the 
fort, beginning at the water-mark of Kentucky River, which 
is sixty yards from the fort. We discovered this by (he water 
being made muddy with the clay, ami countermined them by 
•utting a trench across their subterraneous passage. The ene- 
my, discovering this by the clay we threw out of the fort, de- 
sisted. On the 20th of August they raised the siege. During 
this dreadful siege, we had two men killed and four wounded. 
We lost a number of cattle. We killed 37 of the enemy and 
wounded a great number. W^ picked up 125 pounds of their 
bullets, besides what stuck in the logs of the fort. Soon after 
this I went into the settlement, and nothing worthy of notice 
passed for some time. In July, 1779, during my absence, Co- 
lonel Bowman, with 160 men, went against the Shawanese of 
Old Chillicothe. He arrived undiscovered; a battle ensued, 
which lasted till ten in the morning, when Colonel Bowman 
retreated 30 miles. The Indians collected all their strength 
and pursued him, when another engagement ensued for two 
hours, not to Colonel Bowman's advantage. Colonel Harrod 
proposed to mount a number of horses, and break the enemy's 
line, who at this time fought with remarkable fury. This des- 
perate measure had a happy effect, and the savages fled on all 
sides. In these two battles we had nine men killed and one 
wounded. The enemy's loss was uncertain, only two scalps 
being taken. June 22d, 1780, about 600 Indians and Canadi- 
ans, under Colonel Bird, attacked Riddle's and Martin's sta- 
tions, and the forts of Licking River, with 6 pieces of artillery: 
the^ took all the inhabitants captive, and killed one man and two 
women, and loaded the others with the heavy baggage, and 
such as failed in their journey were tomahawked. The hos- 
tile disposition of the savages, caused General Clark, the com- 
mandant at the falls of the Ohio, to march with his regiment and 
the armed force of the country, against Peccaway, the princi- 

7 



50 



BANIEL BOONE. 



pal town of the Shawanese, on a branch of the Great Miami, 
which he finished with great success, took 17 scalps, and burnt 
the town to ashes, with the loss of 17 men. About this time I 
returned to Kentucky with my family; for during my captivity, 
my wife, thinking me killed by the Indians, had transport- 
ed my family and goods on horses, through the wilderness, 
amidst many dangers, to her father's house in North Carolina. 
The history of my difficulties in going and returning, is too 
long to be inserted here. On the 6th of October, 1780, soon 
after my settling again at Boonsborough, I went, with my broth- 
er, to the Blue Licks; and on our return he was shot by a par- 
ty of Indians; they followed me by the scent of a dog, which 
I shiot and escaped. The severity of the winter caused great 
distress in Kentucky, the enemy during the summer having de- 
-stroyed most of the corn. The inhabitants lived chiefly on buf- 
faloes' flesho In the spring, 1782, the Indians harassed us. 
In May, they killed one man at Ashton's station, and took a ne- 
gro. Captain Ashton pursued them with 23 men; and, in an 
engagement which lasted 2 hours, he was obliged to retreat,jj| 
having eight killed and four mortally wounded; their brave 
commander frll in the action. August 10, two boys were car- 
ried off from Major Hoy's station. Captam Holder pursued 
wiih 17 nsen; they were also defeated, and lost four and one 
wounded. Our affairs became moie and more alarming. 
The savages infested the country, killing men at every oppor- 
tunity. In a field, near Lexington, an Indian shot a man, and, 
running to sculp him, was himself shot from the fort, and fell 
dead upon his enemy. All the Indian nations were now uni- 
ted against us. August 15, 500 Indians and Canadians came 
against Briant's station, five miles from Lexington ; they assault., 
ed the fort, and killed all the cattle round it; but being re 
pulsed, thej; retired the third day, having about 30 killed, thei 
wounded uncertain. The garrison had four killed and three 
wounded. August 18, Colonel Todd, Colonel Trigg, Major 
Harland, and myself, speedily collected 176 men, well armed, 
and pursued the savages. They had marched beyond the Blue 
Licks, to a remarkable bend of the main fork of the Licking 



irk I 



DANIEL BOONE, 51 

River, about forty-three miles from Lexington, where we over- 
took them on the 19th. The savages observing us, gave vs^ay; 
and we, ignorant of their numbers, passed the river. When 
they saw our proceedings, having greatly the advantage in situ- 
ation, they formed their line of battle from one bend of the 
Licking to the other, about a mile from the Blue Licks. The 
battle was exceedingly tierce for about fifteen minutes, when 
we, being overpowered by numbers, were obliged to retreat, 
with the loss of sixty-seven men, seven of whom were taken 
prisoners. The brave and much lamented Colonels Todd and 
Trigg, Major Harland, and my second son, were among the 
dead. We were afterwards told, that the liidians, on number- 
ing their dead, finding they had four more killed than we, four 
of our people that they had taken, were given up to their 
young warriors, io be but to death after their barbarous man- 
ner. On our retreat we were met by Colonel Logan, who was 
hastening to join us with a number of well armed men: this 
powerful assistance we wanted on the day of battle. The en- 
emy said, one more fire from us would have made them give 
way. I cannot reflect upon this dreadful scene, but sorrow 
fills my heart: a zeal for the defence of their country, led these 
heroes to the scene of action, though with a (ew men, to 
attack a powerful army of experienced warriors. When we 
gave way, they pursued us with the utmost eagerness, and in 
every quarter spread destruction. The river was difficult to 
cross, and many were killed in the flight; some just entering 
the river, some in the water, others after crossing, in ascending 
the clitFs. Some escaped on horseback, a few on foot; and 
being dispersed every where, a few hours brought the melan- 
choly news of this unfortunate battle to Lexingtono Many 
widows were now made. The reader may guess what sorrow 
filled the hearts of the inhabitants, exceeding a-ny thing I am 
able to describe. Being re-enforced, we returned to bury the 
dead, and found their bodies strewed every where, cut and 
mangled in a dreadful manner. This mournful scene exhibited 
a horror almost unparalleled : some torn andeaten by wild beasts ; 
tbose in the river eaten by fish; all in such aputrified conditioE 



I 



g2 BANIEL BOOIfE. 

that no one could be distinguished from another. When General 
Clark, at the falls of the Ohio, heard of our disaster, he order- 
ed an expedition to pursue the savages. We overtook them 
within two miles of their towns, and we should have obtained afl 
great victory had not some of them met us when about 200 
poles from their camp. The savages fled in the utmost disor- 
der, and evacuated all their towns. We burned to ashes, Old 
Chillicothe, Peccaway, New-Chillicothe, Will?town, and Chilli- 
cothe; entirely destroyed their corn and other fruits, and spread 
desolation through their country. We took seven prisoners and 
five scalps, and lost only four men, two of whom were acciden- 
tally killed by ourselves. 

This campaign damped the enemy, yet they made secret in- 
cursions. In October,a party attacked Crab Orchard; and one 
of them, being a good way before the others, boldly entered a 
house, in which were only a woman and her children, and a 
negro man. The savage used no violence, but attempted to 
carry off the negro, who happily proved too strong for him and 
threw him on the ground, and in the struggle the woman cut 
off his head with an axe, whilst her little daughter shut llie 
door. The savages instantly came up, and applied their toma- 
hawks to the door, when the mother, putting an old rusty gun- 
harrel through a crevice, the savages went off. From that time 
until the happy return of peace between the United States 
and Great Britain, the Indians did us no mischief. Soon aftsr, 
the Indians desired peace. Two darling sons and a brother I 
have lost by savage hands, which have also taken forty valuable 
horses, and an abundance of cattle. Many dark and sleepless 
nights have I spent, separated from the cheerful society of men, 
scorched by summer's sun, and pinched by winter's cold, an in- 
strument ordained to settle the wilderness. But now the scene 
is changed; peace crowns the sylvan shade. 

DANIEL BOONE, 

Fayette County, Ky. 



( 5S) 

JOHN CADWALADER. 

Brigadier-General in the American Army. 

This zealous and inflexible friend of America, was born in 
Philadelphia, 1742. He was distinguished for his intrepidity 
as a soldier; in upholding the cause of freedom during the 
most discouraging periods of danger andmisfortune, that Amer- 
ica ever beheld. 

At the dawn of the revolution, he commanded a -corps of 
volunteers, designated as " the silk-stocking company^'' of which 
nearly all the members were appointed to commissions in the 
line of the army. He afterward was appointed colonel of one 
of the city .battalions, and being thence promoted to the rank of 
brigadier-general, was entrusted with the command of the 
Pennsylvania ttoops, in the important operations of the winter 
campaign of 1767 and 1777. He acted with this coHi.i^ii i1, -is 
a volunteer, in the actions of Princeton, Brandywine, Gernta;-- 
town, and Monmouth, and on other occasions, and recei\'^d the 
thanks of General Washington, whose confidence and regard 
lie uniformly enjoyed. 

T'lo merits a^rd services of General Cadwalader, induced 
congress, early in 1778, to compliment him by a unanimous 
vote, with the appointment of general of cavalry; which ap- 
pointment he declined, under an impression that he could be 
more useful to his country, in the sphere in which he had been 
acting. 

He was strongly and ardently attached to General Washing- 
ton, and his celebrated duel with General Conway, arose from 
his spirited opposition to the intrigues of that ofiicer, to under- 
mine the standing of the Commander-in-Chief. The following 
anecdote of the rencounter, is related in the " Anecdotes of the 
Revolutionary War." 

" The particulars of this duel, originating in the honorable 
feeUngs of General Cadwalader, indignant at the attempt of 
his adversary to injure the reputation of the Commander-in- 
Chief, by representing him as unqualified for the exalted station 



5^ JOHN CADWALADER. 

which he held, appears worthy of record. Nor •ughr the 
Coohiess observed on the occasion by the parties, to be forgot- 
ten, as it evinces very strongly, that though imperious circum- 
stances may compel men of nice feeling to meet, that the dic- 
tates of honor may be satisfied, without the smallest deviation 
from the most rigid rules of politeness. When arrived at the 
appointed rendezvous, General Cadwalader, accompanied by 
General Dickinson of Pennsylvania, General Conway by Colo- 
nel Morgan, of Princeton, it was agreed upon by the seconds, 
that, on the word being given, the principals might fire in their 
own time, and at discretion, either by an off-hand shot, or bj 
taking deliberate aim. The parties having declared themselves 
ready, the word was given to proceed. General Conway im- 
mediately raised his pistol, and fired with great composure, but 
withouteffect. Genera! Cadwalader was about to do so, when a 
sudden gust of wind occurring, he kept his pistol down and re- 
mained tranquil. ' Why do you not fire, General Cadwala- 
der, exclaimed Conway. ' Because,' replied General Cadwal- 
ader, we came not here to trifle. Let the gale pass, and I shall 
act my part. ' You shall have a fair chance of porforming it 
well,' rejoined Conway, and immediately presented a full front. 
General Cadwalader fired, and his ball entering the mouth of 
his antagonist, he fell directly forward on his face. Colonel 
Morgan running to his assistance, found the blood spouting 
from behind his neck, and, lifting up the club of hair, saw the 
ball drop from it. It had passed through his head, greatly to 
the derangement of his tongue and teeth, but did not inflict a 
mortal wound. As soon as the blood was sufficiently washed 
away to allow him to speak. General Conway, turning to his 
opponent, said, good humoredly, ' You fire. General, with much 
deliberation, and certainly with a great deal of effect.' The 
parties then parted, free from all resentment." 

This patiioticand exemplary man died February 10th, 1786. 
In his private life he exemplified all the virtues that ennoble 
the character of man. His conduct was not marked with 
the least degree of malevolence, or party spirit. Those who 



JAMES CLINTON. 55 

honestly differed from him in opinion, he always treated with 
singular tenderness. In sociability and cheerfulness of temper, 
honesty, and goodness of heart, independence of spirit, and 
warmth of his friendship, he had no superior. Never did any 
man die more lamented by his friends and neighbors; to his 
family and relations, his death was a stroke still more severe. 



JAMES CLINTON, 

Major-General in the American Arm}'. 

General Clinton was the fourth son of Colonel Charles 
Clinton, and was born in Ulster county, N, Y., August 19th, 
1736. In common with his brothers, he received an excellent 
education. 

In the critical and eventful affairs of nations, when their 
rights and their interests are invaded. Providence, in the plen- 
itude of its beneficence, has generally provided men qualified 
to raise the standard of resistance, and has infused a redeeming 
spirit into the community, which enables it to rise superior 
to the calamities that menaced its liberty and its prosperity. 
History does not record a more brilliant illustration of this 
truth than the American revolution. In defiance of the most 
appalling considerations, constellations of the most illustrious 
men, pierced the dark and gloomy clouds which enveloped this 
•ppressed people, and shone forth in the councils and the armies 
of the nation. Their wisdom drew fortli the resources, and 
their energy vindicated the rights o^ America. They took their 
lives in their hands, and liberty or dfath was inscribed on their 
hearts. Amidst this gallant band. General Clinton stood 
deservedly conspicuous. To an iron constitution and an invin- 
cible courage, he added great coolness in action and perseve- 
rance in effort. The predomitahi iiiclinarion of his mind was 
to a military life, and by a close unenMi'.i to the studies connect- 
ed with it, he prepared uin)S';lf to perfonn tiH>6e duties which 
aflerward devolved upon him, and theieby established his 
cbaiacter as an int/e}id and skillful ofScer. 



56 JAMES CLINTON". 

In the war of 1756, usually denominated the French war, 
Clinton first encountered the fatigues and dangers of a military 
life. He was a captain under Colonel Bradstreet, at the capture 
of Fort Fontenac, and rendered essential service in that expe- 
dition by the capture of a sloop of war on Lake Ontario, 

" His company was placed in row-gallies, and favored by a 
ealm, compelled the French vessel to strike after an obstinate 
resistance. His designation as captain commandant of the four 
companies, raised for the protection of the western frontiers of 
the counties of Orange and Ulster, was a post of great respon- 
sibility and hazard, and demonstrated the confidence of the 
government. The safety of a line of settlements, extending at 
least fifty miles, was intrusted to his vigilance and intrepidity. 
The ascendency of the French over the ruthless savages, was 
silways predominant, and the inhabitant of the frontiers was 
eompelled to hold the plough with one hand for his sustenance, 
and to grasp his gun with the other, for his defence; and he was 
constantly in danger of being awakened, in the hour of darkness, 
by the war-whoop of the savages, to witness the conflagration of 
his dwelling and the murder of his family. 

After the termination of the French war, Mr. Clinton marri- 
ed Mary De Witt, and he retired from the camp to enjoy the 
repose of domestic life. 

When the American Revolution was on the eve of its com- 
mencement, he was appointed, on the 30th June, 1775, by the 
continental congress, colonel of the 3d regiment of New- York- 
forces. On the 25th of October following, he was appointed 
by the provincial congress of New- York, colonel of the regiment 
of foot in Ulster county ; on the 8th of March, 1776, by the 
continental congress, colonel of the second battalion of New^ 
York troops; and on the 9th of August, 1776, a brigadier-gen- 
eral in the army of the United States; in which station he con- 
tinued during the greater part of the war, having the command 
of the New-York line, or the troops of that state; and at its 
close he was constituted a major-general. 

In 1775, his regiment oomposed part of the army under 
General Montgomery, which invaded Canada; and he parti- 



JAMES CLINTON, ^ 

fijipated in all the fatigues, dangers, and privations of that cele" 
brated but unfortunate expedition. 

In October, 1777, he commanded at Fort Clinton, which| 
together with its neighbor, Fort '>-ontgomerv, conshtutpd the 
(Jefence of trie Hudson River, against the ascent of an enemy. 
His brother, the governor, commanded in chief at both fortSe 
Sir Heiirj Clinton, with a view lo create a division in fiivor 
of General Burgoyne, moved up the Hudson with an army of 
4000 men, and attacked those works, which were very impeiv 
fe( tly fortified, and only defended by 500 men, composed prin» 
cipally of militia. After a most gallant resistance, the forts 
were carried by storm. General Clinton was the last man who 
left the works, and not until he was severely wounded by the 
thrust of a bayonet; pursued and tired at by the enemy, and 
his attendmg servant killed. He bled profusely, and when he 
dismounted from his war-horse, in order to etfect his escape 
from the enemy, who were close on him, it occurred to him 
that he must either perish on the mountains or be captured, 
uidess he could supply himself with another horse; an animal 
which sometimes roamed at lartce in that wild region. In this 
emergency he took the bridle from hi? horse, and slid down &. 
precipice of one hundred feet to the ravine of the creek which 
separated the forts, and feeUng cautiously his way along it3 
precipitous batiks, he reached the mountain at a distance fronQ 
the enemy, after having fallen into the stream, the cold water 
of which arrested a copious effusion of blood. The return of 
light furnished him with the sight of a horse, which conveyed 
hita 10 his house, about sixteen miles from the fort, where he 
arrived about noon, covered with blood, and laborii!g under a 
severe fever. In his helpless condition, the British passed up 
the Hudson, within a few miles of his house, and destroyed the 
town of Kingston. 

The cruel ravages and horrible eruptions of the Iroquois, 
or six nations o.f Indians, on our frontier settlements, rendered 
it necessary to inflict a terrible chastisement, which would 
prevent a repetition of their atrocities. An expedifion was 
accordingly planned, and their principal command was com* 

8 



BU 



JAMES CLINTON^ 



mitted to General Sullivan, who was to proceed up the Sus- 
quehanna, with the main body of the armj, while General 
Clinton was to ji'<in liim by (he way of the Mohawk. 

The Iroquois inhabited, or accasiwially occupied that immense 
«nd fertile region which composes the western parts of New 
York and Pennsylvania, and besides their own ravages, from 
the viciuity of their settlements to the inhabited parts of the 
United States, they facilitated the inroads of the more remote 
Indians. When General Sullivan wa? on his way to the Indias 
country, he wa? joined by General Clinton with upwards of 
sixteen hundred men. The latter had gone up the Mohawk 
in batteaux, from Schenectady, and after ascending that river 
about tifly-four miles, he coi)veyed his batteaux from Canajoha- 
Iie to the head of Oisego Lake, one of the sources of tue Sus- 
quehanna. Findmg the stream of water in that river too low 
to float his boats, he erected a dam across the mouth of the lake, 
which soon rose to the altitude of the dam. Having got his 
batteaux ready, he opened a passage through the dam for the 
water to flow. This raised the river so high, that he was 
enabled to embark all his troops, to float them down to 'lioga, 
and to join General Sullivan in good season. The Indians col- 
lected tlieir strength at Newtown; took possession of proper 
ground, and fortified it with judgment, and on the 29th Augus^ 
1779, an attack was made on them; their works were forcedj 
and their consternation was so great, that they abandoned all 
further resistance; for, as the Americans advanced into their 
settlements, they retreated before them without throwing any 
obstructions in their vray. The arm) passed between the Cay-. 
uga and Seneca lakes, by Geneva and Canandaigua, and as far 
west as the Gennesee River, destroying large settlements and 
villages, and fields of corn; orchards of fruit-trees, and gardens 
abounding with esculent vegetables. Tlie progress of the Indi-- 
ans in agriculture, struck the Americans with astonishment,. 
Many of their ears of corn measured 22 inches in length* 
They had horses, cows, and hogs, in abundance. They mana- 
factured salt and sugar, and raised the best of apples and 
Readies and their dwellings were large and commodious > 



i 



James clintonw 5^ 

The desolation of their settlements, the destruction of theip* 
provisions, and the conflagration of their houses, drove them to 
the British fortresses of Niagary fer subsistence, where, living^ 
on salt provisions, to which they were unaccustomed, they died 
Tn great numbers, and the eflfect of this expedition, was to dir 
minish their population, to damp their ardour, to check their 
arrogance, to restrain their cruelty, and to inflict an irrecovec? 
able blow on their resources of extensive aggression. 

For a considerable portion of the war. General Clinton waa 
Stationed at Albany, were he commanded, in the northern de*- 
partment of the union, a place of high responsibility and ra*- 
quiring utw,ommon vigilance and continual, exertion. An ineir 
dent occurred, when on this command, which strongly illus? 
trates his character. A regiment which had been ordered to 
march, mutinied under arms, and peremptorily refused obedij; 
•fice. The general, on being apprised of this, immediately 
repaired with his pistols to the ground; he went up to the head 
of the regiment and ordered it to march: a silence ensued, and 
the order was not complied with. He then presented a pistol 
to the breast of a sergeant, who was the ringleader, and con> 
manded him to proceed on pain of death; and so in successioa 
along the line, and his command was, in every instance, obeyed^ 
and the regiment restored to entire and complete subordination^ 
and submission. 

General Clinton was at the siege of Yorktown and the cap* 
ture of Cornwallis, where he distinguished himself by his usui^^ 
intrepidity. 

His last appearance in arms, was on the evacuation of the 
city of New- York, by the British. He then bid the Commander* 
5^-Chief a final and affectionate adieu, and retired to his ample 
estates, where he enjoyed that repose which was required by a 
k)ng period of fatigue and privation. 

He was, however, frequently called from his retirement by 
the unsolicited voice of his fellow-citizens, to perform civic 
duties. He was appointed a commissioner to adjust the boun? 
dary line between Pennsylvania and New- York, which important 
measure was amicably and suc^^iessfuily accomplished. He was 



^fj JTAMGS CLIN'TON. 

at 

also selected by the legijslature for an interestine mission to neHle 
controversies about lands in the west, wiiich also terniiniUed 
favorably. He represented his native ronnty in the asstu \Ay 
and in the convention that adopted the present con'itilufion of 
ttie United States, and he was elected, without opposition, a 
senator from the Mi'Iile Dl!*trict; all of which trusts hi^ executed 
with perfect in^eg'.ity, with solid intelligence, and with the full 
approbation of his constiiuents. 

The temper of General Clinton was mild and affectionate, 
but when raised by unprovoked or unmerited injury, he exhib- 
ited extraordinary and appalline: energy. In battle he was as 
cool and as collected as if sitting; Hy his fireside. Nature in- 
tended him for a jgallant and efficient soldier, when she endow- 
ed him with the faculty of entire self possession in the midst of 
the greatest dangers. 

He died on the 25d of December, 1812. and was interred io 
ihe family burial place in Orange county, and his monumental 
atone bears the following inscription: 

*' Underneath are interred the remains of James C]into% 
Enquire. 

" He was born the 9th of August, 1736, and died the 22d of 
December, 1812. 

" His life was principally devoted to the military service of 
his country, and he had tilled, with fidelity and honor, several 
distinguished civil oH ces. 

" Hp was ^n officer in the revolutionary war, and the war 
preceding; and at the close of the former, was a major-general 
in the army of the United State*. He was a good man and a 
sincere patriot, performing, in the most exeraplnry manner all 
the duties of lite: and he died, as he lived, without iear, an4 
without reproach." — Biographical JUktionarT/^ 



( 61 ) 

GEORGE CLINTON, 

Brigadier-General in the American AtiDjr. 

4mong the many distinguished patriots of the revolution, who 
have become tenants ofthe tomb, the services of none will be more 
readily acknowledged, than those ofthe late venerable George 
Clinton. He is descended from a respectable and worthy tam- 
ily, and was born on the 26th July, 1739, in the county of 
Ulster, in the colony of New-York. His father, Colonel Charlea 
Clinton, was an emigrant from Ireland. , 

In early youth he was put to the study of law; but long be» 
fore he became a man, he rallied under the standard of his 
country, and assisted Amherst in the reduction of Montreal. 
In this campaign he nobly distinguished himself in a conflict on 
the northern waters, when, with four gun-boats, after a severe 
engagement he captured a French brig of 18 guns. 

This war being ended, he returned again to his favorite pur- 
suit, the science of the law, and placed himself under the tuU 
tion of Chief Justice Smith, where he became a student with 
Governor Morris, between whom and himself, a difference of 
political opinion, in after life, wrought a separation. 

He had scarcely commenced as a practitioner, when, in 1765, 
the storm appeared to gather round his native land, and the 
tyrannic disposition of the mother country was manifested* 
Foreseeing the evil at hand, with a mind glowing with patriot>- 
ism, correct and quick in its perceptions; and, like time, steady 
and fixed to the achievement of its objects, he abandoned the 
advatitages of the profession to which he had been educatedj 
and became a member of the colonial legislature; where he 
ever displayed a love of liberty, an inflexible attacfiment to the 
rights of his country, and that undaunted firmness and integ- 
rity, without which this nation never would have been free; 
and which has ever formed the most brilliant, though by no 
means the most useful, trait of his character. He was chief of 
the Whig party. 

In this stuation he remained, contending: against the doctrine 
of British supremacy ^ an4 with ^reat strength ot argument? 



e2 GEORGE CLINTON. 

and force of popularitj, supporting the rights of America, tili 
the crisis arrived when, in 1776, he was returned a member of 
that patriotic congress, who laid the foundation of our inde- 
pendence. While in this venerable body, it may be said of 
him, with truth, that "he strengthened the feeble knees, and 
the hands that hang down." On the 4th of July, 1776, he was 
present at the glorious declaration of independence, and assent*" 
«d, with his usual energy and decision, to that measure; but, 
having been appointed a brigadier-general in the militia, and 
also in the continental army, the exigencies of his country, at 
that trying hour, rendered it necessary for him to take the field 
in person, and he therefore retired from congress immediately 
after his vote was given, and before the instrument was tran- 
scribed for the signature of the members; for which reason his 
name does not appear among the signers. 

A constitution having been adopted for the state of Newv 
York, in April, 1777, he was chosen at the first election under 
it, both governor and lieutenant-governor, and was continued 
in the former office for eighteen years. In this year he was 
also appointed by congress to command the post of the High* 
lands, a most important and arduous duty. The design of the 
enemy was to separate New-England from the rest of the na- 
tion, and, by preventing succor from the east, to lay waste th© 
middle and southern country. Had this plan been carried into 
effect, American liberty would probably have expired in its 
cradle. It was then that his vast and comprehensive genius 
viewed in its true light the magnitude of the evil contemplated, 
and he roused to a degree of energy unknown and unexpected. 
It was then that Burgoyne was, with the best appointed army " 
ever seen in America, attempting to force his way to Albany, 
and Howe, attempting to effect a junction with him at that 
important place. 

The crisis was all important, and Clinton did not hesitate 
he determined, at all hazards, to save his country. With this? 
view, when Howeatttempted to ascend the river, CHnton, from 
every height and angle, assailed him. His gallant defence of 
Fort Montgomery, with a handful of men, against a power^i 



GEORGE CLINTON. 6S 

fi)r«e •omnaantled by Sir Henry Clinton, was equally honorable 
to his intrepiilit)' and his skill. The following are the particu- 
lars of his gallant conduct at the storming of torts Montgonuery 
«nd Clinton, in October, 1777. 

When the British re-enforcements under General Robertson, 
amounting to nearly two thousand men, arrived trom Europe, 
Sir Henry Clinton used the greatest exertion, and availed 
himself of every favorable circumstance, to put these troops 
into i nmediate operation. Many were sent to suitable vessels, 
and united in the expedition, which consisted of about 4009 
men, against the forts in the Highlands, Having made the 
necessary arrangements, he moved up the North River, and 
landed on the 4th of October at Tarry-town, purposely to im- 
press General Putnam, under whose command a thousand cotv 
tinental troops had been left, with a belief, that his post at 
Peekskill was the object of attack. At eight o'clock at night, 
the general communicated the intelligence to Governor Clin^ 
ton, of the arrival of the British, and at the same time express- 
ed Ijis opinion respecting their destination. The designs of Sir 
Henry were immediately perceived b^ the governor, who pro- 
rogued the Assembly on the following day, and arrived that 
nigiit at Fort Montgomery. The British troops in the mean 
time, were secretly conveyed across the river, and assaults upon 
our forts were meditated to be made on the 6th, which were 
accordingly put in execution, by attacking the American ad- 
vanced party at Doodletovvn, about two miles and a half from 
Fort Montgomery. The Americans received the fire of the 
British, and retreated to Fort Clinton. The enemy then ad- 
'*vanced to the west side of the mountain, in order to attack our 
troops in the rear. Governor Clinton immediately ordered 
out a detachment of one hundred men towards Doodletown, 
and another of sixty, with a brass field piece, to an eligible 
«poi on another road. They were both soon attacked by the 
■whole force of the enemy, and compelled to fall back. It has 
been remarked, that the talents, as well as the temper of a 
«Ommaiider, are put to as severe a test in conducting a retreat, 
as m achieving a victory. The trutli of this Governor Clinton 



(^4 GEORGE CLINTON. 

experienced, when, with 2;reat bravery, and the most perfect 
order, he retjied all he reached tlie Ion. He i >.st no time in 
plijciiig his men in the besst maimer that f ircuinstancet would 
admit. His post, however, as well as Fort Lliiiton, in a few 
iri.'iutes were invaded on ever} side. In tlie mi('pt ol tlii'- dis* 
heartening and appallmii; disaster, he was summoiied, when the 
sun was onh an uoui hiJ(), to surrender in tive minutes; but '.is 
gallant spirit sternly refused to ol)ey the ca'l. In a shoi i fime 
after, the Briiist) made a general and must desperate aliat k on 
both posts, whicn was received b) tie Americans vvith undis- 
mayed courage and resistance. Othcers and men, militia and 
continentals, ail uenaved alike brave. An incessani hre was 
kept up till dusk, wiien our trooj<s were overpowered by iiurn^' 
bers, who lorced the lines and redoubts at i)otij j^o <>. M my 
of the Americans fought their way out, others accidentally 
mixed with the enemy, and thus made tlieir escape etfertuallj^ 
for, besides being iavored by the night, they knew the vaiious 
avenues in the mountains. The governor, as well as his brother, 
Gen. James Clinton, who was wounded, were not taken."* 

Howe, driven to madness by the manly resistance of his foes, 
inconsiderately landed and marched into the countr\, and im- 
mortalized his name by burning Kingston and other villages- 
But the great object of the expedition, the forming a conjunc- 
tion with Burgoyne, was happily defeated by the capture of that 
general and America was free. 

From this moment, for eighteen years in succession, be re» 
mainedthe governor of New- York, re-elected to that important 
station by a generous and wise people, who knew how to aps- 
preciate his wisdom and virtue, and their own blessings. 
During this period, he was president of the convention of that 
state, which ratified the national constitution: when, as in all 
other situations, he undeviatingly manifested an ardent attach- 
ment to civil liberty. 

After the life o^ labor and usefulness, here faintly portray- 
ed; worn with the fatigues of duty, and with a disease which 



* American Biographical Dicticuiary. 



I 



THOMAS CONWAY. 65 

tiiea afQicted him, but which had been removed for the last 
eigiit years of his life; having led his native state to eminent, 
if not unrivalled importance and prosperity, he retired from 
public life, with a mind resolved not to minjjle again with gov- 
ernmental concerns, and to taste those sweets which result ^rom 
reflecting on a life well spent. 

In 1805 he was chosen vice-president of the United States, 
hj the same number of votes that elevated Mr. Jefferson to 
the presidency; in which station he discharged his duties with 
unremitted attention; presiding with great dignity in the sen- 
, ate, and evincing, by his votes and his opinions, his decided hos- 
tility to constructive authority, and^to innovations on the estab- 
lished principles of republican government. 

He died at Washington, when attending to his duties as vice- 
president, and was interred in that city, where a monument vvas 
erected by the filial piety of his children, with this inscription, 
written by his nephew : 

" To the memory of George Clinton. He was born in the 
state of New-York, on the 26th July, 1731), and died in the city 
of Washington, on the 20th April, 1812, in the 73d year of his 
age." 

** He was a soldier and statesman of the revolution. Emi- 
nent in council, and distinguished in war, he filled, with unex- 
ampled usefulness, purity, and ability, among many other offi- 
ces, those of governor of bis native state, and of vice-president 
of the U. States. While he lived, his virtue, wisdom, and val- 
or, were the pride, the ornament, and security of his country, 
and when he died, he left an illustrious example of a well-spent 
life, worthy of all imitation." 



THOMAS CONWAY, 

Major-General in the American Army. 

"This gentleman was born in Ireland, and went with his par- 
ents to France, at the age of six years, and was, from his youth, 
educated to the profession of arms. He had obtained con* 



66 THOMAS CONWAY. 

siderable reputation as a military officer, and as a man of sound 
understanding and judgment. He arrived from France with 
ample recommendations, and congress ap(winted him a briga- 
dier-general, in May, 1777. He soon became conspicuously 
inimical to General Washington, and sought occasions to traduce 
his character. In this he found support from a faction in Con- 
gress, who were desirous that the commander-in-chief should 
be superseded. The congress, not long after, elected General 
Conway to the office of inspector-general to our army, with 
the rank of major-general, though he had insulted the comman- 
der-in-chief, and justified himself in doing so. This gave um- 
brage to the brigadiers over whom he was promoted, and 
they remonstrated to congress against the proceeding, as im- 
plicating their honor and character. Conway, now smarting un- 
der the imputation of having instigated a hostile faction against 
the illustrious Washington, and being extremely unpopular 
among the officers in general, and finding his situation did 
not accord with his feelings and views, resigned his commis- 
sion without having commenced the duties of inspector. He 
was believed to be an unprincipled intriguer, and after his re- 
signation, his calumny and detraction of the commander-in-chief, 
and the army generally, was exercised with unrestrained viru- 
lence and outrage. 

No man was more zealously engaged in the schenves of ele- 
vating General Gates to the station of commander-in-chief. His 
vile insinuations and direct assertions in the public newspapers, 
and in private conversation, relative to the incapacity of Wash- 
ington to conduct the operation? of the army, received counte- 
nance from several member? of congress, who were induced to 
declare their want of confidence in him, and the affair assum- 
ed an aspect threatening the most disastrous consequences. 
Conway maintained a correspondence with General Gates on 
the subject, and in one of his l-etters he thus expresses himself: 
"jHeaven has been determined to save your country, or a weak 
general and bad counsellors would have ruined it." He 
was himself, at that time one of the counsellors, again?t whom 
he so basely inveighs. Envy ahd malice ever are attendant on 



m. 



WILLIAM DAVIDSOJf; ^ 

exalted genias and merit. But the delusion was of short con- 
tinuance, the name of Washington proved unassailable, and the 
base intrigue of Conway recoiled with bitterness on his own 
head."* 

General Cadwalader of Pennsylvania, indignant at the at- 
tempt to vilify the character of Washington, resolved to avenge 
himself on the aggressor in personal combat. The particulars 
of this meeting are given in the biography of General Cadwala- 
der. General Conway, conceiving his wound to be mortal, and 
believing death to be near, acted honorably, in addressing to 
general Washington, whom he had perfidiously slandered, the 
following letter of apology: 

'^Philadelphia, Feb. 23, 1778. 

Sir — I find myself just able to hold my pen during a few 
minutes, and take this opportunity of expressing my sincere 
grief for Having done, written, or said, any thing disagreeable 
to your excellency. My career will soon be over, therefore jus- 
tice and truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments. You 
are, in my eyes, the great and good man. May you long enjoy 
the love, esteem, and veneration of these states, whose liberties 
you have asserted by your virtues. 

I am, with the greatest respect, 

Your Excellency's 
Most obedient and humble servant, 

Thos. ConwaTo*'^ 



WILLIAM DAVIDSON, 

Brigadier-General in the American Arrays. 

William Davidson, lieutenant-colonel commandant in the 
North Carolina line, and brigadier-general in the militia of that 
state, was the youngest son of George Davidson, who removed 
with his family from Lancaster county, in Pennsylvania, in the 
year 1760, to Rowan county, in North-Carolina. 

♦ Thatcher's Military Journal, 



gg WILLIAM DAVIDSON. 

William was born in the year 1746, and was educated in a 
plain country manner, at an academy, in Charlotte, the county 
town of Mecklenburgh, which adjoins Rowan. 

Like most of the enterprising youth of America, Davidson 
repaired to the standard of his country, on the commencement 
of the revolutionary war, and was appointed a major in one of 
the first regiments formed by the government of North Carolina, 

In this character he marched with tlie North Carohna hne, 
under Brigadier-General Nash, to the main army in New-Jer- 
sey, where he served under the commander-in-chief, until the 
North Carohna Hne was detatched, in November, 1779, to re-en- 
force the southern army, commanded by Major-General Lincoln. 
Previous to this event. Major Davidson was promoted to the 
Command of a regiment, with the rank of a lieutenant-colonel 
commandant. 

As he passed. through North Carolina, Davidson obtained 
permission to visit his family, from which he had been absent 
nearly three years. Tiie delay produced by this visit, saved 
him from captivity, as he found Charleston so closely invested, 
when he arrived in its neighborhood, as to prevent his rejunc- 
tion with his regiment. 

Soon after the surrender of General Lincoln and his army, 
the loyalists of North Carolina, not doubting the complete 
success of the royal forces, began to embody themselves for the 
purpose of contributing their active aid in the field to the 
subsequent operations of the British general. They were nu- 
merous in the western parts of the state, and especially in the 
highland settlement about Cross Creek. Lieutenant-Colonel 
Davidson put himself at the head of some of our militia, called 
out to quell the expected insurrection. He proceeded with 
vigor in the execution of his trust; and, in an engagement 
with a party of loyalists near Calson's mills he was severely 
wounded; the ball entered] the umbilical region, and passed 
through his body near the kidneys. This confined him for eight 
weeks; when recovering, he instantly took the field, having 
been recently appointed brigadier-general by the governmefit 
of North Carolina, in the place of Brigadier-General Rutherford, 



WILLIAM DAVIDSON . 69 

taken at the battle of Camden. He exerted himself, in con- 
junction with General Sumner and Colonel Davie, to interrupt 
the progress bf Lord Cornwallis, in his advance towards Sal- 
isbury, and throughout that eventful period, gave unceasing 
evidences of his zeal and firmness in upholding his fallen 
country. 

After the victory obtained by Morgan at the Cowpens, Da- 
vidson was among the most active of his countrymen in assem- 
bling the militia of his district, to enable General Greene, who 
had joined the light corps under Morgan, to stop the progress 
of the advancing enemy, and was detached by General Greene, 
on the night of (he last day of January, to guard the very ford 
selected by Lord Cornwallis for his passage of the Catawba 
River on the next morning. Davidson possessed himself of the 
post in the night, at the head of three hundred men; and hav- 
ing placed a picquet near the shore, stationed his corps at some 
small distance from the ford. 

General lienry Lee, from whose memoirs of the war in the 
southern department of the United States, we copy the present 
sketch of General Davidson, gives the following account of the 
battle: 

" A disposition was immediately made to dislodge Davidson, 
which the British General O'Pfarra, with the guards, ejected. 
Lieutenant-Colonel Hall, led with the light company, followed 
by the grenadiers. The current was rapid, the stream v.'aist 
deep, and tive hundred yards in width. The soldiers crossed in 
platoons, supporting each other's steps. When Lieutenant-Co- 
lonel Hall reached the river, he was descried by the Ameri- 
can sentinels, whose challenge and tire brought Davidson's 
corps into array^ Deserted by his guide. Hall passed directly 
across, not knowing the landing place, which lay below him. 
This deviation from the common course, rendered it necessary 
for Davidson to incline to the right; but this manoeuvre, although 
promptly performed, was not effected until the light infantry 
liad gained the shore. A fierce conflict ensued, which was 
well supported by Davidson and his inferior force. The 
militia at length yielded, and Davidson, while mounting hi« 



«^v 



79 



WILLIAM DAVIDSON. 



, horse to direct the retreat, was killed. The corps dispersed 
and sought safety in the woods. Our loss was small, excepting 
General Davidson, an active, zealous, and influential officer. 
The British Lieutenant-Colonel Hall was also killed, with three 
of the light infantry, and thirty-six were wounded. Lord Corn- 
wallis's horse was shot under hinn, and fell as soon as he got up- 
on the shore. Leslee's horses were carried down the stream, 
and with difficulty saved; and O'Harra's tumbled over with 
him into the water." 

The loss of Brigadier-General Davidson would always have 
been felt in any stage of the war. It was particularly detri- 
mental in its effect at this period, as he was the chief instrument 
relied upon by General Greene for the assemblage of the militia ; 
an event all important at this crisis, and anxiously desired by 
the American general. The ball passed through his breast, 
and he instantly fell dead. 

This promising soldier was thus lost to his country in the me- 
ridian of life, and at a moment when his services would have 
been highly beneficial to her. He was a man of popular man- 
ners, pleasing address, active and indefatigable. Enamoured 
with the profession of arms, and devoted to the great cause for 
which he fought, his future usefulness may be inferred from his 
former conduct. 

The congress of the United States, in gratitude for his servi- 
ces, and in commemoration of their sense of his worth, passed 
the following resolution, directing the erection of a monument 
to his memory: 

Resolved, That the governor and state of North Carolina, be 
desired to erect a monument at the expense of the United 
States, not exceeding the value of five hundred dollars, to the 
memory of the late Brigadier-General Davidson, who comman- 
ded the militia of the district of Salisbury, in the state of North 
Carolina, and was killed on the first day of February last, fight- 
ing gallantly in the defence of the liberty and independence of 
these states."* 



American Biographical DictionaEy. 



( 71 ) 

WILLIAM RICHARDSON DAVIE, 

' Colonel-Commandant of the State Cavalry of North Carolina. 

Colonel Dwie was born in the village of Egremont, in Eng- 
land, on the 20th June, 1759. His father, visiting South Caro- 
lina soon aflcr the peace of 1 763, brought with him his son ; and 
returning to England, confided him to the Rev. William Rich- 
ardson, bis maternal uncle; who, becoming much attached to 
his nephew, not only took charge of his education, but adopted 
him as his son and heir. At the proper age, William was sent 
to an academy in North Carolina; from whence he was, after 
a fnw years, removed to the college of Nassau Hall, in Princeton, 
New-Jersey, then becoming the resort of most of the southern 
youth, under the auspices of the learned and respectable Dr. 
Witherspoon. Here he finished his education, graduating in 
the autumn of 1776, a year memorable in our military, as well 
as civil annals. 

Returning home, young Davie found himself shut out for a 
time from the army, as the commissions for the troops just lev- 
fed had been issued. He went to Salisbury, where he commen- 
ced the study of law. The war continuing, contrary to the ex- 
pectations which generally prevailed when it began, Davie 
«ould no longer resist the wish to plant himself among the de- 
fenders of his country. Inducing a worthy and popular friend, 
rather too old for military service, to raise a troop of dragoons 
as the readiest mode of accomplishing his object, Davy obtain- 
ed a lieutenancy in this troop. Without delay the captain join- 
ed the southern army, and soon afterwards returned home on 
a furlough. The command of the troop devolving on Lieuten- 
ant Davie, it was, at his request, annexed to the legion of Count 
Pulaski, where Captain Davie continued, until promoted bj 
Major-General Lincoln to the station of brigade-major of cav- 
alry. In this oflice Davie served until the affair of Stono, devo- 
ting his leisure to the acquirement of professional knowl- 
edge, and rising fast in the esteem of the general and army. 
When Lincoln attempted to dislodge Lieutenant-Colonel Mait- 



?.2 WILLIAM RICHARDSON DAVIE. 

land from his entrenched camp on the Stono, Davie received a 
severe wound, and was removed from camp to the hospital in 
Charleston, where he was confined five months. 

Soon after his recovery he was empowered by the govern- 
ment of North Carolina, to raise a small legionary corps, con- 
sisting of one troop of dragoons, and two companies of mounted 
infantry; at the head of which he was placed with the rank of 
major. 

Quickly succeeding in completing his corps, in whose equip- 
ment he expended the last remaining shilling of an est?.t3 be- 
queathed to him by his uncle, he took the field, and was sedu- 
lously engaged in protecting the country between Charlotte and 
Camden, from the enemy's predatory excursions. On the fatal 
19th of August, he was hastening with his corps to join the army, 
when he met our dispersed and flying troops. He nevertheless 
continued to advance toward the conqueror; and by his pru- 
dence, zeal, and vigilance, saved a few of our wagons, and 
many of our stragglers. Acquainted with the movement of 
Sumpter, and justly apprehending that he would be destroyed 
unless speedily advised of the defeat of Gates, he dispatched 
immediately a courier to that officer, communicating what had 
happened, performing, in the midst of distress and confusion, 
the part of an experienced captain. 

So much was his conduct respected by the government of 
North Carolina, that he was in the course of September pro- 
moted to the rank of colonel commandant of the cavalry of the 
state. 

At the two gloomiest epochs of the southern war, soon after 
the fall of Charleston and the overthrow of Gates, it was the 
good fortune of Colonel Davie to be the first to shed a gleam 
through the surrounding darkness and give hope to the coun- 
try, by the brilliancy of his exploits. In one instance, without 
loss or injury, on his pait, he entirely destroyed an escort of 
provisions, taking 40 prisoners, with their horses and arms. In 
the other, under the immediate eye of a large British force, 
which was actually beating to arms, to attack him, he routed 
cK parly stronger than his own, killing and wounding GO of the 



WILLLIA.M RICHARDSON DAVIE. 73 

«aemy, and carrying off with him 96 horses and 120 stand of 
arms. 

When Lord CornwalHs entered Charlotte, a small village ia 
North Carolina, Col. Davie, at (he head of his detachment, 
threw himselt in his front, determined to give him a specimen 
of the tirmness and gallantry, 'with which the inhabitants of the 
place were prepared to dispute with his lordship their native, 
soil. 

Colonel Tarlton's legion formed the British van, led by Major 
Hanger, the commander himself being confined by sickness. 
When that celebrated corps had advanced near to the centre 
ttf the village, where the Americans were posted, Davie poured 
into it so destructive a fire, that it immediately wheeled, and 
retired in disorder. Being rallied on the commons, and agaia 
Jed on to the charge, it received on the same spot, another fire 
-with similar effect. 

Lord Cornwallis witnessing the confusion thus produced, 
among his choicest troops, rode up in person, and in a tone of 
dissatisfaction, upbraided the legion with unsoldierly conduct, 
reminding it of its former exploits and reputation. 

Pressed on his flanks by the British infantry, Colonel Davie 
had now fallen back to a new and well selected position. Tq 
dislodge him from this, the legion cavalry advanced on him, a 
third time, in rapid charge, in full view of their commander-in 
chief, but in vain. Another fire from the American marksmenj 
killed several of their officers, wounded Major Hanger, and rcr 
pulsed them again with increased confusion. 

The main bo9y of the British being now within musket shotj 
the American leader abandoned the contest. 

It was by strokes Hke these, that he seriously crippled and 
intimidated his enemy, acquired an elevated standing in the 
estimation of his friends, and served very essentially the interest 
of freedorp. 

In this station he was found by General Greene, on assuming 
the command of the southern army; whose attention had beeti 
*ccu-pied, frorh his e«trancc into North Carolina, in remedying 

10 



74 VVILLfAM RICHARDSON DAVIE. 

the disorder in the quarter-master and commissary departments. 
To the first, Carrington had been called; and Davie was now 
induced to take upon himself the last, much as he preferred 
the station he then possessed. At the head of this department^ 
Colonel Davie remained throughout the trying campaign which 
followed; contributing greatly by his talents, his zeal, his local 
knowledge, and his infiuei ce, to the maintenance of the diffi- 
cult and successful operations which followed. While before 
Ninety-six, Greene, foreseeing the difficulties again to be en- 
countered, in consequence of the accession of force to the 
enemy by the arrival of three regiments of infantry from Ire- 
land, determined to send a confidential officer to the legislature 
of North Carolina, then in session, lo represent to them his 
relative condition, and to urge their adoption of effectual mea- 
sures without delay, for the collection of magazines of provi- 
sions and the re-enforcement of the army. Colonel Davie was 
selected by Greene for this important mission, and immediately 
repaired to the seat of government, where he ably and faithfully 
exerted himself to give effect to the views of his general. 

The effect of the capture of Cornwallis assuring the quick 
return of peace. Colonel Davie returned home, and resumed 
the profession with the practice of the law in the town of Hali- 
fax, on the Roanoke. 

He was afterward governor of North Carolina, and one of 
our ambassadors to France, at a very portentous conjuncture. 

The war in the south was ennobled by great and signal 
instances of individual and partizan valor and enterprise. 
Scarcely do the most high drawn heroes of fiction surpass, ia 
their darings and extraordinary achievements, many of the 
real ones of Pickens, Marion, Sumpter, and Davie, who figured 
in the southern states during the conflict of the revolution. 

Colonel Davie, although younger by several years, possessed 
talents of a higher order, and was much more accomplished, 
in education and manners, than either of his three competitors 
for fame. For the comeliness of his person, his martial air, 
his excellence in horsemanship, and his consummate powers i 
of field eloquence, he had scarcely an equal in the armies of 



I 



HENRY DTiJARBORN. 7J^ 

bis country. But his chief excellence lay in the magnanimity 
and generosity of his soul, his daring courage, his vigilance and 
Address, and his unrelaxing activity and endurance of toil. If 
he was less frequently engaged in actual combat than either of 
his three compeers, it was not because he was inferior to either 
•f them in enterprise, or love of battle. His district being 
more interior, was, at first, less frequently invaded by British 
detachments. When, however, Lord Cornwallis ultimately 
advanced into that quarter, his scouts and foraging parties fr>und 
in Colonel Davie, and his brave associates, as foriiLidable aji 
enemy as they had ever encountered. 



HENRY DEARBORNi 

Colonel in the American Army. 

The subjoined sketch of the revolutionary services rendered' 
By General Dearborn, is collected from his brothers in arms. 

When the British sent a detachment to destroy the military 
stores in the vicinity of Lexington, Mr. Dearborn, then a young 
gentleman, in the study of medicine, resided at Nottingham, in 
New-Hampshire. Animated by the patriotic resistance of the 
Americans, immediately on being informed of the battle, h*. 
assembled the inhabitants, and observed that the time had now 
arrived, when the rights of the American people must be 
vindicated by arms, or an odious despotism would forever be 
rivited upon them. The militia had already gathered; and 
impressed with these sentiments, a company of G5 men, armed 
and accoutred, paraded, at 10 o'clock of the next day after the 
battle of Lexington. Dearborn advanced with them in such 
rapidity, that they reached Cambridge common, a distance of 
fifty miles in twenty hours. After remaining at Cambridge 
for several days, there being no immediate occasion for their 
services, they returned. Dearborn was soon after commission? 
ed a captain in one of the New-Hampshire regiments, under 
the command of Colonel Stark, and such was his popularity 
and the confidence of the people in his bravery and conduct. 



^g HENRY DEARB(m?r, 

that in ten days from the tinrie he received his commission, he 
enlisted a full company, and again marched to Cambridgeo 
On the glorious seventeenth of Jime, information was received 
at Mys<tic (now Medford) where Dearborn was stationed, that 
the British were preparing to come out from Boston, and storm 
the works which had been thrown up on Breed's hill the night 
be /ore, by the Americans, 

The regiment to which he was attached was immediately 
paraded and marched to Chai lesion Neck. Dearborn's rom- 
panv composed the flank guard to the regiment. They crossed 
the Neck under a galling fire Irom the British men of war and 
floating batteries, and liaving sustained some loss, arrived at the 
heights. The action soon commenced, and the Americans stood 
their jiround until their ammunition was expended, and they 
could no longer beat otTthe British bayonets with the but ends 
of t eir mu-kets. Dearborn carried a fusee into the battle of 
Biu.ker'? Hill, and fired regularly with his men. 

Til'' ni xt arduous service in which he was engaged, was the 
expediiion to Can;ida, through the wilds of Kennebec, undei' 
the command ol General Arnold. He was not ordered on 
thh daMg<rous and ditticult service, but persuaded a captain, 
who svas drafted, to exchange places with him. Thirty-two 
d=ivs were employed in traversing the hideous wilderness be- 
tween the settlements on the Kennebec and the Chaudiere, itt 
which every hardship and fatigue, of which human nature is 
capable, was endured indiscriminately by the officers and 
troops. On the highlands between the Kennebec and St. 
Lawrence, the remnant of provisions was divided among the 
comp mies, who were directed to make the best of their way in 
separate dinsions, to the settlement of Chaudiere. The last 
payment of food in Dearborn's company was shortly consumed, 
and he was reduced to the extremity of dividing a large dog 
which accompanied him with his associates. When they 
reached the Chaudiere, from colds, extreme hardship,aiid want 
of sustenance, his strength failed him, and he was unable to 
walk but a short distance without walking into the river to re- 
frigerate and siimulaio his limbs; With difficulty he reached, 



HENRY DEARBORN. T7 

a poor hut. on the Chaudiere, where he told his men he could 
accompany them no further, animated them forward to a glo- 
rious discharge of their duty, and would suflfer no one to remain 
to attend him in his illness. His company left him witli tears 
in their eyes, expecting to see him no more. D<'arbort» was 
here seized with a violent fever, during which his lifp was in 
danger for ten days, without physician or ntedicitte, and with 
scarcely the common necessaries of life. His line ronsiitn-ion 
at last surmounted his disease, and as soon as he \\n> able (o 
mount a horse, he proceeded to Point l^evi, crossed ovci to 
Wolf's Cove, and made his unexpected appearanc*- at (i>e head 
of his company, a few days before the assault on Quebec. At 
four o'clock in the morning of (he 31st December, in a sev+'ie 
snow storm, and in a climate that vies with Norway u: U-mjest 
and in intense cold, the attack was commenced. Dearborn 
was attached to the corps under General Arnold, who uas 
wounded early in the action, and carried from the lield. Mor- 
gan succeeded to the command, and " wit'i a voice louder 
than the tempest," animated the troops as they stormed the 
first barrier and entered tlie town. Montgomery had already 
bled on immortal ground, and his division beir>g repulsed, the 
corps under Morgan was exposed to a sanguinary but unavailing 
contest. From the windows of the store-houses, each a castle, 
and from the tops of the parapets, a destructive tire was poured 
upon the assailants. In vain was the second barrier gained 
by scaling ladders; double ranks of soldiers presented a forest 
of bayonets below, and threatened inevitable destruction 1o 
any one who should leap from tl)e walls. Dearborn main- 
tained tor a long time this desperate warfare, until at last he and 
the 'remnant of his company were overpowered by a sortie of 
200 men with field pieces, who attacked him in front and rear 
in a short street, and compelled him to surrender. The whole 
corps, originally led on by Arnold, were killed or made prison- 
ers of war. 

Dearborn was now put into rigid confinement, with a num- 
ber of other officers, who were not allowed to converse with 
each other unles in the presence of the officer of the guard. 



7^ HENRY DEARBORN, 

While in prison lie Wtis urgently solicited by the English offi- 
cers to join the British; was promised a colonePs commi&sioo 
if he would accept, and was assured it he refused, that he would 
be sent oat to England in the spring, and be inevitably hanged 
as a rebel. The odI} reply he made to their solicitations o* 
menaces-, was, tiiat ue had taken up arms in defence of th6 
liberties and the rigtits ot lis< country: tliat he never would 
disgrace himself, or tii!>honor his profession by receiving any 
appointment under Oreat Britain, but was read} to meet death 
in any shape ratliet tiian relinquish the glorious cause he had 
espoused. 

In May, 1.776, Colonel Meigs and himself were permitted i<y 
!feturn on their parole. They were sent round to Halifax in a 
ship of war, and treated witti the usual contempt and hauteur 
of English officers, who would not deign to speak to Americans, 
nor even allow them to walk the same side ol the quarterdeck 
with themselves. They were put ashore in Penobscot Bay, 
and returned by land. In the March following, Dearborn was 
exchanged, and appointed Major to the 3d New-Hampshire 
regiment, commanded by Colonel Scammel. In May he arrive 
ed at Ticonderogci, and was constantly in the rear guard, skir- 
mishing with the British and Indians, in the retreat of St. Clair, 
when pressed on by Burgoyne's army. 

When ihe advance of Burgo^ne was checked, and he en- 
camped on the heights of Saratoga, Dearborn was appointed 
Lieut. Gol. commandant of a partizan corps of 300 men, sta- 
tioned in front, to act as a corps of observation in concert with 
Morgan's riflemen. In the famous engagement of the 19th of 
September, Colonel Morgan himself commenced the encounter 
by driving in the out-posts and picket gu^irds of the right wing 
of the British army, which was commanded by General Bur- 
goyne in person. In the hard fought battle of the 7th of Octo- 
ber, he was in the division of General Arnold, who commenced 
a furious and persevering attack on the right wing of the 
British forces. Whilst Arnold pressed hard on the enemy, 
Dearborn was ordered to pass the right, and take possession of 
eight heavy cannon, which played over the British into the 



HENRY DEARBORN, 7^ 

iinierican lines. In executing this order, he was charged by a 
corps of light infantry, which he repulsed with fixed bayonets, 
gained the enninence, took the cannon and the corps of 
artillery attached to them, and having dij^posed of them, made 
a rapid movement into the rear of the British lines, and gave 
a full fire before his approach was discovered. The British 
were soon after forced to a precipitate retreat, and Dearborn 
assisted in storming their works through the whole extent, under 
a tremendous fire of grape and musketry. Arnold was wounded 
in the same leg, which suffered when Dearborn followed him 
to the assault of Quebec, and was repulsed from the works 
after having gained a temporary possession of them; but Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Brooks having gained the left of the encampment, 
was enabled to maintain his ground. Duringthe long contested 
battle, which decided the fate of Burgoyne's army. Dearborn 
was unable to rest, or take any refreshments from daylight until 
late at night. The succeeding winter he passed in camp at 
Valley Forge, with the main body of the Americnn army, com- 
manded by General Washington in person. 

At the battle of Monmouth, the spirited conduct of Colonel 
Dearborn, and the corps under his command, attracted particu- 
larly the attention of the commander-in-chief. After Lee had 
made a precipitate and unexpected retreat, Washington, among 
other measures which he took to check the advance of the 
British, ordered Dearborn, with 350 men, to attack a body of 
troops, which were passing through an orchard on the right wing 
of the enemy. The Americans advanced under a heavy fire, 
with a rapid movement, and shouldered arms. The enemy 
filed otfand formed on the edge of a morass; the Americans 
wheeled to the right, received their second fire with shouldered 
arms; marched up until within ei^ht rods, dressed, gave a full 
fire, and charged bayonets. The British having sustained con- 
siderable loss, fled with precipitation across the morass, where 
they were protected by the main body of the Army. « What 
troops are those?" inquired Washington, with evident pleasure 
at t'leir gallant conduct: — "Full blooded Yankees from New- 
Hampshire, sir," replied Dearborn. 



80 . BVAN EDWARDS. 

When the disaflfection and treason of Arnold transpired, he 
was stationed at West Point, and was officer of the day at the 
execution of Major Andre. 

In 1781, he was appointed Deputy -Quartermaster-General, 
with the rank of Colonel, and served in that capacify at the 
siege of Yorktown. Jn siiorf, there was scarcely a battle be- 
tween Yorktown and Quebec, during the longj protracted war, 
in which Colonel Dearborn did not take a brave, active, and 
conspicuous part. 



EVAN EDWARDS, 

Major in the American Army. 

The following interesting account is taken from Garden's 
*' Anecdotes of the Revolutionary War." 

" Among the meritorious officers who gained distinction in the 
service, there were few who better deserved, or in a more ex- 
tensive degree obtained the respect of the public, and atfection- 
ate esteem of his military associates, than Major Edwards. 

" The Major was of the Baptist persuasion, and originally 
designed for the ministry; but, imbibing the military spirit of 
the times, entered the army, and appeared, at the commence^ 
ment of the war, as one of the defenders of Fort Washington, 
A brave and stubborn resistance could not save the post, which 
fell into the hands of the enemy, and Edwards became a pris- 
oner. 1 have often heard him make a jest of the whimsical and 
fantastical figure which he exhibited on this occasion. ' It 
was not to be wondered,' he said, ' that starch in person, ema- 
ciated as an anatomy, with rueful countenance, rendered more 
ghastly by misfortune, my dress partly military, but showing 
much of a clerical cut. that the risibility of the conquerors 
should have been very highly excited. One of the leaders^ 
however, of tlie successful assailants, anxious to excite a still 
higher degree of mernrn'^nt, ord'-ved me to ascend a cart, and 
as a genuine specimen of a rebel officer, dir'^rfed tba* I should 
he paraded through the principal streets of New-York. It 



EVAN EDWARDS. 8l 

was at the entrance of Canvass Town, that I was much amused 
by the exclamation of a Scottish female follower of the camp, 
who called to a companion — 'Quick, quick, lassie, rin hither a 
wee, and devarte yoursel', they've cotchM a braw and bonny 
rebel, 'twill do ye t(uid to laugh at him.' Hooting and derision 
attended my whole career, and at the conclusion of the farce I 
was committed to prison." 

*' In the eventful changes of the war it so happened, that the 
very individual who had so ungenerously abused his power, be- 
came a captive, experiencing the additional mortification of 
yielding his sword into the hands of the man he so lately treat- 
ed with scornful indignity. Struck with the singularity of the 
rencounter, and thoroughly ashamed of his former behaviour, 
he with frankness said: 'You are the last man, sir, that I wish- 
ed to meet on such an occasion, for no one have I ever so wan- 
tonly offended; from you I have nothing to look for but merited 
retaliation.' ' Not a word more on the subject, I beseech you, 
sir,' was the reply of Edwards, ' the surrender of jour sword 
destroyed every recollection of former animosity; rest assured, 
therefore, that while you remain with us, it will be equally my 
pride and pleasure to soothe the pains of captivity, and to ren- 
der you every service in my power.' 

*' The cheerful disposition of Edwards, rendered him, as I 
have already stated, an universal favorite: the occasional in- 
dulgence of satirical propensities, peculiarly so of General 
Charles Lee, who made him his aid-de-camp, and at his death \ ^, ^. 
left him a third of his estate. I never knew him, however, .ii'v 
make an ill-natured remark, where he was not provoked to do i!l»; 
fo — then, indeed, he spared not. 

" A colonel in the army, who was too much inclined to be 
poetical in his prose, telling Edwards, (hat he had heard a re- 
port concerning him, that had greatly amused him, the Major 
assured him that it was altogether without foundation. ' O 
no,' said the Colonel, ' deny it not — it must be true, and 1 will 
report and give it currency.' ' Thank you, thank you, kind sir,' 
rejoined Edwards, ''your doing so, will save me the trouble Ot" 

contradicting it.' " 

1! 






( 82 ) 

CHRISTOPHER GADSDEN. 

Brigadier-fiteneral and Lieutenant-Governor of South Carolina, 

This venerable patriot of the revolutior, was born in 
Charleston, about the year 1724. He was sent to England by 
his father, while a youth, where he was educated. At the age 
of sixteen, he returned to Carolina, and finished his education 
in the counting- ho'ise of Mr. L:^vvrence, of Pail-idelp'vi u 

General Gadsden had natiirally a strong love for indepen- 
dence. He was born a republican. Under a well ordered 
government, he was a good su'iject, but could not brook the 
encroachments of any man, or body of men, to entrench on his 
rights. 

« As early as 1766," says Judge Johnson, " there was at least 
one man in South Carolina, who foresaid and foretold the views 
of the British government, and explicitly urged his adherents 
to the resolution, to resist even to death. General Gadsden, it 
is well known, always favored the most decisive and energetic 
measures. He thought it folly to temporize, and insisted that 
cordial reconciliation, on honorable terms, was impossible. 
When the news of the repeal of the stamp-act arrived, and the 
whole community was in ecstacy at the event, he, on the contra- 
ry, received it with indignation, and privately convening a par- 
ty of his friends, he harangued them at considerable length, on 
the folly of relaxing their opposition and vigilance, or indulging 
-iJi-y^ the fallacious hope, that Great Britain would relinquish her de- 
k« ?kiii;iv*,^4|j^signs or pretensions. He drew their attention to the preamble 
of the act, and forcibly pressed upon them the absurdity of re.i 
joicing at an act that still asserted and maintained the absolute 
dominion over them. And then reviewing all the chances of 
succeeding in a struggle to break the fetters, when again impos- 
ed upon them, he pressed them to prepare their minds for the 
event. The address was received with silent, but profound 
devotion, and, with linked hands, the whole party pledged them- 
selves to resist; a pledge that was faithfully redeemed when 
the hour of trial arrived." 



CHRISTOPHER GADSDEN. g9 

*.' In June, 1775, when the provincial congress determined to 
raise troops, Gadsden, though absent on pubhc duty at Phila- 
delphia, was, without his consent or knowledge, elected colonel 
of the first regiment. For personal courage he was inferior to 
no man. In knowledge of the military art he had several 
equals, and some superiors; but from the great confidence repos- 
ed in his patriotism, and the popularity of his name, he was 
put at the head of the new military establishment. He left 
congress and repaired to the camp in Carolina, declaring that, 
** wherever his country placed him, whether in the civil or mil- 
itary department; and if in the latter, whether as corporal or 
colonel, he would cheerfully serve to the utmost of his ability.'* 

In the next year he was promoted by congress to the rank of 
brigadier-general. He commanded at Fort Johnson, when 
the fort on Sullivan's Island was attacked; and he was prepar- 
ed to receive the enemy in their progress to Charleston. The 
repulse of the British prevented his coming into action. Their 
retreat relieved South Carolina from the pressure of war for 
two years, in this period Gadsden resigned his military com- 
mand, ()ut continuf^d to serve in the assembly and the privy 
council, and was very active in preparing for, and endeavoring 
to repel tlie succet^sive invasion? of the slate by the British, in 
1779 and 1780. He was the friend of every vigorous meas- 
ure, and always r'^ady to undertake the most laborious duties, 
and to put himself in the front of danger. 

When ChiW'ieston sur -endered by capitulation, he was lieu- 
tenant governor, and paroled as suc!i, and honorably kept his 
engagement. For the three months which followed, iie was 
undisturbed; but on the defeat of Gates, in August, 1780, the 
British resolved that he and several others who discovered no 
disposition to return to the condition of British subjects, should 
be sent out of the country. He was accordingly taken in his 
own house by a file of soldiers, and put on board a vessel in 
the harbor. He knew not why he was taken up, nor what was- 
intended to be done with him, but supposed it wa"; introductory 
to a trial for treason or rebellion, as the British gave out that, 
tht country was completely conquered. 



^4 CireiSTOPHER GADSDEN. 

He was soon joined by twenty-eight compatriots, who wtT& 
also taken up on the same day. 

He drew from hi? pocket half a dollar, and turning to his as- 
sociates with a cheerful countenance, assured them that was all 
the money he had at his command. The conquerors sent him 
ftnd his companions to St. Augustine, then a British garrison. 

On their landing, limits of some extent were oflfered to thenm 
on condition of their renewing the parole they' had given in 
Charleston, " to do nothing injurious to the British interest." 
When this was tendered to General Gadsden, he replied, " that 
he had already given one, and honorably observed it; that in 
violation of his rights as a prisoner under a capitulation, he had 
been sent from Charleston, and that therefore he saw no use in 
giving a second paro!e." The commanding officer replied, "he 
would enter into no arguments, but demanded an explicit an- 
swer, whether he would or would not renev/ his parole." Gen« 
cral Gadsden answered with that high-minded republican spir- 
it which misfortunes could not keep down, '^ 1 will not. In God 
I put my trust, and fear no eonsequences." '' Think better of 
it sir," said the officer, "a second refusal will fix your destiny; 
a dungeon will be your future habitation," "Prepare it then," 
said the inflexible patriot, *• I will give no parole, so help me. 
Gody He was instantly hurried off (o the caslle, and there 
confined for ten months in a small room, and in a state of com- 
plete separation from his fellow prisoners, and in total ignoranca 
of the advantao-es gained by his countrymen, but with most am- 
ple details of their defeats, and particularly of the sequestra^ 
tion of his estate with that of the other Carolina rebels. 

After Andre's arrest. Colonel Glaeier, the governor of the 
castle, sent to advise General Gadsden to prepare himself for 
the worst, intimating, that as General Washington had been as- 
sured of retaliation, if Andre was executed, it was not unlikelj 
that he would be the person selected. To this^message he mag- 
nanimously replied, " That he was always prepared to die for 
bis country, and that he would rather ascend the scaffold thaa 
purchase with bis life the dishonor of his country." 



CHRISTOPHER GADSDEN. 8i 

«In the course of 1781, the victories of General Greene 
procured an equivalent for the release of all the prisoners be- 
longing to South Carolina. Mr. Gadsden was discharged from 
close confinement, and rejoined his fellow-prisoners. The re- 
ciprocal congratulations on the change of circumstances, and on 
seeing each other after ten months separation, though in the 
same garrison, may be more easily conceived than expressed. 
They were all conveyed by water from Si. Augustine to Phila- 
delphia, and there delivered. On their arrival, they were in- 
formed, for the first time, of the happy turn American affairs 
had taken subsequent to Gates' defeat. General Gadsden has- 
tened back (o South Carolina, to aid in recovering it from the 
the British. He was elected a member of the assembly which 
met at Jacksonborough, in 1782. 

General Gadsden continued in the country throughout the 
year 1782, serving as one of the governor's council. On 
the 14th of December, 1782, he, with the American army and 
citizens, made their triumphant entry into Charleston, in the 
rear of the evacuating British. In the first moment of his re- 
turn, after an absence of more than two years, he had the pleas- 
ure of seeing the British fleet, upward of 300 sail, in the act of 
departing from the port, and the capital, as well as the country, 
restored to its proper owners. Mr. Gadsden henceforward de- 
voted himself to private pursuits, but occasionally served in the 
assembly, and with unspeakable delight in the two state con- 
ventions; the one for the ratification of the national constitu- 
tion, in 1788, and the other for revising the state constitution, 
in 1790. 

He survived his .81st year, generally enjoying good health, 
and at last died more from the consequences of an accidental 
fall, than the weight of disease or decays of nature. 

His opinions of lawyers were not favorable. He considered 
their pleadings as generally tending to obscure what was 
plain, and to make difficulties where there were none; and much 
more subservient to render their trade lucrative, than to ad- 
vance justice. He adhered to that clause of Mr. Locke's fun- 
damental «onstitution, which makes it « a base and vile thing 



gg HORATIO SATES. 

to plead for money or reward;" and wished that the lawyers^ 
when necessary to justice, should be provided with salaries at 
the public expense, like the judges, that they might be saved 
from the shame of hiring their tongues to the first who offered 
or gave the largest fee. Of physicians he thought very little. 
He considered temperance and exercise superior to all their 
prescriptions, and that in most cases they rendered them alto- 
gether unnecessary. In many things he was particular. His 
passions were strong, and required all his rehgion and philoso- 
phy to curb them. His patriotism was both disinterested and 
ardent. He declined all offices of profit, and through life refus- 
ed to take the compensations annexed by law to such offices of 
trust as were conferred on him. His character was impressed 
with the hardihood of antiquity; and he possessed an erect, 
firm, and intrepid mind, which was well calculated for buffet- 
?ng with revolutionary storms." * 



HORATIO GATES, 

Major-General in the American Army. 

©ENERAL Gates was a native of England, and was born in 
the year 1728. He was educated to the military profession, 
and entered the British army at an early age, in the capacity of 
lieutenant, where he laid the foundation of his future military 
excellence. Without purchase, he obtained the rank of Major, 
He was aid to General Monckton, at the capture of Martinico, 
and after the peace of Aix la Chapelle, he was among the first 
troops which landed at Halifax, under General Cornwallis. He 
was an officer in the army which accompanied the unfortunate 
Braddock, in the expedition against Fort du Quesne, in the year 
175i>, and was shot through the body. 

When peace was concluded, he purchased an estate in Vir- 
ginia, where he resided until the commencement of the Ameri- 
can war, in 1775. Having evinced his zeal and attachment to 
the violated rights of his adopted country, and sustaijoing & 



* Ramsay's History of S»uth CaroUoA.. 



H©RATIO GATES. 87 

higb military reputation, he was appointed by congress adju- 
tant general, with the rank of brigadier, and he accompanied 
Gen. Washington to the American camp at Cambridge, in July, 
1775, where he was employed for some lime in a subordinate, 
but highly useful capacity. 

In June, 1776, Gates was appointed to the command of the 
army in Canada, and on reaching Ticonderoga, he still claimed 
the command of it, though it was no longer in Canada, and 
was in the department of Gen. Schuyler, a senior officer, who 
had rendered eminent services in that command. On lepre- 
sentation to congre?*, it was declared not to be their intention 
to place Gates over Scbuyler, and it was recommended to these 
officers to endeavor to co-operate harmoniously. Gen. Schuy- 
ler was, however, shortly after directed by congress to resume 
the command of the northern department, and General Gates 
withdrew himself from it; after which he repaired to head- 
quarters, and joined the army under General Washington ia 
Jersey. 

Owing to the prevalent dissatisfaction of the conduct of 
General Schuyler, in the evacuation of Ticonderoga,* Gates 
was again directed to take command. He arrived about the 
21st of August, and continued the exertions to restore the af- 
fairs of the department, which had been so much depressed 
by the losses consequent on the evacuation of Ticonderoga. 
It was fortunate for General Gates, that the retreat from Ti- 
conderoga had been conducted under other auspices than his, 
and that he took the command when the indefatigable, but un- 
requited labors of Schuyler, and the courage of Stark and 
his mountaineers had already ensured the ultimate defeat of 
Burgoyne. 

Burgoyne, after crossing the Hudson, advanced along its side 
and encamped on the height, about two miles from Gates' camp: 
which was three miles above Stillwater. This movement was 
the subject of much discussion. Some charged it on the im- 
petuosity of the general, and alleged that it was premature, 
before he was sure of aid from the royal forces posted in 

* Vide Biography of Gen. Schuyler, 



88 HORATIO GATES. 

New- York: but he pleaded the peremptory orders of his su- 
periors. The rapid advance of Burgoyne, and especially his 
passage of the North River, added much to the impracticabili- 
ty of his future relreat, and made the ruin of his army in a 
great degree unavoidable. The Americans, elated with their 
successes at Bennington and Fort Schuyler, thought no more of 
retreating, but came out to meet the advancing British, and en- 
gaged them with firmness and resolution. 

The attack began a little before mid-day, September 19th, 
between the scouting parties of the two armies. The com- 
manders of both sides, supported and re-enforced their respec- 
tive parties. The conflict, though severe, was only partial for an 
hour and a half, but after a short pause it became general, and 
continued for three hours without any intermission. A constant 
blaze of fire was kept up, and both armies seemed determined 
on death or victory. The Americans and British alternately 
drove, and were driven by each other. The British artillery 
fell into our possession at every charge, but we could neither 
turn the pieces upon the enemy nor bring them off, so sudden 
were the alternate advantages. It was a gallant conflict, in 
which death, by familiarity lost his terrors; and such was the 
order of the Americans, that, as General Wilkinson states, the 
wounded men, after having their wounds dressed, in many in- 
stances returned again into the battle. Men, and particularly 
officers, dropped every moment, and on every side. Several 
of the Americans placed themselves on high trees, and, as often 
as they could distinguish an officer's uniform, took him off bj 
deliberately aiming at his person. Few actions have been 
characterised by more obstinacy in attack or defence. The 
British repeatedly tried their bayonets, but without their usual 
success in the use of that weapon. 

The British lost upwards of ^00 men, including their killed, 
wounded, and prisoners. The Americans, inclusive of the 
missing, lost 319. Thirty-six out of forty-eight British artille- 
rists were killed or wounded. The 62d British regiment, which 
Was 500 strong, when it left Canada, was reduced to 60 men, 
and 4 or 5 officers. In this engagement General Gates, assisted 



HORA.TIO GATES. gg 

hy €!cnerals Lincoln anH Arnold, commanded ihe AmeriraH 
armv, and General Bur^oyne was at fhe head of his armv, a-id 
Ger erals Philips, Reidesel, and Frazer, with their resjjertive 
•ommands, were actively engjaged. 

Tiiis hattle was foiisjht hy the general concert and zealous 
♦o-operafion of the corps engaged, and was «iisfain<^'l more hy 
in livi dual Courage ♦^han mil tary discipline. Ge' eral Arnold 
who afterwards traitoron«lv deserted 'is cou'iffv, hehaved with 
the most undaunted courage, leadiaff on the troops and <■ r 
«ouraginor them hv his personal e'l^rt" and dfirin? -^xno<5urp. 
The jrallant Colonel Morgan ohtained immorUil honor on M^s 
dav. Lieutenant Colonel Brooks, 'vith f le pi^jhth Vla-s.ic' usrKs 
xegi'nent. remained in the H II till ahontelfvpo o'(!ofk,and 'vhs 
the laet who retirf^d. Maior-^^u'l commandpd a dctfic'-ment of 
three hundred men, who foiig^ht with huch sisfnal ardor 'th;'t more 
than halfof them were killed. The w'lole numher of Americans 
ensja.wpd in this action wa" ahout two thousand five hundred^ 
the remainder of the army, from its unfavorable si nation, tx)ok 
little or no part in the action. 

Earharmv claimed the victorv, and each heliev d hims' Ifto 
have heaten, with only part of its force, near>v the whole of the 
enemv. The advantage however, was decidedly in favor of the 
Americans. In every quarter they had heen the assailants, 
and after an encounter of several hours, they had not lost ei 
sinifh" inrb of ground. 

General Gates, whose numhers increased daily, remained 
on his old ground. His risjht, which extended to the river, 
had heen unassailable, and be used great industry to strengtheu 
hie left. 

Both armies maintained their position until the 7th of Octoherj 
Burgoyne, in the hope of beinsi relieved by Sir Henry Clinton, 
and Gates in the confidence of growing stronger every Hay, and 
•f rendering the destruction of his enemy more certain. But 
receiving no further intelligence from Sir Henrv, the British 
General determined to mike one more trial of strength with 
his adversary. Tlie followi'ig accouMt of the brilliant affair of 
the 7th Oct. 1777, is given in Thacher's J\Jilitary Journal,: 



^^ HORATIO GATHS. 

" I am fortunafe enouijh to obtain from our officers a |iarti«nlftT 
account of the glorious event of the 7th Inst. The advanced A] 
parties of the two armies came into contact, about three " 
o'clock on Tuesday afternoon, and immedialelv disphved their 
hostile attitude. The Americans soon approached the royal 
armv, and each party in defiance awaited the deadly blow. 
The gallant Colonel Morgan, at the head of his famous rifle 
•orps, and Major Dearborn, leading a detachment of infant rv, 
, •ommenced the action, and rus'ied courageously on the British 
grenadiers, commanded by Major Ackland; and the furious 
attack was firmly resisted. In all parts of the field, the conflict 
became extremely arduous and obstinate; an unconqueralde 
spirit on each side disdaining to yield the palm of victory. 
Death appeared to have lost his terrors; breaches in the ranks 
were no sooner made than supplied by fresh combatants, await- 
ing a similar fate. At length the Americans press forward with 
'Feriewed strength and ardor, and compel the whole British 
line, commanded by Burgoyne himself, to yield to their deadly 
fire, and they retreat in disorder. The German troops remain 
ifirmly posted at their lines. These wf re now boldly assaulted 
l>y Brigadier-General Learned and Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks, 
at the head of their respective commands, with such intrepidity, 
that the works were carried, and their brave commander, Lieut. 
Colonel Breyman was slain. Tb.e Germans were pursued to 
their encampment, which, with all the equipage of the brigade 
fell into our hands. Colonel Cilley, of General Poor's brigade;, 
having acquitted himself honorably, w?is seen astride on a brass 
field piece, exulting in the capture. Major Hull, of the Massa- 
chusetts line, was among those who so bravely stormed the 
enemy's entrenchment, and acted a conspicuous part. General 
Arnold, in conspquence of a serious misunderstanding with 
General Gates, was not vested with any command, by which he 
was exceedinuly chagrined and irritated. Reentered the field, 
however,and his conduct was marked with intemperate rashness; 
flourishing his sword and animating the troops, he struck an offi- 
cer on the head without cause, and gave him a considerable 
wound. He exposed himsell to every danger, and with a small 



HORATIO «ATEg. %{ 

jiartj of riflemen, rushed into the rear of the enemy, where he 
received a ball which Iractured his leg, and iiis hol^e vvus kiiltd 
•iider him. Nigiitfill put a slop to uur biiUianl career, (hough 
the viciory was mosl decisive, and ii is vvith pi ide and exultatioa 
thai we recount the triumph ul American bravery. iJt?ideft 
liieuienant-Colonel Ijrejmcin sian., Cieneial i:'ihzei,oije ot tne 
Miost valuable otiicers in the Britisli ^ervice was moriaily 
w>iu;ided,and survived but a fcMV hours. Fr.izcr was the soul oi 
the briiisn army, and was just changing tlie disposition ol a part 
•( ttie troops to repel a stroij»g impression which ttie Americans 
had made, and were still making, on the bniish right, wi:en iVioi«- 
jan called togetlier two or three of his best marksriieii, and 
pointing to Frrizer, said, 'Do) ou see that gallant othcer? ttiat is 
General f razei, — 1 respect and honor .lim; but it is necessarj 
ht siiould die.' iiiis v\i.s eoougl . Frazer imniedialel) received 
ki-" iiu)riai wound, and was earned off the held. Sir Fiancis 
Clark, aid-de-canip to Cieneial Jburgo)ne, was brought into 
•ur camp witti a mortal wound, and, Major Ackland, wno cora^-. 
manded tlje British grenadiers, was wounded through both legs^ 
and is our prisoner. Several other oliicers, and about two 
hundred privates, are prisoners in our hands, with nine pieces of 
•aiinon, and a considerable suppl)' ot ammunition, wiiich was 
■nucii wanted for our troops. Vim loss on oui side is supposed 
not lo exceed thirt) killed, and one hundred wounded, in obiaiQ- 
iiig this signal vicioiy." 

The position of the British army, after the action of the 7tV 
was so dangerous, that an immediate and total change of positioEi 
became necessai), and Burgoyne took immediate measures to 
regain his tormer camp at Saratoga. There he arrived, with 
little molestation from his adversary. His provisions being now 
reduced to the supply ol a few da}s, the transports of artillery 
and baggage towards Canada, being rendered impracticable by 
the judicious measures of his adversai}, the Biiiish general 
resolved upon a rapid retreat, merely with what the soldiers 
could carry. On examination, however, it was fouhd that tiiey 
were deprived even of this resojjice, as the passes through 
whi*h their route lay, were so strongly guarded, that nothing^ 



f 2 ilORATIO GATES, 

but artillery could clear iliern. In this desperate situation a 
paiiev louh jjlate, riiid o\' the Iblh ol October, the Tvhole army 
sunti.dcjf (J to (ji neiiil Gales, 

l"ne prize obl.iiued cont^iMtd of nrore thanti\e thousand pris' 
oner?, fort^-two pieces ot brat^s ordnance, sever thousand nius- 
kett«, clothing for seven thousand nrtn, with a yen\ qiifiMii) of 
tents and ether military stores. 

Soon alter the convention was signed, the An.erit ans man I ed 
ino iheir hn* >, aid uerl' keja II eie uniil ihc nyal arui) liad 
deposited tl eir am s at tht plate aj poiiited. The delicacy 
with which this business wa? conau* led, rt fiecieu honor or* the 
Aniencan general, ^or did the poiitentss ot Gates end iiere. 
Ever} ciicuuisiante was withht Id II at (ould tonstiiutealriuniph 
in the American army. The cap'ive ^tieral v^as leceived by 
Jiis conqueror wiih re?|ect aid kindness. A nun, her of the 
principal othcereof both arnrit* n ei ai Genual Gates's quarters^ 
and for a while seemed to forget, in social and convivial pleasuies, 
that they had been eneuiies. 

General VA ilkinson give^ th ■ f( lU wirg account of the meeting^ 
beiween General lJurgo}r. ai d General Gales: — 

"(.< IK in! C ate^,a^JVist ol Lnigojne'.^ apptcacl., net himafe 
the I cad ot his canij ; turgcjne in a rich royal ui ilorm, and 
G;"U- 111 a j.lain hhie lro( k. When the) had approaclied near- 
h wiihm swoid's lei gil-, they reii^ed up aiid halted. I then 
nau.od tie g< liien.an, and Gtneral Burgojne, raising his hat, 
itio^t gia<<tuii> said, ' Ihe ioilune of war. Gen. Gates, has 
niadt mt v< ui I iisoier;' to wlich the C(.nqueror, returning a 
conrJx ^alutt', pionf^tl) itplied, ' 1 shall alwa}s be ready t© 
b< ai Its ijc Ol A thai it has not been tlirough any fault of your 
exceilenc}.' " 

The thanks ot coi grtss were voted to Gen. Gates and his 
arni); and a n.erial ot gold, in c nn.en oration oi tliis great 
eveni, was oidertd to be siiuJ., to It presented to him b} the 
president, in the i ame ot the United S<aies. 

It was not long after thai tht wonderful discovery was suppo- 
sed to be n ad<'. llat the illustrious VVnshington was incompe- 
tent to the task ©i eonducting thy operations of the American 



HORATIO ©ATBSi.: 95 r 

aimy, and that Gpneral G. u>, ii eit vaied to the chief command^ 
M( I. Mi .-ji c(Jil\ ri liior.nt it t (ciitlition of cui atiaiis. 'J Lere 
were those that in.(.uted lo Geutifn Galet. liin^eh, a piincijial 
ajicncy in the aflair, wtiieh, luiwevei, Ik: pi(/ni|4l> disavowed. 
Bit (f Plain ii is lliai a |;nvHie conespci dt r;( t was nfaintaitcd 
be!\» een liiPi aid the iiitii^uii t General Conwax, in which the 
nj< .Inures pursued b} General A>ashiigi.on aie tiitieized and 
repiohateo, and in oiie ot Coti\va)'t? ittters, he puintLidlj 
astnbesour want ol success to a weak general and bad couri*, 
sellers. General Gates, on hnding that General Washington iiad 
been .ipprised oi the cctresfonclence, addressed his Excellency, 
requesting that he would disclose the name of his infbiriiant, 
and in violaiion ot the rules of decorum, he addressed the comi. 
mander-in-chiel on a subject ol extreme delicacy in an open 
letier traijsmitled to the president ol congress. Gen. Wash- 
ington, however, did not hesitate to disclose the name and the 
circunisiances which brought the affair to light. Gen. Gates, 
then, with inexcusable disir.genuousness, attempted to vindicate 
the conduct ot Conway, and to deny that the letter contained 
the reprehensible expression in question, but utterly refused to 
produce the original letter. This subject, however, was so 
abl^ and candidly discussed by General Washington, as to cover 
his advei'^afy with shame and humiliation. It was thought 
inexcusable in Gates, that he neglected to communicate to the 
commander-in-chief an account of so important an event as the 
capture of the Biitisli aimy at Saratoga, but lelt his Excellency 
to obtain the information by common report. 

Dr. Thacher, in his Military Journal relates the following 

ane( dote: — •• Mr. 'I , an ensign in our regiment, has, tor 

some timr, discovered s3n.p(oms of mental derangen^ent. Yes- 
terda) he intruded hiniselfai Gen. Gates's head-quarters, and 
alter some amusing conversation, he put himself in the attitude 
of devotion, and pra\ed (hat God would pardon Gen. Gates for 
endeavoring to supersede that god-like man, Washington. The 
general a|j eared to be nuich disturbed, and directed Mr. Pierce, 
his aid-(ie-camp, to take him away." 



,^§4 HORATIO GATES.- 

On the 13th of June, 1780, Gen. Gafps was appointed toth* 
ehiei cominantl ot the southern rirni}. Ricli m tame ironi the 
fields of Saratoga, he hastened to execute the high and impor- 
tant trust; and the arrival of art officer so exalted in reputation^ 
had an immediate and happv efiect on the spirits of the soldiery 
and the hopes of tlje people. It was anticipated that he wlio 
had humbled Great Britain on the heigi.ts of the Hud-on, and 
liberated New-York trom a fornjidable invasion, would provt uo 
less successful in the south, and become the deliverer of Caro* 
iina and Georgia from lawless rapine and military rule. But an« 
ticipations were vain, and the best founded hopes were blighted! 
In the first and onl^ encounter which he had with Loid Corn- 
wallis, at Camden, August 15th, he sutfered a total deteat, and 
was o' liged to fly from the enemy lor personal safety. 

Proudly calculating on the weight ol his nan e, and too coi>« 
fident in his own superiority, he slighied tlie counsel which he 
ought to have respected, and hurrying impetuously into the 
field of battle, his tide of popularity ebbed as fast at Camdeat 
as it had flowed at Saratoga.* 

It would be great injustice, however, to attribute the misfor- 
tune altogether to the comander, under his peculiar ciicum* 
stances. A large proportion of his fnrie consisted of raw mili- 
tia, who were panic struck and fled at the first fire»; their rout 
was absolute and irretrievable. In vain did Gates attempt to 
rally them. That their speed might be greater, they threw 
away their arms and accoutrements, and dashed into the woods 
and swamps for safety. A rout more perfectly wild and disor- 
derly, or marked with greater consternation and dismay, was 
never witnessed. Honor, manhood, country, home, every recol- 
lection sacred to the feelings of the soldier, and the soul of the 
brave, was merged in an ignominious love of life. 

But from the moment General Gates assumed the command 
in the south, his former judgment and fortune seemed to fow- 



* '.Vhen tlie appointment of Gen. Gates to ttie chief command of the soulhr 
ern iruiy was nnnouncnj, Cm, I-ce romarked, ttiat '■'• kis Htriliom laureW 
tvotdi snort ht «xefmngtd/9r Mut/tem »»//ews." 



HORATIO GATES. i|» 

galce him. We was anxious to come to actio* immediately, 
and to terminate the war by a few boll and energetic mea- 
sure*; and in two days after his arrival in camp, he besjan his 
ina?cli to meet the enemy, without properly estimating his 
force. 

The active spirits of the place being roused and encouraged 
by the pre^e'ice of a considerable army, and daily flocking t» 
the standard of their couiitrv, General Gates, by delay of 
action had much to gain in point of numbers. To the pros- 
pects of the enemv, o.i the contrary, delay would have been 
ruinoufi. To them there was no alternative but immediate 
battle and victory, or immediate retreat. Such, however, was 
iUe nature of the country, and the distance and relative posi- 
tion of the uvo armies, that to compel the Americans to action 
was impossible. The imprudence of the American general, in 
hazarding an engagement at this time, is further manifested by 
the fact, that in troops, on whose firmness he could with safety 
relv^ he was greatly inferior to his foe, they amounting to sis- 
teen hundred veteran and highly disciplined regulars, and hft 
having less than a thousand continentals. 

General Gates having retreated to Salisbury, and thence t« 
Hillsborough, he there succeeded in collecting around him th« 
fra'iments of an armv. Being soon after re-enforced by several 
small bodies of regulars and militia, he again advanced towards 
the south, and look post in Charlotte. Here he continued in 
command until the fi^th day of October, fifty days after his de- 
feat at Camden, when congress passed a resolution, requiring 
the commander-in-chief to order a court of inquiry on his con- 
duct, as commander of the southern army, and to appoint some 
other otfier to that command. The inquiry resulted in his ac- 
quittal: and it was the general opinion that he was not treated 
by congress with that delicacy, or indeed gratitude, that was 
due to an officer of his acknowledged merit. He, however, 
received the order of his supersedure and suspension, and re- 
signed the command to General Greene with becoming dignity 
as is mauitested, much to his credit, in the following order. 



^e HORATIO 6ATBS. 

^^Head-Quarters, Charlotte, Sd December, I78§, 
Parole, Sprintifield— countersign, Greene. 

The honorable Major-Gent ral Greene, vvho arrived yesterday 
afternoon in Charlotte, being appointed by his excellpncy Gen. 
Washington, with the anprohation of ^he honorable congress, t« 
the cofT>mand of the southern arnv, all orders will, for the future, 
5ssue from him, and all reports are to be mado to him. 

General Gates returns his sincere and gratfAil thanks to the 
southern armv for their oersevprtnep, forfit'iHf, -md pati'^Mt ^n- 
durance of a!l the hardships and *uTerings thfy have untlertione 
while under his conmand. He anxiously hopps their misfor- 
tU'ies will cease therewith, and that yirfory, and the glorious 
advantages of it may be the future portion of the southern 
army."" 

General Gn^'ene had a'readv been, and continued to he, the 
firm advocate of the reput»tion of General Gates, oarticul irly 
if he heard it assailel with asperity; and still believe! md as- 
serted, that if there was any mistake in the coadurt of G ifes, 
it was in hazarding an action at all against such superior fon-e; 
and when informed of his appoijitment to supersede him, de 
elared his conildence in his military talents, and his willingness 
^ to serve under him." 

General Gates was reinstated in his military command in the 
main army, in 1782; but the great scenes of war were now 
passed, and he could only participate in the painful scene of a 
final separation. 

In the midst of his misfortune, General Gates was called to 
mourn the atflictive dispensation of Providence, in the death of 
his only son. Major Garden, in his excellent publication, has 
recorded the following affecting anecdote, which he received 
ft-om Dr. William Reed: 

" Having occasion to call on General Gates, relative to the 
business of the department under my immediate charge,! touid 
him traversing the apartment which he occupied, under (he 
influence of high excitement; bis agitation w is excessive: 
every feature of his countenance, every gesture betrayed iU 



HORATIO GATES. 97^ 

Official despatches informing him that he was superseded, and 
that the command of the southern army had been transferred 
to General Greene, had just been received and perused by him. 
His countenance, however, betrayed no expression of irritation 
or resentment; it was sensibihty alone thai caused his emotion. 
An open letter, which he held in his hand, was often raised to 
his lip>, and kissed with devotion, while the exclamation re- 
peatedly escaped them — 'Great man! Noble, generous proce- 
dure!' When the tumult of his mind had subsided, and his 
thoughts found utterance, he, with strong expression of feehng, 
exclaimed: ' I have received this day a communication from 
the commander-in-chief, which has conveyed more consolation 
to my bosom, more ineffable delight to my heart, than I had be- 
lieved it possible for it ever to have felt again. With affec- 
tionate tenderness he sympathises with me in my domestic mis- 
fortunes, and condoles with me on the loss 1 have sustained by 
the recent death of an only son: and then, with peculiar delica- 
cy, lamenting my misfortune in battle, assures me that his confi- 
dence in my zeal and capacity is so little impaired, that the 
command of the right wing of the army will be bestowed oq 
me so soon as I can make it convenient to join him.' " 

After the peace, he retired to his farm in Berkley county, 
Va., where he remained until the year 1790, when he went to 
reside in New- York, having first emancipated his slaves, and 
made a pecuniary provision for such as were not able to pro- 
vide for themselves. Some of them would not leave him, but 
continued in his family. 

On his arrival at New- York, the freedom of the city was 
presented to him. In 1800, he accepted a seat in the legisla- 
ture, but he retained it no longer than he conceived his services 
might be useful to the cause of liberty, which he never aban- 
doned. 

His political opinions did not separate him from many re- 
spectable citizens whose views differed widely from his own. 
He had a handsome person, and was gentlemanly in his man- 
ners, remarkably courteous to all, and gave indisputable mark* 

13 



9g NATHANIEL GREENE. 

of a social, amiable, and benevolent disposition. A few weeks 
before his death, he closed a letter to a friend in the (ollowing 
words: " I am very weak, and have evident signs of an ap- 
proaching dissolution. But I have lived long enough, since 1 
live to see a mighty people animated with a spirit to be (roe, 
-and governed by transcendent abilities and honor." He died 
without posterity, at his abode near New-York, on the 10th 
day of April, 1806, aged 78 year-s. 



NATHANIEL GREENE, 

Major-General in the Aiuirican Army. 

General Greene, although descended from ancestors of ele- 
vated standing, wa« not indebted to the condition of his family 
for any part of the real lustre and reputation he possessed. He 
was literally the founder of his own fortune, and the author of 
his own fame. He was the second son of Nathaniel Greene, a 
member of the society of Friends, an anchor-smith. 

He was born in the year 1741, in the town of Warwick, and 
County of Kent, in the province of Rhode-Island. Being in- 
tended by his father for the business which he himself pursued, 
youijg Greene received at school, nothing but the elements of a 
common English education. But to him, an education so limit- 
ed, was unsatisfactory. With such funds as he was able to 
raise, he purchased a small, but well selected library, and spent 
his evenings, and all the time he could redeem from his father's 
business, in regular study. 

At a period of life, unusually early, Greene was elevated, by 
a very flattering suffrage, to a seat in the legislature of his na- 
tive colony. This was the commencement of a public career, 
which, heightening as it advanced, and flourishing in the midst 
of difficulties, closed with a lustre that was peculiarly dazzling. 

Thus introduced into the councils of his country, at a time 
when the rights of the subject, and the powers of the ruler, 
were beginning to be topics of liberal discussion, he felt it his 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 99 

duty to avow his sentiments on the momentous question. Nor 
did he pause or w^aver, as totho principles he should adopt, and 
the decision he should form. He was inflexibly opposed to tyr- 
anny and oppression in every shape, and manfully avowed it. 
But his character, although forming, was not completely devel- 
oped until the commencement of the troubles which termintted 
in our independence. It was then that he aspired to a head in 
the public councils; and, throwing from him, as unsuitable to 
the times, the peaceful habits in which he had been educated, 
sternly declared for a redress of grievances, or open resistance. 
This open departure from the sectarian principles in winch he 
had been educated, was followed, ot course, by his immediate 
dismission from the society of Friends. 

The sword was earliest unsheathed in the colony of Massa- 
chusetts; and on the plains of Lexington and Concord, the 
blood of British soldiers and American subjects, mingled first 
in hostile <lrife. Nor was Rhode-Island, after that sanguinary 
atfair, behind her sister colonies in gallantry of spirit and 
promptitude of preparation. 

Greene commenced his military pupilage in the capacity of a 
■private solrh'er,ir\ Oct. 1774, in a nailitary association, command- 
ed by J'^mes M. Varnum, afterwards brigadier-general. But 
Rhode-I«land having, in the month of M ly, 1775, raised three 
regiments of militia, she placed them under the command of 
Greene, w })o, without loss of time, conducted them to head- 
quarters, in the village of Cnmbridge. 

On the 2d of July, 1775, General Washington, invested by- 
congress with the comnt>and in-chief of the armies of his coun- 
try, arrived at Boston. Greene availed himself of an early 
opportunity, amid the public demonstration of joy, to welcome 
the commander-in-chief, in a personal address, in which, with 
much warmth of feeling and kindness of expression, he avowed 
his attachment to his person, and the high gratification he de- 
rived from the prospect of being associated with him in arms, 
and serving under him in defence of the violated rights of his 
country. t.cfC, 



^^W 



J 00 • NATHANIEL GREENE. 

This was a happy prelude to a friendship between these two 
great and illustrious officers, which death alone had the power 
to dissolve. It is a fact of notoriety, that when time and ac- 
quaintance had made him thoroughly acquainted with the char- 
acter and merits of General Greene, Washington entertainedj 
and frequently expressed an anxious wish, that, in case of his 
death, he might be appointed his successor to the supreme 
command.* 

During the investment of Boston by the American forces, a 
state of things which lasted (or months, no opportunity presen- 
ted itself to Gref ne, to acquire distuiction by personal exploit. 
But his love of action and spirit of adventure, were strongly 
manifrsled ; for he was one of the tew officers of rank, who 
concurred with general Washington, in the propriety of at- 
tempting to carry the town by assault. 

On the evacuation of Boston by the British, the American 
troops were permitted to repose from their toils,and to exchange 
for a time, the hardships and privations of a field encampment, 
for the enjoyment of plenty, in comfortable barracks. During 
this period ot relaxation, Greene continued with unabating in- 
dustry, his military studies, and, as far as opportunity served, 
his attention to the practical duties of the field. This course 
steadily pursued, under the immediate supervision of Washing- 
ton, cou'd scarcely fail to procure rank and lead to eminence. 
Accordingly, on the 2Gth of August, 1776, he was promoted, 
by congress, to .the rank of major-general in the regular army. 

A crisis most glowing and portentous to the cause of free- 
dom, had now arrived. In the retreat which now commenced 
through New-Jersey, General Washington was accompanied 
by General Greene, and received from him all the aid that, un- 
der circum-Jtances so dark and unpromising, talents, devotion, 
and firmness could afford. Possessed alike of an ardent tem- 
periment, hearts that neither danger nor misfortune co'uld ap- 
pal, and an inspiring trust in the righteousness of their cause, 
it belonged to the character of the*e two great and illustrious 
commanders, never for a moment to despair of (heir country, 
Hope and contidcnce, even now, beamed from their countenaa- 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 101 

(^es, and they encouraged their followers, and supported tliem 
under the pressure of defeat and misfortune. 

Greene was one of the counsel of Washington, vdio resolved 
on the enterprise on the 26th of December, 177G, against the 
post of the enemy at Trenton. The issue is known, and is glo- 
rious in our history. About one thousand Hessians, in killed, 
wounded, and prisoners, with their arms, field equippage, and 
artillery, were the trophies of that glowing morning, 'which 
opened on the friends of American freedom, with the day star 
of hope. He was again of the counsel of the commander-in- 
chief, in planning the daring attack of the 2d January, 1777, 
on the British garrison at Princeton, as v/ell as his associate in 
achieving its execution. In both the^e brilliant actions, his gal- 
lantry, prudence, and skill, being alike conspicuous, he received 
the applauses of his commander. He continued the associate 
and most confidential counsellor of Washington, through the 
gloomy and ominous period that followed. 

In the obstinate and bloody buttle of Brandywine, General 
Greene, by his distinguished conduct, added greatly to his for- 
Hfier renown. In the course of it, a detachment of American 
troops, commanded by General Sullivan, being unexpectedly at- 
tacked hy the eneniy, retreated in disorder. General Greene, 
at the head of Weedon's V^irginia brigade, flew to their sup- 
port. On approaching, he found the defeat of General Sulli- 
van a perfect rout. Not a moment was to be lost. Throwing 
himself into the rear of his flying countrymen, and retreating 
slowly, he kept up, especially frgm his cannon, so destructive a 
tire, as greatly to retard the advance of the enemy. Aiming, 
at lensth, at a narrow defile, secured on the right and left by 
thick wods, he halted, sent forward his cannon, that they might 
be out of danger, in case of his being compelled to a hasty re- 
treat, and formed his troops, determined to dispute the pass 
with his small arms. This he etfected with complete success, 
notwithstanding ihe vast superiority of the assailants, until af- 
ter a conflict of more than an hour and a half, night came on, 
and brought it to a close. But for this quick-sighted interposi- 
tion, Sullivan's detachment must have been nearly annihilated. 



J02 NATHANIEL GflEENE. 

On this occasion only, did the slightest nnisunderstanding ev- 
er occur, between General Greene and the commander-in-chief. 
In his general orders after the battle, the latter neglected to be- 
stow any special applause on Wecdon's brigade. Against this 
General Greene remonstrated in person. 

General Washington replied, " You, sir, ape considered my 
favourite officer. Weedon's brigade, like myself, are Virgini- 
ans. Should I applaud them for their achievement under your 
command, I shall be charged with partiality: jealousy will be 
excited, and the service injured." 

" Sir, exclaimed Greene, with considerable emotion, "I trust 
your excellency will do me the justice to believe that I am not 
selfish. In my own behalf I have nothing to ask. Act towards 
7ne as you please; I shall not complain. However richly I 
prize your excellency's good opinion and applause, a conscious- 
ness that 1 have endeavoured to do my duty, constitutes at pre- 
sent, my richest reward. But do not, sir, let me entreat you, 
on account of the jealousy that may arise in little minds, with- 
hold justice from the brave fellows I had the honor to com- 
mand." 

Convinced that prudence forbade the special notice request- 
ed, the commander-in-chief persisted in his silence. Greene, 
on cool reflection, appreciated the motives of his general, and 
lost no time in apologizing for his intemperate manner, if not 
for his expressions. Delighted with his frankness and magna- 
nimity, Washington replied, with a smile — "An officer, tried 
as you have been, who errs but once in two years, deserves to 
be forgiven." With that he offered him his hand, and the mat- 
ter terminated. 

Following General Greene in his military career, he next 
presents himself on the plains of Germantown. In this daring 
assault he commanded the left wing of the American army, 
and his utmost endeavors were used to retrieve the fortune of 
the day, in which his conduct met the approbation of the com- 
mander-in-chief. Lord Cornwallis, to whom he was often op- 
posed, had the magnanimity to bestow upon Kim a lofty enco- 
mium. "Greene," said he, "is as dangerous as WashingtoD, 



NATH-^NIEL GREENE. 103 

He is vigilant, enterprigirig, and full of resources. With but 
little hope of gaining any advantage over him, 1 never feel se- 
cure when encamped in his neighborhood." 

At this period, the quarter-master department in the Ameri- 
can army, wui^ in a very defective and alarming condition, and 
required a speedy and radical reform: and General Washing- 
ton declared that such reform could be effected only by the ap- 
pointment of a quarter-master-general, of great resources, well 
versed in business, and possessing practical talents of the first 
order. When requested by congress to look out for such an 
officer, he at once fixed his eye on Gen. Greene. 

Washington well knew that the soul of Greene was indissolu- 
bly wedded to the duties of his line. Notwithstanding this, he 
expressed, in conversation with a member of congress, his entiie 
persuasion, that if General Greene could be convinced of his 
ability to render his country greater services in the quarter- 
master department, than in the field, he would at once accept 
the appointment. " There is not," said he, " an officer of the 
army, nor a man in America, more sincerely attached to the in- 
terests of his country. Could he best promote their interests in 
the character of a corporal, he would exchange, as 1 firmly be- 
lieve, without a murmur, the epaulet for the knot. For al- 
though he is not without ambition, that ambition has not for its 
object the highest rank, so much as the greatest good.^^ 

When the appointment was first offered Gen. Greene, he de- 
clined it, but after a conference with the commander-in-chief, 
he consented to an acceptance, on condition that he should for- 
feit nothing of his right to command, in time of action. On 
these terms he received the appointment on the 22d of March, 
1778, and entered immediately on the duties of the office. 

In this station he fully answered the expectations formed of 
his abilities; and enabled the American army to move with ad- 
ditional celerity and vigor. 

During his administration of the quarter-master department, 
he took, on two occasions, a high and distinguished part in the 
field ; the first, in the battle of Monmouth ; the second, in a very 
brilliant expedition against the enemy in Rhode-IsJand, under 



i04 NATHANIEL GyREENE. 

the command of Gen. Sullivan. At the battle of Monmouth, 
the commander-in-chief, distrusted with the behaviour of Gen. 
Lee, deposed him in the field of battle, and appointed General 
Greene to command the right wing, where he greatly contribu- 
ted to retrieve the errors of his predecessor, and to the subse- 
quent events of the day. 

His return to his native state was hailed by the inhabitants, 
with general and lively demonstrations ofjoy. Even the leading 
members of the Society of Friends, who had reluctantly exclu- 
ded him from their communion, often visited him at his quarters, 
and expressed their sincere satisfaction at the elevation he had 
attained in the confidence of his country. One of these plain 
gentlemen being asked in jest, by a young ofiicer, how he, as an 
advocate of peace, could reconcile with his conscience, to keep 
so much company with General Greene, whose profession was 
war? — promptly replied, " Friend, it is not a suit of uniform that 
Can either make or spoil a man. True, 1 do not approve of this 
many-colored apparel, (lo the officer's dress,) but whatever may 
be the form or color of his coat, Nathaniel Greene still retains 
the same sound head and virtuous heart, that gained him the 
love and esteem of our Society." 

During the year 1779, General Greene was occupied exclu- 
sively in the extensive concerns of the quarter-master depart- 
ment. 

About this time. Gen. Greene was called to the performance 
of a duty, the most trying and painful he had ever encountered. 
We allude to the melancholy affltir of Major Andre, adjutant- 
general to the British army, who was captured in disguise with- 
in the American lines. Washington detailed a court for this 
trial, composed of fourteen general officers. La Fayette and 
Steuben being two of the number, and appointed General 
Greene to preside. 

When summoned to this trial, Andre frankly disclosed, with- 
out interrogatory, what bore heaviest on his own life, but invio- 
lably concealed whatever might endanger the safety of others. 
His confessions were conclusive, and no witness was examined 
against him. The court were unanimous, that he i^had been 



NATHANIEL 6TIEENE. 1(35 

l^iken a« a spy and must sulFer de;itli. Of (his senfence he did 
D'H cojujtlain, t)ut wislu-d that he inij^lit be perniided to (lose si 
li/e of hoiK)r by a professional deaih,aiid not be compelled, like 
a common teloi, (o expire on a gil)bet. To etlect this, li<' made 
in a ieite-r lo General Washington, one ol the most poweiful 
and pathetic appeals, that e\er (if-ll from the pen ol a mortal. 

Staggered in hi* resolution, the commander-in-chief referred 
the sutfject, accompanied by the letter, to his aetieral otiicers, ' 
who with one exception, became unanimous in their desire tliat 
Andre should be shot. 

Thai exception was found in General Greene, the president 
of lUe couri, "Andie," said he, "is either a spy or an inisocent 
man. If the latter, to execute him in any way will be murder^ 
if the former, the mode of liis death is prescribed by law, and 
you have no right to alter it. Nor is this all. At the presenf 
alarming crisis of our affairs, the public safety calls for a solemn 
and impressive example. Nothing can satisfy it, short of the 
exf'cuiionof the prisoner, as a common spy; a character of which 
his own confession has clearly convicted him. Beware how vou 
suffer )our feelings to triumph over your judgment. Indul- 
gence to one may be death to thousands. Besides, if you shoot 
the prisoner, instead of hanging him, you will excite suspicion, 
which you will be unable to allay. Notwithstanding all your 
eifuris to the contrary, )ou will awaken puldic compassion, and 
the belief will become general, that, in the case of Major Andre, 
there were exculpatory circumstances, entitling him to lenity, 
beyond what he received — perhaps entitling him to pardon. 
Hang him, therefore, or set him free." 

This reasoning being considered conclusive, the prisoner suf" 
fered as a common spy. 

We have now advanced to that period of the revolationarjr 
war, in which the siluatioi. of Greene is about to experietice an 
«ntiie change. No longer actini> in the vicinity, or subject to 
the immediate orders of a superior, we are to behold him, in 
future, removed to a distance, and virtually iiV sted wuh the 
supreme command of a large section of the United btal»«» 

14 



j0g NATITANIF.L GREENE. 

Conore??, f!i=?atis(ied wilh the loss of the southern armv, re- 
solved tha( (lie conduct of General Giite? be -utuniiled to (he 
examination of" a court of inquiry, and the commander-in-chief 
directed to appoint an officer to succeed him. In compliance 
with the latter part of the resolution, Gen. Washinijton, u'ithT)nt 
hesitation, offered the appointment to Gen. Greene. In a letter 
to congress, recommending tije general to the ?upport of that 
bod> . he made the mo>t honorai>le mention of him, as -'an oflicer 
in wl>n>;e abiliticp, fortitude, and integrity, from a long and inti- 
iriat" .xperieiiceof them, he had the most entire confidence.'' 
Wiiiing 'o Mr. Vlatthew?, a menSer from Charleston, he says, 
"You have our wi!?!i, in the officer appointed to the southern 
command. I think I am ijiving you a general; but wbat cat\ a 
general do without arms, without clothing, without stores, svith- 
out provi-^ions." 

■General Greene arrived at Charlotte, the head-qua;')eis of 
Genera! Gates, Dec. 2d, 17S0. and in entering on the dulic" of 
lii« command, '." found nifn«elf in a slluation that was fHaiinlly 
embanas«ing. His army, consisting mostjy of militia, amoini'^d 
to l<>ss than twu thousand men, and he found on hand hut three 
das 8 provis-ion, find a very defective supply of amunition. In 
front wa- an e?!emy proud in victory, and too strong to be en- 
countered. ^ViH) such means and utidcr such circumstances, 
to recover two states, already conquered, and protect a third, 
constituted a tas!; that was almost hopeless. 

It was not merely to meet an enemy in the field, to command 
ski'fuMy. and fight bravely, either in proflTered or accepted battle. 
These operations depend on mere professional qualificattons,that 
can be readily acquired by moderate capa( ities. But to raise 
and provide for an army in a dispirited and devastated country, 
creating resobrces where they do not exit, to operate with an 
incompetent force on an extended and broken line of frontier; to 
hold in check in manv p<iints, and to avoid coming in contact in 
anv, with an enemv superior in numbj^rs and discipline; to con- 
duct a scheme of warfare like this, nvl sucli, precisely, was (hat 
w''"'cli tested (lie abilities cf G. n. Grci le. recpiin^s a ireniii* of 
the highest order, combined with indefatigable industry and skill. 



.NJATHANIRL GREENE. 167- 

Preparatory to the commencement of the campaign, Grcei-t^'s 
flrstcare wa? to piepare lor his troops subsistence anu ammuui- 
tioii, and in eilcciiiig tliis, he derived great aid from his per- 
sonal experience in ttie liUhiiiess of u^e commissary and quailtr- 
masler's deparimeats. 'i'ins qnahlicatlon forsucii a diversit) of 
duties, presented him lo his troops lii liie two fold relation of Idcir 
supporter and coinmandei. Mutij oi ine moral sire .gh; oi an 
army consists in a conlidence in its leader, an attacliment to iiis 
person, and a spirit of subordinutioa, fouaded on prhicipk^. To 
such an extent was this true, that even the common soJdiery, 
sensible of the superintendance of a superior intellect, predicted 
coiiiideiitly a change ol fortune. Tlieir deteat at Camden was 
soon forgotten by ihem, in liieir aulicipatrons« ol luture victory. 
They fancied themselves read\ once more to take the held, and 
felt a solicit'ide to regain tiieir lost repmatio(i,and signalize their 
prowess in presence o( iheir new and beloved commander. 

Bat, noiwitiistaiiding the spirit and contideiice of his troops, 
Greene found himself unable to meet the cuem) in the held. 
With Washington in his eye, and .lis own genious lo devise his 
measures, he resolved on cautious movenients and protracted 
war. Yet, to sustain tiie spirit ol the country, it was necessary 
that he should not altogether saun his enemy; but, watching 
and conlroiiting liis scouts and foraging parties, hgiit, orippie, 
and be.it him in detail, and in all his movements it was 
necessary for him lo in.iinlaiu a communication with V irginia, 
from which he was to receive supplies of provisions, muni- 
tions, and men. 

General Greene's first movement, from the village of Char- 
lotte, was productive of the happiest etl'ect. In the month of 
Dfceinber lie marched, with his main army, to the Cheraw 
H lis, abdut seventy niiies to the right of Lord Cornwallis, 
despatciiing, at the same time. General Morgan, with four 
huiiared continentals under Colonel Howard, Colonel VVash- 
inutoii's corps ol dragoons, and a few militia, amounting in all 
to sik hundred, to take a position on the British leli, distant 
fToin them about tifty miles. 



iQ8 NATHANIEL SIIFFNE. 

This judicious disposition, wliicii h-rmed a rnllyinjw point 
for the ineiid' of independence, bolij in the east ai,d west, 
a»)d iacihiated the pr lurtment ol provisions lor the troops, 
e><iied hi- i.v rdsiip's apprehtnsionj- lor the safety of Ninety- 
Six, and Augusta, British posts, wliich he con-iidered as me- 
naced by the movements of Mort^an, and uave rise to a traii^ of 
movesntnts which terminated in the celebrated battle of the 
C< wpens. 

Cornwallis, immediately on learning ihc movements of Greene, 
desprtiched C;>lonelTariton, with a strong detachineni, amount- 
inii, in horse and feol, to near a thousand, for tlie protection of 
Miiict;, -Six, with orders to briu^ General Morgan, if po^Mhie, 
to b.i.tle. Greaily superior in nuinhers, tie advanced on Morgan 
with a menacing a-pecl, and compelled him, at tirf'i, lo fall iiack 
rapidl\. Out this was 11 t long continued. Gioryijjg m action, 
an I rohing with great conhdence in tiic hpirit and lirnuiess of 
his regular iroops,'iVloriian hailed at I he Co wpens, and prepared 
to iiive Ids adversary battle. Ttie oppcjrtunity was eagoilj 
seized by Tarlton. An engagement was tiie inunediaie conse- 
quence, and complete victory wa« obtained b} the Americans.* 
Upwards of tive hundred of the British laid do.vn their arms 
and were made prisoners, and a very consideralde number were 
killed. Eight hundred stand o^ arms, two held pieces, and 
thirty-live baggage waggons fell to the victors, who had only 
twelve killed and sixty wounded. 

Tiie victory of the Cowpens, alt lOugh achieved under the 
iminediale command ol Morgan, was the tirst stroke of General 
Greene's polic\ in llie south, and augured favorai>ly of his 
futuie career. It led to one of the most arduous, abl) conduct- 
ed, and memorable operations, that occurred i . tiie couise of 
the revolutionary war — the retreat ofGitene. and the pursuit 
of' ortiwailis, during the ii.clenKnties of wititer, a distance of 
two hundred and thirty njles. 

Galled in his pride, and crippled in his schemes, by the 
overthrow of Tarlton, Lord Gornwallis resolved, by a se* 

* Viie Biography of General iVlorgan, 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 109 

jHf»sof prompt and vigorous measures, to avenge the injury and 
retrieve tfie loss vvl)ich the royal arms had sUvstained at the Cow- 
pens. His meditated operations for this purpose were to ad« 
Vance rapidly on Mors^an, retake his pri>otiers. and destroy his 
for( e: to nis^ntain an inU rntediate p(tsif it>t»,ahd prevent-his union 
will Ger.. Greeiie: or. in < ase of the junctiori ot the tv^o armies, 
to cut otf their iftreat toward Virginia, and force them to 
action. 

Biif General Greene, no less vigilant and provident thanhim* 
self. inf(Mmed by express, ot the detieat o( Tatlton, instantly 
perceived the object o< his lordship, and ordering his troops to 
proceed under General Huger, to Salisbury, where iie meditated 
a )unc(ion with M()rgan\^ detachment, he himsell, escorted b\ a 
few dr-igoons, set oui tor the head quarters of that officer, and 
joined him shortly after. 

Cornwallis having committed to the flames his heavy baggage, 
and reduced his army to the condition of light troops, dashed 
towards Morgan. And here commenced tiie retreat ot General 
Greene, in the course of which he displayed such resources, 
and uained, in the end, such lasting renown. Sensible of the 
intmense prize for which he was contending, he tasked bis 
geniousiotbe uttermost. On the issue of the struggle was slaked, 
Dot merel} the lives o( a few brave men; not alone the existence 
•f the whole army, but the fate of the soutb and the iniegnty 
of the Union. But hisgenious was equal to the cris^is. By the 
most masterly movements, Greene effected a jui ction of the two 
divisions of his little army. 

To his great mortification. Lord Cornwallis now perceived 
that in two of his objects, the destruction of Morgan's detach- 
ment, and the prevention of its union with the mam division, iie 
was completely frustrated by the activity of Greene. But t» 
cut oflf the retreat of the Americans into Virginia, after their 
union,and to compel them toaction, v. is still, perhaps, practica- 
ble, and to the achievement of this, he no .v directed his undivided 
energies. 

The genius of Greene, however, did not desert him on this 
trying occasion. Self-collected, and adapting his conduct to 



-j 10 NATHANIEL GREENE; 

the nature of the crisis, his firmness grew with the increase of 
danger; and the measure of his greatness was the t-xttni ol the 
difficulties; he was caii d to encoupter. ^otu ith:«taiiding Uie 
vigilance and aclivit} of his eneni} , he bronchi his men in saiety 
into Virginia, and to crown tne whole, no loss was fusiaincd Uj 
hmi, iMther in men, munitions, ariiller), or an^' tiling that enters 
into the equipment ot an army. 

Fru?trated thus in ail his purposes, Lord Cornwallis, although 
the pu I suing pari), must be acknowledged to have bten lairly 
vanquished. Victory is the successful issue of a struggle (or- 
superioiily. Militar} leaders contend for diheienl oljici?;; to 
vanquish iheir enemies in open contlict; to a lack and ovt.iUir<'VT 
them by stratagem and surprise; to txnausl tlieir resiaiites bj 
delay of action; or to elude them, in reiieai, until sticngtliened 
by re-enlorcements, they may be able lo turn and meet tliem in 
the field. Of this last description, was llie victor) ol Gieene, 
in tliis mem<nable retical. 

In Virginia, Geneial Greene received some reinioicements, 
and had the promise ol more; on wiiich lie returned again into 
ISorlh Larohna, where, on tlieir arrival, he ho^ed to be ai)le to 
act on tiie otTensive. He encamped in the vicinity ol Lord 
Cornwallis'sarrny. By a variet) ol the best concerted maiioeu* 
vres. he so judiciously supported the arrangement of his troops, 
by the secrecy and prun.putude of his motions, that, during 
tliiee weeks, while the enemy remained near hini, he prevented 
them from taking any advantage of their superiority; and 
even cut otf all opportunity of their receiving succors from the 
ro)alisis. 

About the beginning of March he effected a junction with a 
conlinenlal regiment, and two considerable bodies of Virginia 
and Carolina militia. He then determined on attacking the 
British commander, witiiout loss of lime, "being persuaded," 
as^he declared in his suhsequent despatclies, "that if he was 
successful, It vvould prove ruinous to the enemy, and, if other 
wire, tlial it would bi- but a partial evil to him." On the 14th5 
he arrived at G'Jill-.rd Court-House, the British then l)ing at 
twelve miles distance. 



NATHANIEL GREENS . HI 

His army consisted of about four thousand five hundred nsen, 
of whom near two-thirds were North Carolina and Viifj^inia 
miliiia. The British were about two tliousand four hundred; 
all reijular troops, and the j^reaier part ii'uied to toil and .-"er- » 
vice in their long expeditioi' luidtr L( rd CornualJi^, vm c, on 
tb.e morning of the 15th, btinj^j apprised ol General Oreei^e's 
intentions, marched to meet iiim. The latter disj»ot^ed his armj 
in three lines: the miliiia oj :Nt'rth C.ar<jlina were in tronr; i.he 
second line was composed of tJvose ot Virginia; and nd, 

■which wa« 'he flower of the armv, was jormed of ((m .ip< tilal 
troops, near (^iteen hundred in number. They were flanked on 
both sides by cavalry and riflemen, and posted on a rising ground, 
an)ile and a half from Guilford Court-House. 

The engagement conunenced at t;all an hour after one 
o'clock by a brisk canonade; after which the British advanced 
in three qolumns, and attacked the tirst line, composed of North 
Carolina miliiia. These, who probably had never been in 
action before, were panic struck a', the approach of the enemy: 
and m;iny of them ran away without firing a gun, or being fired 
upon, and even before tlie British had come nearer than one 
hundred and for*y yards to them. Part of them, however, fired; 
but they then followed the example o{ their comrades. Their 
ofticers made every possible effort to rally them; but neither 
the advarttages of position, nor any other consideration could 
induce them to maintain their ground. This shameful conduct 
had a irreai effect lepon the issue of the battle. The next 
line, however, behaved much better. Tliey fought with great 
bravery; and were thrown into disorder; rallied, returned 
to the charge, and kept up a heavy fire for a long time; but 
Wvie at lengrh broken, and driven on the third line, when the 
engagement became general, very severe, and very bloody. At 
le?igth, superiority of discipline, carried the day fiom superiority 
of numbers. The convict endured an hour and a half: and 
was terminnted by Genei-al Greene's ordering a retreat, when 
he perceived that the enemy were on the point of encircling his 
troops."* 



* American Biographical Dictionary. 



J 1 2 N \T H A.NIEL GRRENE. 

This was a hard foug it artio;i, and the exertions of the tw# 
rival g'^iier:ils, Ijotft in prepari-ig lor this actioi), and daring the 
course of it, were uever surpi-.-eJ. Forgetful of everj tiling, 
but tiie fortune of the day, t ley; oi several occasions, nriiiigled 
in the danger, like coinroon s<)hlier!^. 

T iir loss sustamt'd by t le A nericans, in tiiis battle, a(Ti'>nnted 
in kiii'd a. id AMnided, to oidv aWont 400; wnile in its etlecl on 
the eneiiv it w i> >nai ieroa^; it-ail'. one inird w tiiern, including 
mauv oiiicers ol distinction, ^vere Killed and wnunded. 

The result of t'iis co liiict, altno ign lecliaically a defeat, was 
virtually a victory on tiie part of Gen. Greene. lf» its relation 
to lis adversary, it placed hi.n on higher ground than he had 
previously occupied; ena'nling him, iinmediafely afterward, in- 
stead of relre.itmg, to become tiie putsuing party. Tnis is 
evidenced by his conduct soi)n after the action. 

Not di)uotiug thatL>rd C)rnw,illis would tbllow him, he re*, 
treated slowh and in good order from the held of i)attle, until 
attaining, at the distance of a few miles, an advantageous posi- 
tion, ne again drew up his forces, determined to renew the 
contest on the arrival of his enemy. But his lordship was in 
no condition to pursue. Having, by past experience, not to be 
forgotten, learnt that his adversary was a Ulysses in wisdom, he 
now perceived that ne was an Aj ix in strength. Alike expert 
in every mode of warfare, and not to be vanquished either by 
stratagem or force, tie found him too formidable to be again 
approached. 

Inlluenced by these sentiments, Lord Cornwallis, instead of 
pursuing his f^>e, or even maintaining his ground, commenced 
his retreat, leaving i)enind him about seventy of his wounded, 
whom he recommended, ii a letter written by himself, to the 
humanity and attention of the American chief. 

Had General Green been in a situation to p irsue his Lord- 
ship, as soon as he commenced iiis retreat, the destruction of 
that orticer and his army ^vould bave been inevitable. Some 
gpots on the plains of Carolina, would have witnessed the sur- 
render that was reserved for Virginia; and (he hero of tiie 
st>f th would have won the laurels winch, shortly afterward, 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 11>^ 

dfcorated the brow of the hero of the nation. But ©reene's 
mili:ar}' stores were so far expended, that he could not pursue, 
until lie received a supply; and the delay thus occasioned, gave 
time to the British coiitmander to eflTect his escape. 

Having received his supplies, Greene immediately pursued 
thtt enemy: but the advanced position of Lord Cornwallis, and 
the impracticable condition of the roads, frustrated every exer- 
tion that General Greene could make, to compel the enemy to 
a second engagement; convinced of this, he iialt'^d to indulge 
his troops in that refreshment and repose which they so much 
needed. 

Were we to indicate the period in the life of General Greene 
most strongly marked by the operations, and irradiated by the 
genius of a great commander, we would, without hesitation, 
select that which extends from the commeneem; n*. of his retreat 
before CornvvalMs, to the termination of his pu!>uit of him at 
this time. Perhaps a brighter era doe« not adorn the military 
career of any leader. It was in the course of it that he turtied 
the current of adverse fortune consequent on the defeat of 
Gates, which he afterward directed with such certain aim and 
irresistible force, as to keep the enemy from his numerous strong 
holds in the southern department, and contributed so pre-emi- 
nently to the speedy and felicitous issue of the war. 

Having abandoned the pursuit of the British army, the gene- 
ral again found himself encircled with ditficulties. Of the 
southern department of the Union, over which Greene's com- 
mand extended, the enemy was, in force, in three large and 
important sections. Georgia and South Carolina were entirely 
in their possession; Lord Cornwallis had taken post in the mar- 
itime district oi North Carolina, and part of Virginia was occu- 
pied by a powerful detachment of British troops, under the 
command of Gen. Phillips. At a loss to determine in which of 
these points he should act in person, he consulted his officers, 
and found thetn greatly divided in opinion. He, however, re- 
solved, in accordance to the views of Col. Lee, that, leaving 
his lordship, whose object evidently was the invasion of Vir- 
ginia, to be met by the energies of that state, with such assistance 

15 



^^^ NATHANIEL GREENE: 

as might arrive from the north he should penetrate Soutli €a*- 
olina, his army divided into two columns, attack and beat the 
enemy at their different posts, without permitiing them to con- 
centrate their forces, and thus recover that rich and important 
member of the Union. 

An officer who had distinguished himself in the late action, 
not satistied with the proposed plan of operations, asked Gene- 
ral Greene, by way of remonstrance, — " What will you do, sir, 
in case Lord Cornwalhs throws himself in your rear, and cuts 
off your communication with Virginia?" " I will punish his te- 
merity," replied the general with great pleasantness, " by or- 
dering you to charge him as you did at the battle of Guilford. 
But never fear, sir; his lordship has too much sense ever again 
to risk his safety so far from the sea-board. He has just escap- 
ed ruin, and he knows it, and I am greatly mistaken in his char* 
acter as an officer, if he has not the capacity to profit by expe- 
rience." 

On t'e7th of April, Gen. Greene broke up his encampment, 
and with the main column of his army, moving to the south, 
took position on Hobkirk's Hill, in front of Camden, the head- 
quarters of Lord Rawdon, now the commander-in-chief of the 
British forces in the south. 

The strength of the British position, which was covered on 
the south and east side by a river and creek; and to the west- 
ward and northward by six redoubts, rendered it impracticable 
to carry it by storm, with the small army Greene had, consisting 
of about seven hundred continentals, the militia having gone 
home. He, therefore, encamped at about a mile from the town, 
in order to prevent supplies from being brought in, and to take 
advanlageof such favorable circumstances as might occur. 

Lord Rawdon's situation was extremely delicate. Colonel 
Watson, whom he had some time before detached, for the pro- 
tection of the eastern frontiers, and to whom he had, on the in- 
telligence of General Greene's intentions, sent orders to return 
to Camden, was so effectually watched by General Marion, that 
it was impossible for him to obey. His lordship's supplies were, 
moreover, very precarious ; and should General Greei}€'s 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 11^. 

rereriforeemeots arrive, he might be bo closely invested, as to be 
at length obliged to surrender. In this dilemma, the best ex- 
jpedient that suggested itself, was a bold attack-, for which puK 
pose, he armed every person with him capable of carrying a 
musket, not excepting his musicians and drummers. He sallied 
out on the 23th of April, and attacked General Greene in his 
camp. The defence was obstinate; and, for some part of the 
engagement, the advantage appeared to be in favor of America. 
Lieutenant-Colonel Washington, who commanded tite cavalry, 
had, at one lime, not less than two hundred British prisoners. 
However, by the misconduct of one of the American regiments, 
victory was snatched from General Greene, who was compelled 
to retreat. He lost in the action about two hundred killed, 
wounded, and prisoners. Rawdon lost about two hundred and 
fifty -eight. 

There was a great similarity between the consequences of 
the affair at Guilford, and those of this action. In the former, 
Lord Cornwallis was successful ; but was afterwards obliged to 
retreat two hundred miles from the scene of action, and for a 
time, abandoned the grand object of penetratmg to the north- 
ward. In the latter. Lord Rawdon had the honor of the field; 
but was shortly after reduced to the necessity of abandoning 
his post, and leaving behind him a number of sick and woundedo. 

The evacuation of Camden, with the vigilance of General 
Greene, and the several officers he employed, gave a new com- 
plexion, to affairs in South Carolina, where the British ascen- 
dency declined more rapidly than it had been established,. 
The numerous forts garrisoned by tlie enemy, fell, one after the 
other, into the hands of the Americans^ Orangeburgh, Motte,. 
Watson, Georgetown, Granby, and others. Fort Ninety-Six ex- 
cepted, were surrendered; and a very considerable number of 
prisoners of war, with military stores and artillery, were found 
in them. 

On the 22d of May, General Greene sat down before Ninety- 
Six, with the main part of his little army. The siege was 
carried on for a considerable time with great spirit; and the 
plac& was defended with equal bravery. At length, the work& 



1 1 6 NATHANIEL GREENE. 

were so far reduced, that a surrender must have been made in a 
few days, when a re-enforcement of three regiments fiom Eu- 
rope, arrived at Charleston, which enabled Lord RawJon to 
proceed to relieve this important post. The superioriiy ct the 
enemy's force reduced General Greene to the altericalive of 
abandoning the siege altogether, or, previous to their;arri\al,of 
attempting the fort by storm. The latter was more agreear.le 
to his enterprising spirit; and an attack was n'adc, on i!ie 
morning of the 19th of June. He was repulsed, wiih the loss 
of one hundred and fitty men. He raised the siegf, and retreat- 
ed over the Saluda. 

Dr. Ramsay, speaking of the sta<e of affairs about this period, 
says, " truly distressing was the situation of the An.erican army ; 
when in the grasp of victor}, to be obliged to expose themselves 
to a hazrardous assault, and afterward to alwindon a sit-ge. When 
they were nearly masters ot the whole countr), to be compelled 
to retreat to its extremity; and, after subduing the greatest pnrt 
of the force sent against them, to be under the necessity of en- 
countering still greater re-eniorcements, when their remote sit- 
uation precluded them from the hope of receiving a sinj/lt- re- 
cruit. In this gloomy situation, there were not wantiiir per- 
sons who advised General Greene to leave the state, and i\ sire 
with his remaining forces to Virginia. To arguments and sug- 
gestions of this kind he nobly replied, "I will recover (he coun- 
try or die in the attempt." This distinguished officer, whose 
genius was most vigorous in those extremities, when fe<-ble 
minds abandon themselves to despair, adopted theonlv resource 
now left to him, of avoiding an engagement, until the British 
force should be divided."* 

Greene having, without loss, made cjood his pas^agfe over the 
rivers in front. Lord Rawdon, perceiving the futility of anv fur- 
ther attempt to overtake him, abandoned the pursuit, and, re- 
treating to Ninety-Six, prepared for its evacuation. Thus did 
the policy of Greene, which is moral strength, compel the sur- 
render of that fortress, fihhougb. from a want of physical 
strength, he failed to carry it by the sword. 

* American Biographical Dictionary. 



NATHANIEL GREENE. , 117 

No sooner had Lord Ravvdon commenced his rctrogade move- 
ment towards Ninety-Six, than General Greene changed his 
front, and moved in the same direction. On the breaking up 
of the garrison of Ninety-Six, and the return of Lord Rawdon 
towards Charleston, which immediately ensued, the Briiish 
army moved in two columns, at a considerable distance from 
each other. It was then that Genera! Greene became, in real- 
ity, the pursuing party, exceedingly anxious to bring the enemy 
to battle. But this he was unable to accomplish until September. 

September the 9!h, General Greene, having assembled about 
two thousand men, proceeded to attack the British, who, under 
the command of Colonel Stewart, were posted at the Eutaw 
Springs. The American force was drawn up in two lines: the 
first, composed of Carolina militia, was commanded by Generals 
Marion and Pickens, and Colonel de Malmedy. The second, 
which consisted of continental troops, from North Carolina, 
Virginia, and Maryland, was commanded by General Sumpter, 
Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, and Colonel Williams: Lieuten- 
ant Colonel Lee, with his legion, covered the right flank; and 
Lieutenant-Colonel Henderson with the state troops, covered 
the left, A corps de reserve was formed of the cavalry under 
Lieut. Colonel Washington, and the Delaware troops under 
Capt. Kirkwood. As the Americans came forward to the at- 
tack, they fell in with some advanced parties of the enemy, at 
about two or three miles ahead of the main body. These being 
closely pursued, were driven back, and the action soon became 
general. The militia were at length forced to give way, but 
•were bravely supported by the second line. In the hottest part 
of the engagement. General Greene ordered the Maryland and 
Virginia continentals to charge with trailed arms* This deci- 
ded the fate of the day. " Nothing," says Dr. Ramsay, "could 
surpass the intrepidity of both officers and men on this occasion. 
They rushed on in good order, through a heavy cannonade and 
a shower of musketry, with such unshaken resolution, that 
they bore down all before them." The British were broken, 
closely pursued, and upwards of five hundred of them were ta- 
ken prisoners. They, however, made a fresh stand in a favora- 



1 1 a NATHANIEL GREENK. 

ble position, in impenetrable shrubs and a piqueted garden 
Lieutenant-Colonel Washington, after having nnade every effort 
to dislodge them, was wounded and taken prisoner. Four six. 
pounders were brought forward to play upon them, but they 
fell into their hands; and the endeavors to drive them from 
their station, being found impracticable, the Americans retired, 
leaving a very strong piquet on the field of battle. Their loss 
was about five hundred; that of the British upwards of eleven 
hundred. 

General Greene was honored bj congress with a British 
standard, and a gold medal, emblematical of the engagemement^ 
" for his wise, decisive, and magnanimous conduct, in the action 
at Eutaw Springs, in which, with a force inferior in number to 
that of the enemy, he obtained a most signal victory." 

l'\ the evening of the succeeding day, Colonel Stewart aban- 
doned his post,and retreated towards Charleston, leaving behind 
upwards of seventy of his wounded, and a thousand stand of 
arms. He was pursued a considerable distance, but in vain. 

In Dr. Caldwell's memoirs of the life of Gen. Greene, we 
have the following interesting story as connected with the se- 
vere conflict at Eutaw Springs. 

" Two young officers, bearing the same rank, met in personal 
combat. The American, perceiving that the Briton had a de- 
cided superiority in the use of the sabre, and being himself of 
great activity and personal strength, almost gigantic, closed 
with his adversary, and made him his prisoner. 

" Gentlemanly, generous, and| high-minded, this event, ad- 
ded to a personal resemblance which they were observed to 
bear to each other, produced between these two youthful war- 
riors, an intimacy, which increased in a short time to a mutual 
attachment. 

" Not long rafter the action, the American officer returning 
home, on furlough, to settle some private business, obtained per- 
mission for his friend to accompany him. 

Travelling without attendants or guard, they were both arm- 
ed and well mounted. Part of their route lay through a settle 
ment highly disaffected to the American cause. 



NATHANIEL GREENE. U9 

«WheR in the midst of this, having, in consequence of a show- 
w of rain, thrown around them their cloaks, which concealed 
their uniforms, they were suddenly encountered by a detach- 
ment of tories. 

"Th€ young American, determined to die rather than become 
a prisoner, especially to men whom ht held in abhorence for 
disloyalty to their country, and the generous Briton resolved not 
to survive one by whom he had been distinguished and treated 
so kindly, they both together, with great spirit and self-posses- 
sion, charged the royalists, having first made signals in their 
rear, as if directing others to follow them ; and thus, without in- 
jury on either side, had the address and good fortune to put the 
party to flight. 

"Arriving in safety at their place of destination, what was 
their surprise and augmented satisfaction, on finding, from some 
«|uestions proposed by the American officer's father, that they 
were first cousins. 

"Wi th increasing delight, the young Briton passed several 
weeks in the family of his kinsman, where the writer of this 
narratiive saw him daily, and often listened with the rapture of 
a child, to the checkered story of his military adventures. 

"To heighten the occurrence, and render it more romantic, 
the An.ierican officer had a sister, beautiful and accomplished, 
whose heart soon felt for the gallant stranger, more than the 
affection due to a cousin. The attachment was mutual. 

"But here the adventure assumed a tragical cast. The youth- 
ful foieigner, being exchanged, was summoned to return to his 
regim ent. The message was fatal to his peace. But military 
honor demanded the sacrifice; and the lady, generous and high- 
mind<>d as himself, would not be instrumental in dimning his 
laurel Is. The parting scene was a high-wrought picture of ten- 
dernf ss and sorrow. On taking leave, the parties mutually 
boun d themselve(=, by a solemn promise, to remain single a cer- 
tain 1 lumber of years, in the hope that an arrangement contem- 
plate d, might again bring them together. A few weeks after- 
war<J I, the lady expired under an attack of the small-pox. The 
fate of the officer we never learnt."* 

* American Biographical Dictionary. 



120 NATHANIEL GREENE. 

Judge Johnson in his life of General Greene, says — "At the 
battle of the Eutaw Springs, Greene sajs, 'that hundreds of my 
men were naked as they were born.' Posterity will scarcely 
believe that the bare loins of many brave men who carried 
death into tbe enemy's ranks at the Eulaw, were galled by their 
cartouch boxes, while a folded rag or a tuft of moss protected 
the soldiers from sustaining the same injury from the musket. 
Men of other times will inquire, by what magic was the army 
kept together. By what supernatural power was it made to 
fight?" 

Genearl Greene in his letters to the secretary at war, says — 
*'We have three hundred men without arms, and more than one 
thousand so naked that they can be put on duty only in cases of 
a despetate nature." Again he says — "Oui difficuhies are so 
numerous, and our wants so pressing, that I have not a moment's 
relief f -om the most p linful anxieties. I have more embarras- 
ments than it is proper to disclose to the world. Let it suffice 
to say that this pnrt of the United States has had a narrow es- 
cape. / have been seven months in thejield without taking off my 
clothes. ''"' 

The b-ittle of Eutaw Springs being terminated, Gen. Greene 
•rdered the light troops under Lee and Marion, to march cir- 
cuitously^rand gain a position in (he British rear. But the Brit- 
ish leader was so prompt in his measures and so precipitate in 
his movements, that leaving his sick and wounded behind him^ 
he made good his retreat. The only injury he received in his 
tlight, was from Lee and Marion, who cut off part of his rear 
guard, galled him in his flanks, killed several, and made a num- 
ber of prisoners. 

Such was the issue of the battle of Eutaw. Like that of 
every other fought by Gen. Greene, it manifested in him jadg- 
ment and sagacity of the highest order. Although he was re- 
peatedly forced from the field, it may be truly said of that officer^ 
that he never lost an action — the consequences, at least, being 
always in his favor. In no instance did he fail to reduce his en- 
emy to a condition, relatively much worse than that in which he 
met him, his own condition, of course, being relatively improved- 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 12 i 

rhe battle of the Eutaw Springs, was the last essay in arms, 
HI which it was the fortune of Gen. Greene to connmand, and 
was succeeded by the abandotinient of the whole of Soulh Car- 
olina by the enemy, except Charleston. During the relaxation 
that followed, a dangerous plot was fojmed, by some mutinous 
persons of the army, to deliver up their brave general to the 
British. The plot was discovered and defeated; the riijgiead- 
er apprehended, tried, and shot, and twelve of the most guilty 
of his associates, deserted to t'ne enemy. To the honor of the 
American character, no nitive of the country was known to 
be concerned in this conspiracy. Foreigners alone were its 
projectors and abettors. 

The surrender of Lord Cornwallis, whose enterprising spirit 
had been, by the British ministry, expected to repair the losses 
and wipe away the disgrace which had been incurred through 
the inactivity and indolence of other generals, having convinced 
them of the impracticability of subjugating America, they dis- 
continued offensive operations in every quarter. The happy 
period at length arrived, when, by the virtue and bravery of 
her sons, aided by the bounty of heaven, America compelled 
her invaders to acknowledge her independence. Then her ar- 
mies quitted the tented field, and retired to cultivate the arts of 
peace and happiness. Gen. Greene immediately withdrew 
from the south, and returned to the bosom of his native state. 

The reception he there experienced, was cordial and joyous. 
The authorities welcomed him home, with congratulatory ad- 
dresses, and the chief men of the place waited upon him at 
his dwelling, eager to testify their gratitude for his services, their 
admiration of his talents and virtues and the pride with which 
they recognized him as a native of Rhode-I?land, 

On the close of the war, the three southern states that had 
been the most essentially benefitted by his wisdom and valor, 
manifested at once their sense of justice and their gratitude to 
General Greene, by liberal donations. South Carolina present- 
ed him with un estate, valued at ten thousand pounds sterling; 
Georgia, with an estate, a few miles from the city of Savannah, 

IG 



19.2 NATHANIEL GREENE. 

/ 
worth five thousand pounds; and North Carolina, with twenty* 
five tliousand acres of land in the state of Tennessee. 

Having spent about two years in his native state, in the ad- 
justment of his private affairs, he sailed for Georgia, in October, 
1785, and settled with bis family, on his estate near Savannah. 
Engaging here in agricultural pursuits, he employed himself 
closely in arrangements for planting,exhibiting the fairest prom- 
ise to become as eminent in the pactice of the peaceful virtaes, 
as he had already shown himself in the occupations of war. 

But it was the will of Heaven, that in this new sphere of ac- 
tion, bis course should be limited. The short period of seven 
months was destined to witness its commencenicnt and its close. 

Walking over his grounds, as was his custom, without his hat, 
on the afternoon of the 15th June, 1786, the day being intensely 
hot, he was suddenly attacked with such a veitigo and prostra- 
tion of strength, as to he unable to return to his house without 
assistance. The affection was what was denominated a 'stroke 
of the sun.' It was succeeded by fever, accompanied with stu- 
por, delirium, and a disordered stomach. All efforts to subdue 
it proving fruitless, it terminated fatally on the 19th of the 
month. 

Intelligence of the event being conveyed to Savannah, but 
one feeling pervaded the place. Sorrow was universal; and 
the whole town instinctively assumed the aspect of mourning. 
All business was suspended; the dwelling-houses, stores, and 
shops, were closed, and the shipping in the harbor half-masted 
their colors. 

On the following day, the body of the deceased being con. 
veyed to the town, at the request of the inhabitants, was interred 
in a private cemetery with military honors, the magistrates of 
the place, and other public officers, the society of the Cincinna- 
ti, and the citizens generally, joined in the procession.* 

On the 12th of August, of the year in which the General 
died, the congress of the United Stales unanimously resolved, 
" That a monument be erected to the memory of the Honorable 
Nathaniel Greene, at the seat of the Federal Government, with 
the following inscription: 



* Gea. Greene left behind him a wife and five cljildren. 



NATHANIEL GREEISJi:. ^3 

SACRED 

to the memory of the 

Hon. Nathaniel Greene, 

who departed this life 

the 19th ot June, MDccLxxxvi.,, 

late Major-General in the 

service of the U. S., and x 

Commander of the Army in the 

Southern Department. 

The United Slates, in Congress 

a*embled, in honor of 

HIS PATRIOTISM, VALOR, AND ABILITY, 

have erected this 

MONUMENT." 

To the disgrace of the nation, no monument has been erect- 
ed; nor, ftjr the want of a headstone, can any one at present 
designate the spot, where the rehcs ot the Hero of the South lie 
interred. 

In estimating the mihtary character of Gen. Greene, facts 
authorised the inference, that he possessed a genius adapted 
by nature to military command. After resorting to arms, his 
attainment to rank was much more rapid, than that of any oth- 
er officer our country had produced; perhaps the most rapid 
that history records. These offices, so high in responsibility 
and honor, were conferred on him, not as matters of personal fa- 
vor, or family influence, nor yet through the instrumentality of 
political intrigue. They were rewards of pre-eminent merit, 
and tokens of recognized fitness for the highest functions of. 
military service. 

It is said that, on his very first appearance in the camp at 
Cambridge, from the ardor of his zeal, unremitted activity, and 
strict attention to every duty, he was pronounced, wy soldiers of 
distinction,* a man of real military genius. 

" His knowledge," said Gen. Knox to a distinguished citizen 
of South Carolina, "is intuitive. He came to us the rawest^ 
and most untutored being I ever met with; but -in less thaa 

* Colonel Pickering and others. 



124 



NATHAN HALE. 



twelve months, he was equal, in nr^ilifary knowledge, to aJiy gen- 
eral officer in the army; and very superior to most of them." 
Even the enemy he conquered, did homage to his pre-eminent 
talents for war. Tarhon, who had strong ground to know him, 
is reported to have pronounced him, on a public occasion, the 
most able and accomplished commander that America had pro- 
duced. 

When acting under the order of others, he never failed to 
discharge, to their satisfaction, the duties entrusted to him, how- 
ever arduous. But it is the southern department of the union, 
that constitutes the theatre of his achievements and fame. It 
was there, where his views were unshackled, and his genius 
free, tliat by performing the part of a great captain, lie erect- 
ed tor himself a monument of repuiatioM, durable as history, 
lofty as victory and conquest could render it, and brightened 
by all that glory could bestow. 

In compliment to his brilhant successes, the chivalric De la 
Luzerne, the minister of France, who, as a Knight of Malta, 
must be considered as a competent judge of military merit, thus ' 
speaks of him: " Other generals subdue their enemies by the 
means with which their country or their sovereign furnished 
them, but Greene appears to subdue his enemy by his own 
means. Hjb commenced his campaign without either an ar- 
my, provisions, or military stores. He has asked for nothing 
since; and yet, scarcely a post arrives from the south, that does 
not bring intelligence of some new advantage gained over his 
foe. He conquers by magic. History furnishesnoparallel to this." 



NATHAN HALE, 

Captain in the American x\rmy. 

After the unfortunate engagement on Long Island, General • 
Was':ington called a council of war, who determined on an im- 
mediate retreat to New-York. The intention was prudently 
concealed from the army, who knew not whither they were go- 
ing, but imagined it was to attack the enemy. The field 



NATHAN HALE. 1 2d 

.s'tillery, tents, baggage, and about 9,000 men were conveyed 
to the city, of New-York, over the East River, more than a mile 
wide, in less than thirteen hours, and without the knowledge of 
the British, though not six hundred yards distant. Providence, 
in a remarkable manner, favored the retreating army. The 
wind, which seemed to prevent the troops getting over at the 
appointed hour, afterward shifted to their wishes. 

Perhaps the fate of America was never suspended by a more 
brittle tliread, t!ian previously to this menrjorable retreat. A 
spectacle is here presented of an army, destined for the defence 
of a great continent, driven to the narrow borders of an island, 
with a victorious army, double its number, in front, with navi- 
gable waters in its rear; constantly liable to have its communi- 
cation c^it off by the enemy's navy, and every moment exposed 
to an attack. The presence of mind which animated the com- 
mander-jn-chief in this crilial situation, the prudence with 
which all the necessary measures were executed, redounded as 
much, or more to liis lionor, than the most brilliant victories. 
An army, to which America looked for safety, preserved ; a gen- 
eral, who was considered as an host himself, saved for the future 
necessities of his country. Had not, however, the circumstan- 
ces of the night, of the wind and weather, been favorable, the 
plan, however well concerted, must have been defeated. To a 
good Piovidence, ttjerefore, are the people of America indebt- 
ed for the complete success of an enterprise so important in, its 
consequences. 

This retreat left the British in complete possession of Long 
Island. What v/ould be their future operations remained un- 
certain. To obtain information of their situation, their strength, 
and future movements, was of high importance. For this pur- 
pose Gen. Washington applied to Colonel Knowlton, who com- 
manded a regiment of light infantry, which formed the rear of 
the American army, and desired him to adopt some mode of 
gaining the necessary information. Col. Knowlton communica- 
ted this request to Captain Nathan Hale, of Connecticut, who 
was a captain in his regiment. 



126 NATHAN HALE. 

This young officer, animated by a sense of duty, and considcK- 
ing that an opportunity presented itself by which he might be 
useful to his country, at orice otTered himself a volunteer for 
this hazardous service. He passed in disguise to Long Isiandj 
and examined every part of the Britisli army, and obtained the 
best possible information respecting their situation and future 
operations. 

In his attempt to return he was apprehended, carried before 
Sir William Howe, and the proof of his object was so clear, 
that he frankly acknowledged who he was, and what were his 
view?. Sir William Hcnve at once gave an order to have him 
executed the next morning. 

This order was accordingly executed in a most unfeeling 
manner, and by as great a savage as ever disgraced humanity. 
A clergyman, whose attendance he desired, was refused him; a 
bible, for a few moments devotion, was not procured, although 
he wished it. Letters, which on the morning of his execution, 
he wrote to his mother, and o'.her friends, were destroyed; and 
this very extraordinary reason given by the provost martial: 
" that the rebels should not knoro lliey had a man in their army who 
could die zaith so much firmness.'''' 

Unknown to all around him, without a single friend to offer 
him the least consolation, thus fell, as amiable and as worthy a 
young man, as America could boast, with this as his d\ing ob- 
servation: that "Ae only lamented that he had but one life to lose 
for his country.'''' 

Although the manner of this execution will ever be abhorred 
by every friend to humanity and religion, yet there cannot be a 
question but that the sentence was conformable to the rules of 
t\Mr, and the practice of nations in similar cases. 

It is, however, but justice to the character of Captain Hale, 
to observe, that his motives for engaging in this service were en- 
tirely different from those which generally influence others in 
similar circumstances. Neither expectation of promotion, nor 
pecuniary reward, induced him to this attempt. A sense of 
duty, a hope that he might in this way be useful to his country, 
and an opinion which he had adopted, that every kind of service 
necessary to the general good, became honorable by being 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 127 

necessary, were the great motives which induced him to engage 
in an enterprise, by which his connexions lost a most amiable 
friend, a'id iiis country one of its most promising supporters. 

The fate of this most unfortunate young man, excites the 
most interesting reflections. To see such a character, in the 
flower of youth, cheerfully treading in the most hazardous 
paths, influenced by the purest intentions, and only emulous to 
do good to his country, without the imputation of a crime, fall 
a victim to policy, must have been wounding to the feelings even 
of his enemies. 

Should a comparison be drawn between Major Andre and 
Captain Hale, injustice would be done to the latter, should he 
not be placed on an equal ground with the former. While almost 
every historian ot the American revolution has celebrated the 
virtues and lamented the fate of Andre, Hale has remained un- 
noticed, and it \^ scarcely known such a character existed. 

To the memory of Andre his country has erected the most 
magnificent monuments, and bestowed on his family the highest 
honors and most liberal rewards. To the memory of Hale, not 
a stone has been erected, nor an inscription to preserve his ashes 
from insult! 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON, 

Inspector-General in the American Army. 

Colonel Hamilton was a native of the Island of St. Croix, 
and was born in 1757. His father was the younger son of an 
English family, and his mother was an American lady, of re- 
spectable connexions. At the age of sixteen, he accompanied 
his mother to New-York, and entered a student of Columbia 
College, in which he continued about three years. While a 
member of this institution, the first buddings of his intellect 
gave presages of his future eminence. 

The contest with Great Britain called forth the first talents 
on each side, and his juvenile pen asserted the violated rights 
of the American colonies against the most respectable writers. 



128 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

His papers exhibited such evidence of intellect and wisdom, 
that they were ascribed to xWr. Jay; and when the truth was 
discovered, America saw, with astonishnnent, a lad of seventeen, 
in the list of her able advocates. 

The first sound of war awakened his martial spirit, and, at 
the age of eighteen, he entered the army as captain, in the 
corps of artillery. Soon after the war was transferred to the 
Hudson, in 1777, his superior endowments recommended him 
to the attention of the commarider-in chief, into whose family, 
before completing his twenly-tirst year, he was invited to enter, 
as an aid, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. Equally brave 
and intelligent, he continued in this situation to display a de- 
gree of firmness and capacity, which commanded the confidence 
and esteem of the principal ofiicers in the army. 

His sound understanding, comprehensive views, application 
and promptitude, soon gained him the entire confidence of Gen. 
Washington. In such a school, it was impossible but that his 
genius should be nourished. By intercourse with his genera), 
by surveying his plans, observing his consummate prudence, and 
by a minute inspection of the springs of national operations, 
he became fitted for command. 

Throughout the campaign which terminated in the capture 
of Lord Cornwallis, Col. Hamilton commanded a battalion of 
light infantry. At the siege of York, in 1781, when the second 
parallel was opened, two redoubts, which flanked it, and were 
advanced three hundred yards in front of the British works, very 
much annoyed the men in the trenches: it was resolved to possess 
them; and to prevent jealousies, the attack of the one was com- 
mitted to the French, and of the other, to the Americans. The 
detachment of the Americans was commanded by the Marquis 
de la Fayette; and Colonel Hamilton, at his own earnest re- 
quest, led the advanced corps, consisting of iwo battalions. 
Towards the close of the day, on the fourteenth of October, the 
troops rushed to the charge without firing a single gun; and so 
great was their ardor, that they did not give the sappers time 
to remove the abattis and palisades. Passing over them, they 
assailed the works with irresistible impetuosity on all sides at 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 129 

«nce, and entered them with such rapidity that their loss was 
inconsiderable. Tiie irritation produced by the recent curuaiie 
at Fort Griswold, had not so far subdued the humanity of the 
Atiierican character as to induce retaliation. Not a man was 
* killf^d except in action. " Incapable," said Colonel Hamilion, 
in iiis report, " of imitating examples of barbarity, and forget- 
ting recent provocation, the soldiery spared every man that 
ceased to resist." 

Soon after the capture of Cornwallis, Hamilton sheathed his 
sword, and being encumbered with a family, and destitute of 
funds, at the age of twenty-five, applied to tlie study of ti;e law. 
In this profession he soon rose to distiiiction. But the critical 
circumstances of the existing government induced him to accept 
a seat in the Cong'-ess of the United Sfities. In all the import- 
ant acts of the day, he performed a conspicuous part, awd was 
greatly distinguished among those distinguished characters whom 
the crisis had attracted to the councils of tiie country. Being 
a member of Congress, vvliile the question of the commutation 
of the half pay of the army tor a sum in grots, was in debate, 
delicacy, and a desire to be useful to the army, b\ removing the 
idea of his having an interest in the (jucstion, induced him to 
write to the secretary of war, and relinquish his claim to half 
pay, which, or the equivalent, he never received. 

We have now arrived at an interesting and important period 
in the life of Hamilton. After witnessing the debility of the 
old confederation, and its inefticacy to accomplish the objects 
proposed by its articles, viz. " common defence, security of 
liberty, and general welfare," a convention of the states was 
agreed upon for the purpose of forming an efficient federal 
government. In this convention was collected the sound wis- 
dom of the country — the patriots and sages, who, by their valof 
and their prudence, had carried her triumphantly through the 
stormy period of the revolution, and had given her a name 
amongJhe nations of the earth. To this convention Ean.ihon 
was appointed a delegate from the state of New York. \' con- 
vened at the state house in Philadelphia, May 2i)th, 1787, A 
nnanimous vote placed General Washington in the chair, 

17 



j^30 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

\ 

"It was soon found," savs Mr. Martin, one of the deiegales, 
from Maryland,'^ there were among us three different parlies, of .1 
Very different sentiments and views. One party, who?e object 
and wish it was to aboUsh and annihilate ail state gjovernments, 
and to bring forward one general government over this extensive 
continent, of a monarchial nature, under certain restrictions and 
iimitations: — (hose who openly avowed this sentiment were, 
it is true, but few, yet it is equaliv true, sir, that there was a 
considerable number who did not openly avow it, whovvere, hy 
myself, and many others of the convention, considered as being 
in reality favorers of that sentiment, and acting upon those prin- 
ciples, covertly endeavoring to carry into effect what they well 
knew openly and avowedly could not be accomplished. 

"The second party was not for the abolition of the state gov- 
ernments, nor for the introduction of a monarchial government 
under any form: but they wished to establish such a system as 
could give their own states undue power and influence in the 
governiTient over the other states. 

" A third party was what I considered truly federal and re- 
publican; this party was nearly equal in number with the other 
two, and were composed of the delegations from Connecticut, 
JNew- York, New-Jersey, Delaware, and in part from Maryland ; 
also of some individuals from other representations." 

During the heat of party animosity, much was said and writ- 
ten of the monarchial views of Hamilton, and of his attempts 
in the convention which formed our constitution, to carry those 
views into effect. How far the sentiments imputed to him are 
correct, the following paper, read by him, as containing his 
ideas of a suitable plan of government for the United States 
will show: — 

'• I. The supreme legislative power of the United States of 
America to be vested in two distinct bodies of men, the one to 
be called the assembly, the oilier the senate, who, together/shall 
form the legislature of the United States, with power to-pass all 
laws whatsoever, su'iject to the negative hereafter meiitioned. 

" 2. The assembl) to consist of persons elected by ihe peo- 
ple, to serve for three years. 



AJL.EXANDER HAMILTON;. 131 

»> 3. The senate to consist of persons elected to seive during 
good behaviour; their election to be made by electors chosen 
for that purpose by the people. In order to this, the states to 
be divided into eleven districts. On the death, removal, of 
resignation of any senator, his place to be filled out of the dis^ 
trict from which he came. 

" 4. The supreme executive authority of the United States 
to be vested in a governor, (o be elected to serve during good 
behaviour. His election to be made by electors chosen by 
electors, chosen by the people, in the election districts aforesaid. 
His authorities and functions to be as follows: — 

" To have a negative upon all laws about to be passed, and 
the executive of all laws passed; to have the entire direction of 
war, when authorzed, or begun; to have, with the advice and 
approbation of tiie senate, the power of making all treaties; to 
have the sole appointment of the heads or chief officers of the 
departments of tinance, war, and foreign affairs; to have the 
nomination of all other otiicers, (ambassadors to foreigti nations 
included) subject to the approbation or rejection of the senate, 
to have tne power of pardoning all offences, except treason, 
which he shall not pardon, without the approbation of the senate* 

"5. On the death, resignation, or removal of the governor, 
his authorities to be exercised by the president of the senate, 
until a successor be appointed. 

" 6. The senate to have the sole power of declaring war, 

the power of advising and approving all treaties; the power of 

approving or rejecting all appointments of officers, except the 

heads or chiefs of the departments of finance, war, and foreign 

affairs. 

"7. The supreme judicial authority of the United States 

to be vested in judges, to hold their offices during good 

behaviour, with adequate and permanent salaries. This court 

to have original jurisdiction in all cases of capture; and an 

appellative jurisdiction in all causes, in which the revenues of 

the general government, or the citizens of foreign nations, are 

concerned. 

" ^. The legislature of the United States to have power to 



132 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 



Institute courls in each state, for the determination of all matters 
of general concers . 

" 9. The governor.", senators, and all officers of the United 
States, to be liable to impeachment, for ma! ard corrupt con- 
duct; and, Ujjon conviction, to be removed from cffice, and dis- 
qualified for holding anj place of trust or profit. All impeach- 
ments to be tried b) a court to consist ot the chief, or senior 
jud5j;e of the superior court of law in each state; provided, that 
such judge hold his place during good behaviour, and have a 
permanent -alar^ . 

'* 10. All laws of the particular states, contrary to the con- 
stitution or laws of the United States, to be utterly void. 
And the I etter to prevent such laws being passed, the govetr;. r 
or president of each state sliall be appointed by ihe i 
government, and shall have a negative upon the law.'; .t 
be passed in the state of which he is governor, or presidn 

"11. No state to have any forces, land or naval; ;;i:(l tiie 
militia of all the states to be under the sole and exclutrive diiec- 
tion of the United Stales; the officers of which to be appointed 
and commissioned by them." 

Such being the views of Hamilton, the constitution, framed 
by the convention, did not completely meet his wishes. He was 
afraid it did not contain sufficient means oi stniiiih foi its own 
preservation, and thai in consequence we should nhare (be fate 
of many other republics, and pass ttirough anarchy to desjioiism. 
He was in favor of a more permanent executive aiid senate. 
He wished for a strong government, which would not be sluiKen 
by the conflict of different interests through an extensive 
territory, and which should be adequate to all the forms of 
national exigency. He was apprehensive, that the increased 
wealth and population of the s'ates would lead to encroachments 
on the union. These were his views and feelings, and he freely 
and honestly expressed them. 

A respectable member of the convention once remarked, 
that ifthe constitution did not succeed, on trial, Mr. Hamilton 
was less responsible lor that result than any other member, for 
he fully and frankly pointed out to the convention what he ap- 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 133 

prehended were the infirmities to which it was liable. And 
that if it answered the fond expectations of the jjubiic, the com- 
munity would be more indebted to Mr. Hamilton than to any 
other member; for after its essential outHnes were agreed to, 
he labored most indefatigably to heal those infirmities, and to 
guard against the evil* to which they miirht expose it. 

The patriotism of P^amiiton was noi of tl»ai kind which 
yields every thing because it cannot accomplish all tliat it de- 
sires. Believing the con- itu!ion incomparably superior to the 
old confederation he exerted all liis talents in its support. 

After the publicafion of the consiitution, Hamilton, in con- 
cert with Mr. Jay, and Mr. Madison, commenced the "Federal- 
ist, a series of essays addressed to the people of the state of 
New- York, in favor of the adoption of the con?titution. These 
papers first made their appearance in the daily prints, early in 
November, 1787, and the work was not concluded until a sh< rt 
time pievious to the meeting of the state convention, in June, 
1788. It was well understood that Mr. Hamilton was the 
principal author, and wrote at least three-fourths of the numbers. 
This work is not to be classed among the ephemeral productions, 
which are calculated to produce a party purpose, and when that 
purpose in answered, to expire for ever. It is a profound and 
learned disquisition on the principles of a federal representative 
government, and combines an ardent attachment to public lib- 
erty. This work will no doubt endure as long as any of the 
republican institutions of this country, on which it is so luminous 
*and elegant a commentary. 

His voice co-operated with his pen. In the convention of th^ 
state, which met to delil)erate on the federal constitution, he 
was returtied a member, and was always heard with awe, per- 
haps with conviction, though not always with success. But 
when the crisis arrived; when a vote was to determine whether 
New- York should retain or relinquish her place in the union: 
and preceding occurrences made it probable that s!ie would 
choose the worst part of the alternative, Hamilton arose in re- 
doubled strength. He argued, he remonstrated, he entreated, 
he warned, he painted, till apathy itself was moved, and the 



434 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

most relentless of haman things, a preconcerted mojority^ ^^Ji 
staggered and broken. Truth was again victorious, and New- 
York enrolled herself under the standard of the federal consti- 
tution. 

The constitutian having gone into operation, and the execu-, 
tive departments being established, Mr. Hamilton was appointed 
in the summer of 1789, to the office of secretary ot the treasury,, 
The task of recruiting public credit, of drawing order and 
arrangement from the chaotic confusion in which the tinances of 
America were involved, and of devising means which should 
render the revenue productive, and commensurate with the de- 
mand, in a manner least burdensome to the people, was justly 
classed among the most arduous of the duties which devolved 
on t'le new government. 

Tnis otKce he held between five and six years; and when we 
look back to the measures that within that period he originated, 
matured, and vindicated, we are astonished in the contemplation 
of the various powers of his ingenious and exalted mind. Mr. 
Hamilton is justly considered the Founder of the Public Credit 
of this country. 

The manner in which the several states entered into and 
conducted the war of the revolution will be recollected. Act- 
ing in some respects separately, and in others conjointly, for the 
attainment of a common object, their resources were exerted, 
sometimes under the authority of Congress, sometimes under 
the authority of the local governments, to repel the enemy 
wherever he came. The debt incurred in suport of the wai: 
was therefore, in the tirst instance, contracted partly by the con- 
tinent, and partly by the states. When the system of requisi- 
tion was adopted, the transactions of the union were carried on, 
in a great degree, through the agency of the states, and v/hen 
the measure of compensating the army, for the depreciation of 
their pay, became necessary, this burden, under the recommen- 
dation of Congress, was assumed by the respective states. In 
their exertions to meet the calls of Congress, some degree of 
inequality had obtained, and they looked anxiously to a settle- 
ment of accounts between them. 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON; I55 

To assume these debt?, and to fund Ihenn in common with that 
which continued to be the proper debt of tlie union, was pro- 
posed by Mr. Hamilton, in his tirst report to congress, as secre- 
tary of the treasury. 

This celebrated report, which has been ahke the fruitful 
theme of extravagant praise and hitter censure, was rigorously 
opposed in congress. It was agreed by all, that the foreign 
debt should be provided for in the manner proposed by the 
Secretary, but with respect to the domestic debt, the same una- 
nimity was far from prevailing. It was contended that the 
general government would acquire an undue influence, and that 
the state governments would be annihilated by the measure. 
Not only would all the influence of the public creditors, be 
thrown into the scale of the former, but it would absorb all the 
powers of taxation and leave the latter only the shadow of a 
government. This would probably terminate in rendering the 
state governments useless, and would destroy the system s® 
recently established. 

The constitutional authority of the federal government te 
assume these debts was questioned. 

On the ground of policy it was objected, that the assumptioa 
would impose on the LFnited States a burden, the weight of 
which was unascertained, and which would require an exten- 
sion of taxation beyond the limits which prudence vvould pre- 
scribe. That the debt, by being thus accumulated, would be 
perpetuated, and the Secretary was charged with the doctrine^ 
" that a public debt was a public blessing." 

The measure was said to be unwise too, as it would affect 
the public credit. Such an augmentation of the debt must 
inevitably depreciate its *-alue; since it was the character of 
paper, whatever denomination it mii;ht assume, to diminish in 
value in proportion to the quantity in circulation. 

In support of the assumption, the debts of the states were 
traced to ttieir origin. America, it was said, had engaged in a 
war, the object of which w?s equally interesting to every part 
€>f the union. It was not the war of a particular state, but of 
♦he United Stales, It was not the liberty and independence 



136 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

of a part, but of the whole, for which they had contended, and 
which they had acquired. The cause was a common cause. 
As brethren, the American people had consented to hazard 
property and life in its defence. All the sums expended in this 
great object, whatever might be the authority under which 
they were raised or appropriated, conduced to the same end. 
Troops were raised and military stores were purchased, before 
congress assumed the command of the army, or control of the 
war. The ammunition which repulsed the enemy at Bunker's 1 ; 
Hill, was purchased by Massachusetts, and formed a part of the " ' 
debt of that state. 

The great moving principle which governed Hamilton in his 
department, was good faith. ''Public credit," said he, "could 
only be maintained by good faith, by a punctual performance 
of contracts;" and, good faith was recommended not only by fj 
the strongest inducements of political expediency, but was en- 
forced by considcratio-ns of still higher authority. There are 
arguments for it which rest on tl>e immutable principles of moral 
obligation. And in proportion as the mind is disposed to con- v; j 
template in the order of Providence, an intimate connexion be- ' ' 
tween public virtue and public happiness, will be its repug- 
nancy to a violation of those principles. 

" This reflection," he said, " derived additional strength from 
the nature of the debt of the United States. // icas the price of 
liberty. The faith of America had been repeatedly pledged for it, 
and with solemnities (hat gave peculiar force to the obligation." . I 

His report, though strenuously opposed, was finally adopted, * 
and under his administration, the finances advanced to a state 
of prosperity beyond all expectation, and so as to engage the ' 
attention and commatid the confidence of Europe. The effect 
was electrical. Commerce revived, tlie ploughshare glittered, 
property recovered its value; credit was tjstablished; revenue 
created, the treasury filled. 

The insinuation that has often been inculcated, that Hamil- 
ton patronized the doctrine, that a public debt was a public 
blessing, is without the shadow of a foundation. He inculcates 
with great solicitude in his reports, that "the progressive accu- 



AlEXANDER HAMILTON. 137 

ifuilationof debts was the natural discaae of governments; that 
it ought to be guarded against with provident foresight and in* 
flexible perseverence; that it ought to be a fundamental maxim 
in the system of public credit, that the creation of public debt should 
always be accompanied with the means of extinguishment.^^ 

The beneficial eflfects of the measures recommended by 
Hamilton, as secretary of the treasury ; and which hre known 
and felt constantly, have at last accomplished what argument 
alone could not do — they forced a universal conviction on the 
puhUc mind; and all the dread spectres which were conjured 
at the time, to terrify the imagination and blind thejudgment, 
have \on^ since disappeared before the light of experience. He 
has left to his successor little more to do than to follow his pre- 
cepts, and to shine by the lustre of his ex;impie. 

Mr. Hamilton, in his character of secretary of the treasury, 
was also one of the constitutional advisers of the president, in 
relation generally to the duties of his office. 

In January, 1795, Hamilton resigned the office of secretary 
of the treasurv, and once more returned to private life. In the 
rage and rancor of party, at the time, no wonder that the 
tongue of slander followed him. So fair was the opportunity 
of acquiring a princely fortune which was presented to him, and 
the disposition to profit by it, so little ai variance with the com- 
mon estimate of honorable gain, that few supposed it possible 
to resist tlie temptation. The fact being presumed, every petty 
politician erected himself into a critic: while the gazettes, the 
streets, the polls of election, resounded with the millions amass- 
ed by the secretary. It is natural that the idolaters of gold 
should treat the contempt of it as a chimera. But gold was 
not the idol of Hamilton. Exquisitely delicate towards official 
character, he touched none of the advantages which he put 
within the reach of others; he vested not a dollar in the pub- 
lic funds. He entered into the public service with property of his 
ewn, the well-earned reward of professional talent; he continu- 
ed in it till his funds were gone; and left it, to get bread for a 
sutFering family. It was surely enough that he had impover- 
ished himself while he was enriching the commonwealth; but 

18 



i 



133 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

it was beyond measure insulting, to charge him, under such cir- 
cumstances, with invading the public purse. 

The last great occasion which called Hamilton upon the the- 
atre of public action, existed in the spring of the year 1798. It 
will be recollected that France had been long making piratical 
depredations upon our commerce; that our ministers had been 
treated with the grossest indignity, and money demanded of 
the United States, on terms the most degrading. Open and 
determined war was the consequence. ^ '■ 

Washington was appointed lieutenant-general and comman- 
der-in-chief. The following letter from him to President Ad- 
ams, on the subject of appointing Hamilton to the second in 
conintnnd, shows his high standing in the opinion of the illus- 
trious Washington. 

Mount Vernon, ScpU 25, 1798. 

" It is an invidious task, at all times, to draw comparisons, 
and I shall avoid it as much as possible; but I have no hesita- 
tion in declaring, that if the public is to be deprived of the ser- 
vices of Col. Hamilton in the military line, the post he was des-' \ 
lined to fill will not be easily supplied — and that this is the sen- 
timent of the public, I think I may venture to pronounce. Al- 
though Colonel Hamilton has never acted in the character 
of a general officer, yet his opportunities, as the principal and 
most confidential aid of the commander-in-chief, afforded him the 
means of viewing every thing on a larger scale than those wh© 
had only divisions and brigades to attend to; who knew noth- 
ing of the correspondences of the commander-in-chief, or of the 
various orders to, or transactions with, the general staff of the 
army. These advantages, and his having served with useful- 
ness in the old congress, in the general convention, and having 
filled one of the most important departments of government with 
acknowledged abilities and integrity, have placed him on high 
ground, and made him a conspicuous character in the United 
States, and even in Europe. To these, as a matter of no small 
consideration, may be added, that as a lucrative practice in the 
line of his profession is his most certain dependence, the induce- 
ment to relinquish it must, in some degree, be commensurate. 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 139 

By some, he is considered as an ambitious man, and therefore a 
dangerous one. That he is ambitious, I shall readily grant, but 
it is of that laudable kind^ which prompts a man to excel in whatev- 
er he takes in hand. 

" He is enterprising, quick in his perceptions — and his judg- 
ment intuitively great: qualities essential to a great military 
character; and therefore I repeat, that his loss will be irreparable. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON." 

Hamilton was accordingly appointed inspector-general, 
agreeable to the wishes of Washington. On the death of that 
great man, he succeeded to the office of commander-in-chief, 
and continued in that character until the army was disbanded, 
in the summer of 1800, when he returned again to his pro- 
fession in the city of New- York. In this place he passed the 
remainder of his days. 

In June,^ 1804, Colonel Burr, vice-president of the United 
States, addressed a letter to General Hamilton, requiring his ac- 
knowledgment or denial of the use of any expression derogato- 
ry to the honor of the former. Perhaps the most satisfactory 
manner of introducing the reader to this subject, will be to be- 
gin with the correspondence which led to the fatal interview. 
Jt is as follows: 

A''ezo-York, June 18, 1804. 

Sm — I send for your perusal, a letter signed Charles D. 
Cooper, which, though apparently pubhshed some time ago, has 
but very recently come to my knowledge. Mr. Van Ness, who 
does me the favor to deliverthis, will point out to you that 
clause of- the letter to which I particularly request your atter« 
tion. 

You must perceive, sir, the necessity of a prompt and mqualL. 
fied acknowledgment or denial of the use of any expression 
which would warrant the assertions of Dr. Cooper. 

I have the honor to be your obedient servant. 

A. BURR. 
Gen. Hamilton. 

A''eW'York, June 20, 1804. 
Sir — I have maturely reflected on the subject of your lettep 
of the 1 8th inst., and the more 1 have reflected, the more I have 



140 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 



become convinced that 1, could not, wit'.iout manifest impropri- 
ety, make the avowal or disavowal which you seem to think ne- 
cessary. The clause pointed out by Mr. Van Ness, is in these 
terms: "I could detail to you a still more despicable op'imon which 
General Hamilton has expressed of Mr. Burr." To endeavor to 
discover the meaning of this declaration, 1 was obliijed to seek, 
in the antecedent part of this letter, for tlie opinion to which it 
referred, as having been already disclosed. I found it in these 
words: ''•General Hamilton and Judge Kent have declareil, in. 
substance, that they lool<ed upon Mr. Burr to be a dangerous 
man, and one who ought not to be trusted with the reins of gov- 
ernment." 

The language of Dr. Cooper plainly implies, that he consid« 
ered this opinion of you, which he atfril>ut(^s to me, as a despi- 
cable one; but he affirms that I have expressed some other^ more 
despicable, without, however, mentioning to whom, when, or 
where. 'Tis evident that the phrase "still more despicable," 
admits of infinite shades, from very light to very dark. How 
am I to judge of the degree intended, or how shall I annex anj 
precise idea to language so indefinite? 

Between gentlemen, despicable and more despicable are not 
worth the pains of distinction: when, therefore, you do not in- 
terrogate me as to the opinion which is specifically ascribed to 
me, I must conclude, that you view it as within the limits to 
which the animadversions of political opponents upon each oth- 
er may justifiably extend, and consequently as not warranting 
the idea oif it which Dr. Cooper appears to entertain. If so, 
what precise inference could you draw, as a guide for your 
conduct, were 1 to acknowledge thatl had expressed an opinion 
of you still more despicable than the one which is particularized? 
How could you be sure that even this opinion had exceeded 
the bounds which you would yourself deem admissible between 
political opponents? 

But I forbear further comment on the embarrassment to 
which the requisition you have made naturally leads. The oc- 
casion forbids a more ample illustration, though nothing could 
be more easy than to pursue it. 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 141 

Repeating "that I cannot reconcile it with propriety to make 
the acknowledgment or denial you desire, I will add that I deem 
it inadmissible on principle, to consent to be interrogated as to 
the justness of the inferences which may be drawn by others, 
for whatever 1 may have said of a political opponent, in the 
course of fifteen years competition. If there were no other 
objection to it, this is sufficient, that it would tend to expose my 
sincerity and delicacy to injurious imputations from every per- 
son who may at any time have conceived the import of my ex- 
pressions, differently from what I may then have intended or 
may afterward recollect. 1 stand ready to avow or disavow, 
prompHvand explicitly, any precise or definite opinion which I 
may be charfred with having declared of any gentleman. More 
than this cannot be fitly expected from me; and especially it 
cannot be reasonablyexpected'hat I shall enter into an explana- 
tion upon a basis so vague as that which you have adopted. I 
trust, on more reflection, you will see the matter in the same 
light with me. If not, I can only regret the circumstance, and 
must abide the consequences. 

The publication of Dr. Cooper was never seen by me till af- 
ter the receipt of you letter. 

I have the honor to be, &;c. 

A. HAMILTON. 

Col. Burr. 

Mezt}- York^ June 21, 1804. 

Sir — Your letter of the 20th instant, has been this day re- 
ceivt-d. Havinir considered it attentively, I regret to find in it 
nothing of that sincerity and delicacy which you profess to value. 

Political opposition can never absolve gentlemen from the 
necesfity of a rigid adherence to the laws of honor and the rules 
of decorum. I neither claim such privilege nor indulge it in 
others. 

The common sense of mankind affixes to the epithet adopted 
by Dr. Cooper, the idea of dishonor. It has been publicly ap- 
plied to me under the sanction of your name. The question is 
not, whether he has understood the meaning of the word, or has 
used it according to syntax, and with grammatical accuracy ; but 



142 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

whether you have authorised this apphcation, either directlj^ 
or by uttering expressions or opinions derogatory to my honor. 
The time " when," is in your own knowledge, but no way ma- 
terial to me, hs the calumny has now first been disclosed, so as 
to become the subject of my notice, and as the effect is present 
and palpable. 

Your ktter has furnished me with new reasons for requiring. 

a definite reply. 

I have the honor to be, 

Sir, your obedient, 

Gen. Hamilton, A . BURR. 

On Saturday, the 22d of June, General HamiHon, for the 
first time called on Mr. Pendleton, and communicated to him the 
preceding correspondence. He informed him, that in a conver- 
sation with Mr. Van Ness, at the time of receiving the last let- 
ter, he told Mr. Van Ness that he considered that letter as rude 
and offensive, and that it was not possible for him to give it any . 
other answer than that Mr. Burr must take such steps as he f j 
might think proper. He said further, that Mr. Van Ness re- 
quested him to take time to deliberate, and then return an ar^- 
swer, when he might possibly entertain a different opinion, and 
that he would call on him to receive it. That his reply to Mr. 
Van Ness was, that he did not perceive it possible for him to 
give any other answer than that he had mentioned, unless Mr, 
Burr would take back his last letter, and wiiteone which would 
admit of a different reply. He then gave Mr. Pendleton the 
letter hereafter mentioned, of the 22d June, to be delivered to 
Mr. Van Ness, when he should call on Mr. Pendleton for an 
answer, and went to his country house. 

The next day General Hamilton received, while there, the 
following letter: 

June 23rd, 1804. 
Sir — In the afternoon of yesterday, I reported to Col. Burr 
the result of my last interview with you, and appointed the 
evening to receive his further instructions. Some private en- 
gagements, however, prevented me from calling on him till this 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 14»S 

Tnornmg. On my return to the city, I found, upon inquiry, both 
at your otfice and house, that you had returned to your resi- 
dence in the country. Lest an interview there, might be less 
agreeable to you than elsewhere, I have taken the liberty of 
addressing you this note, to inquire when and where it will be 
most convenient for you to receive a communication. 
, Your most obedient and very humble servant, 

W. P. VAN NESS. 
Gen. Hamilton. 

Mr. Pendleton understood from General Hamilton, that he im- 
mediately answered, that if the communication was pressing, 
he would receive it at his country house that day ; if not, he 
would be at his house in town the next morning at 9 o'clock. 
But he did not give Mr. Pendleton any copy of this note. 

JVew- York^ June 22, 1 804. 

Sm — Your firsf letter, in a style too peremptory, made a de- 
mand, in my opinion, unprecedented and unwarrantable. My 
answer, pointing out the embarrassment, gave you an opportu- 
nity to take a less exceptionable course. You have not chosen to 
do it; but by your last letter, received this day, containing ex- 
pressions indecorous and improper, you have increased the dif- 
ficulties to explanation, intrinsically incident to the nature of 
your application. 

If by a •' definite reply," you mean the direct avowal or disa- 
vowal required in your first letter, I have no other answer to 
give, than that which has already been given. If you mean 
anv thing dilferent, admitting of greater latitude, it is requisite 
you should expUon. 

I have the honor to be, 

Sir, your obedient servant, 

ALEX. HAMILTON. 
Aaron Burr, Esq. 

This letter, although dated on the 22d of June, remained in 
Mr. Perdleton's possession until the 23th, within which period 
he had several conversations with Mr. Van Ness. In these con- 
versations Mr. Pendleton endeavored to illustrate and enforcie 



144 ' ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

the propriety of the ground General Hamilton had taken. Mr* 
Pendleton mentioned to Mr. Nan Ness as the result, that if Col. 
Burr would write a letter, requesting to know in substance 
whether, in the conversation to which Dr. Cooper alluded, any 
particular instance of dishonorable conduct was imputed to Col- 
Burr, or whether there was any impeachment of his private 
character, General Hamilton would declare, to the best of his 
recollection, what passed in that conversation; and Mr. Pendle- 
ton read to Mr. Van Ness a paper containing the substance of 
what General Hamilton would say on that subject, which is as 
follows: 

" General Flamilton says he cannot imagine to \^ hat Dr. Coo- 
per may have alluded, unless it were to a conversation at Mr, 
Tayler's in Albany, last winter, (at which he and Gen. Hamil- 
ton were present.) Gen. Hamilton cannot recollect distinctly 
the particularsof that conversation 80 as to undertake to repeat 
them, without running the risk of varying, or omitting what 
might be deemed important circumstances. The expressions 
are entirely forgotten, and the specific ideas imperfectly re- 
membered; but to the best of his recollection, it consisted of 
comments on the political principles and views of Col. Burr, 
and the result that might be expected from them in the event 
of his election as governor, without reference to any particular 
instance of past conduct, or to private character." 

After the delivery of the letter of the 22d,as above mention- 
ed, in another interview with Mr. Van Ness, he desired Mr. 
Pendleton to give him, in writing, the substance of what he had 
proposed on the part of Gen. Hamilton, which Mr. Pendleton 
did in the words following: 

" In answer to a letter properly adapted to obtain from Gen- 
eral Hamilton a declaration whether he had charged Col. Burr 
with any particular instance of dishonorable conduct, or had 
impeached his private character, either in the conversation allu- 
ded to by Dr. Cooper, or in any other particular instance to be 
specified; he would be able to answer consistently with his 
honor, and the truth, in substance, that the conversation to 
which Dr. Cooper alluded, turned wholly on political topics, and 



ALKXiNDETl TIA.MILTON. 145 

Hotatfribute to C'>1. jrr any instance of dishonorable conduct, 
nor reiate to a;s j)rivate character; and in relation (o any otier 
lanjJiiage or conversation ot* Ge.ieral Hamilton which Colonel 
Burr will specify, a prompl and frank avowal or denial will be 
given/' 

On the 26th of June Mr. Pendleton received the following 
letter: 

Sfu — The letter which you yeslerday delivered mp, and your 
subsequent con»inUiiication,in Co!. Burr's opinion, evince no jis- 
poi'ition,on tiie part of Gen. Hamilton, to come to a sati-^laclory 
accommodation. The injury complained of, and the reparation 
expected, are so detiniJely expressed in Colonel Burr's, ieiier of 
the 21st instant, mat tfiere is not perceived a necessity foi (ur- 
ther explanation on .lis part. The auficuity tiial would result 
from contining the inquny to any particular times and occasions 
must be mjuiifest. Tue denial of a specitied conversation o: Iv, 
would leave strong implications that on other occasions impro- 
per language had been used. When and where injurious opin- 
io;)s and expressions have been uttered by General Hamilion, 
must be best known to him, and of him only will Colonel Burr 
inquire. jYo denial or declaration a-ill be satisfactory, unless it be 
^eneraly so as wkoHy to exclude the idea that rumors derogatory to 
Col. Burr's honor have originated icith Gen. Hamiitun, or have been 
fairly inferred from aiiy thing he has said. A detiratc replv to a 
requisil ion of this nature was demanded by (.ol. bur.'s letter 
on the 2ist instant. This being refused, invites the ajiernative 
alluded to in Gen. Hamilton's letiei of the 20th. 

It was required by the position in which tlie controversy was 
placed by General Himilton,on Friday* last, and I was imme- 
diately iLirnished with a communication demanding a personal 
inierview. The necessity of this measure has not, in the opinion 
of Colonel Burr, been diminished by the General's l.ist lelter, or 
any communication wnirh has sin{ e been received. I am conse- 
quently again instructed to deliver you a message, as soon as it 
may be convenient for you to receive it. I beg, therefore, you 



June 22. 
19 



^46 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

will be so good as to inform me .^t what hour I can have the 
pka.ureoi seeing }ou. 

Your most obedient and 

very humble servant, 

W. P. VAN NESS^ 
Nath'l Pendleton, Esq. 
June '26th. 

^(\th June, 1804. 

SiTi — [ have communicated the letter which you did me the 
honor to write to me oftliis date, fo General Hamillfop. The 
expectations now disclosed on the part of Col. Burr, appear to' 
hitn \o have greatly extended the orijrinal ground of inquiry, 
and instead of pre-enling a particular and definite case of ex- 
planation,seemed foaim at nothing less than an inquisition into 
his most confidential conversations, as well as others, through 
the whole period of hi^ acquaintance with Col. Buir. 

While he was pre|)ared to meet the particular case fairly and 
fully, he thinks it admi?«i!)!e that h.e should he expected to 
an^wet at large as to every thing that he may possibly have 
said, in relation to the character of Col, Burr, at any time or 
upon any occasion. Though he is not co -scions that ar-y charges 
which are in circulation to the prejudice of Col. Burr, have 
originated witlt him, except one which may have been so' con- 
sidered, and which has long «ince been fuMy explained between 
Col, Burr and himseK — yet he cannot consent to be questioned 
generally as to any rumors which may be afloat derotjatory t* 
the character of Col. Burr, without specification of (he several 
Tumors, many of them probably unknown to him. He does 
not, however, mean to authorise any conclusion as to the real 
nature of his conduct in relation to Col. Burr, by his declining 
go loose and vague a basis of explanation, and he disavows an 
unwillingness to come to a satisfactory, provided it be an hon- 
orable accommodation. His o!)jection is, the very indefinite 
ground which Colonel Burr has assumed, in which he is sorrv io 
he able to discern nothing slort of predetermined hostility. 
Presumi is therefore, that it will be adhered to, he has ins^nict- 
•U me to reciiive the aiSBsage which }0a uavu it iu chaige t© 



ALEXANDER HAMIT.TON. Ip 

delivpr. For this purpose I shall lie at t ome, and at your com.' 
mat'd, to-morrow morning, from eight to 10 o'clock. 
I have the honor to he rospprtfnliv. 

your obedient «p»-vant, 

N ATH'L PENDLETON. 

Wm. p. Van Ness. Esq. 

Sir — The letter w I ich f had the honor to receive from vou 
tinder date of yesterdav, stale*, among oil er thine?, that in Gen, 
Hamilton's opinion, Col. Burr has taken a very indetinite grf>iind, 
in which he evinces nothing short of predetermined hostility, 
and that Gen. Hamilton thii ki- it iradrr issihle tl at the inquiry 
should extend to his confidential as well as other conversations. 
In this Colonel Burr can only repl\, that secret whispers^ tra- 
ducing his fame, and impeaching his honor, are, at lea?t. equally 
injurious with slanders puhliciy uttered; that Gen. Hamilton 
had, at no time, and in no place, a ri^ht to use any such injuri- 
ous expressions; and that the partial negative he is disposed 
to give, with the reservations he wishes to make, are proofs that 
he has done the injury specified. 

Col. Burr's request was, in the Prst instance, proposed in a 
form the most simple, in order that Gen. Hamilton might give to 
the affair that course to which he might he induced by his ten> 
per apd his knowledge of facts. Col. Burr trusted with coi> 
fidence, that from th.e frankness of a soldier and the candor of a 
gentleman, he might expect an ingenuous declaration, thai if^ 
as he had reason to believe, Gen. Hamilton had used expression! 
deroga^orv to his honor, he would have had the magnanimity to 
retract them; and that if. from hi* language, injurious inferen- 
ces had been improperly drawn, he would have perceived the 
proprietv of correcting errors, which might thus have been 
widely difTused. With these imrressions, Col. Burr was greatly 
surprised at receiving a letter which he considered as evasive, 
and which in manner he deemed not altogether decorous. In 
one expectation, however^ he was not wholly deceived, for the 
close of General Hamilton's letter contained an intimation that 
if Col. Burr should di«like his refusal to acknowledge or deny, 
lie was ready to meet the consequences. This Col. Burr deemed 



148 



ALFXANDER HAMILTON. 



a sort of defiance, and would have f«H justified in rrakirt<rit the 
basis of an immediate message. But as the communication 
contained something coicerning the indefiniteness of tl'e re- 
quest; as he behoved it rather the off>prin}i of false pride than 
of reflection, and as he felt the uhnost reluctance to proceed to 
ex'remiTies, while any other hopo remained, his request was re- 
peated in terms more explicit. The replies ai.d propositions on 
the part of General Hamilton have, in Col. Burr's opinion, been 
constantly in substanco the s^me. 

Colonel Burr disavows all motives of predetermined hostility, 
a chartre bv which he think* ii suit add»^d to injury. He feels 
as a gentleman should feel when his honor is impeached, or as- 
sailed; and without sens=ations of hostility or wishes of revenge, 
he is determined to vindicate that honor at such hazard as the 
nature of the ca'«e demands. 

The length to which this correspondence has extended, only 
tending to prove, thai the satisficlory redress, eartie^tly desired, 
camiotbe ob'ained, he deems ii usfless to otfer ap} proposition 
except the simple message which 1 shall now have the honor to 
delvor. 

1 have the honor to be, 

with respect, your very humble serv't, 

W. P. VAN NESS. 
Wednesday mornings June ^Hh, 1 804. 

With this letter a message was received such as was to be ex- 
pected, contai'iing an invitation, which was accepted, and Mr. 
Pendk ton informed Mr. Van Ness he should hear from him the 
next day as to furiher particulars. 

This letter was delivered to Gen. Hamilton on the same eve- 
nmg, anda very short conversation ensued between him and Mr. 
Pendleton, who was to call on him early the next morning for a 
further conference. — When he did so, Gen. tiamiltoQ said he 
had not understood whether the niessage and answer was defi- 
nitely concluded, or whether another meeting was to take place 
for that purpose between Mr. Pcndhton and and Mr. Van Ness. 

Under ti e latter impression, and as the last letter contained 
mauer that naturally led to animadversion, he gave Mr. 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 149 

Pendleton a paner of rerr^nrks in hi? own handwritinsj, to be 
communicated to Mr. Van Ness, if the state of the atfair ren- 
dcrod it proper. 

In the inferview with Mr. Van Ness, on the same day, after 
explaining rlie cause? which had induced Gen. Hamiltor'. to sup- 
pose fhfit the state of the alfhir did i.ot render it improper, Mr. 
Pendleton offered his p^per to Mr. Van Ness, t ut he declined 
reccivingit, alledging that he considered tlie correspondence as 
closed by the acceptance of the message <hat he had delivered. 

Mr. Pendleton then informed Mr. Van Ness of the induce- 
ments mentioned by General Hamilton in the paper, for at least 
postponing the meeting until the close of ',Iie circuit; and as 
this wa^ uncertain, Mr. Pendleton was to let him know when it 
would be convenient. 

Here we think it most proper to introduce the paper it«elf. 
The reader will form his own judgment whether it was not Mr. 
Van Ness's duty to have received it, and stsown it to his princi- 
pal; he will probably exercise his own conjecture, too, as to Mr. 
Van Ness's motives for not doing so*. It follows: — 

Remarks on the letter of June 27, 1 804. 
" Whether the observations Oit this letter are designed merely 
to justify the result which is indicated in the close of the letter, 
or may be intended to give an openmg for renderinjj any thing 
explicit, which may have been deemed vague heretofore, can 
only be judged of by the sequel. At any rate, it appears to me 
necessary not to be mi-understood. Mr. Pendleton is therefore 
authorized to say, that in the course of the present discussion, 
writien or verbal, there has been no intent'o.i to evade, defy, or 
insult, but a sincere disposition to avoid extremities if it could, 
be done wi h propriety. With this view. Gen. Hamilton has 
been ready to enter iito a frank and free exjiLmation on any 
and every object of a specific nature; but not to answer a gen- 
eral and abstract inquiry, embracing a period too long for any 
accurate recollection, and exposing him to unpleasant criticisms 
from, or unpleasant discussions with, any and every person, who 
may have understood him in an unfavorable sense. This (ad- 



150 ALE'XANDER HAMILTON. 

mittine; tliat he could answer it in a manner the innsf satifactory 
to Col. Burr) he should deenr* inadnriisi-ihle, in principle and 
precedent, and humiliating in practice. To this therefore he 
can never suhmit. Frequent allusion has been made to slanders, 
aaid to be in circulation. Whether they are open)} or in 
whispers, they have a iorm aisd shape, ai d might he specified, 

" If the alternative alluded to in the close of the letter is 
definitively tendered, it must be accepted; the time, place, 
aid manner, to be afterwards regulated. I si fuld not think it 
right in the midst of a Circuit Court to withdraw my services 
from those v ho may have coifidcd inporfaft inlerts-ts to me, 
and expose them to the embarrassment of seeking other roui sel, 
who ma} not have tin.e to he suftkitnlly instructed in ibeir 
causes, I shall also want a little time to niake scm.e arrangements 
respecting my own atfairs." 

On Friday, the 6th of July, tl e circuit being closed, Mr. 
Pendleton informed Mr. "Van Ness Ibat Gereral Haniilton 
would be ready at an) tin e after tie Sui.day following. On 
llonday the particulars were arranged — on Wednesday the 
parties met at Weahaw k, on the Jersey shore, at 7 o'clock, A. M. 
The particulars of what then took place will appear from the 
following statement. 

It was nearly seven in the mornirg when the boat wl.ich car- 
ried General Hamilton, his friend Mr. Tendletoir, and the sur- 
geon mutually agreed on, Er. Hossark, reached that part of 
the Jersey shore railed the Wcahan-k. Tl.ere they found Mr, 
Burr and his friend Mr. Van Neps, who, as I am t( Id, had been 
employed since their arrival, with coats off, in clearing away the 
bushes, limbs of trees, &c., so as- to niake a fair opening. The 
parties, in a few nioments were at their allotted situation: when 
Mr. Pendleton gave the word, Mr. Burr raised his arm slowly, 
deliberately took his aim and fired. His ball entered General 
HamiltonV rijiht side: as soon as the bullet struck him he raised 
him.self involuntarily on his toes, turr^ed a little to tbe left (at 
which moment his pistol went off,) and fell upon bis face. Mr, 
Pendleton immediately called out for Dr. Hossar k, who in run- 
ning to th« spot, had to pass Mr. Van JSess and Col. Burr; bot 



A 



Hr. V?«n Nf'sshad the cool (irecjuitioii to cover his principal with 
ati (jiiiorr-ll », so thiit Di".Ho>aHck could not he auie to swear 
th 11 he SHW liim on die liel J. WM)a( ()ri-:^ed aflerthis, the reader 
will nave in tne following letter from Dr. Ho-^sack himseif. 

August 1 Ith^ 1 804. 

*'De\r Sir — To comply with your request is a painful task; 
but I will re.press> my teelinj];s while I endeavor to furnish you 
with an enumeration of j:uch parliculars relative to the melan- 
choly ttndufmy beloved friend Hamilton, as dwell most forciblj 
®n mv recollection. 

" Vhen called to him upon his receiving the fatal wound^ 
I found him half sitting on the ground, supported in the 
arms of Mr. Pendleion. His countenance of death 1 shall 
never forget. — He had at that instant jusi strength to say, "This 
is a mortal wound, Doctor;" when he sunk away, and became 
to all appearance lifeless. I immediately stripped up his 
clothes, and soon, alas! ascertained that the direction of the 
ball must have been through some vital part. His pulses were 
not to be felt; his respiration was entirely suspended; and upoa 
laying my hand on his heart and perceiving no motion there, 
I considered him as irrecoverably gone. I however observed 
to Mr. Pendleton, that the onl\ chance for his reviving was im- 
mediately to get him upon the water. VV'e therefore lifted him 
up, and carried him out of the wood to the margin of the bank, 
where the bargemen aided us in convening him ndo the boat, 
which immediately put oif. Dniing all this time 1 could not 
discover the least symptom of returning life. I now rubbed 
his face, lips, and temples, with spirits of hartshorn, applied it 
to his neck and breast, and to the wrists and palnis of his hands, 
and endeavored to pour some into his mouth. When he had got, 
as f should judge, about (iTty yards (rom the shore, some im- 
perfect eff)rts to breathe were for the first time manifest; in 
a f^w minutes he si'^hed, and bfcirn ' sensible to the impies'ion 
oTihe hartshorn, or the fresh air of the water: he breathed: his 
«yes, hardly opened wandered, without iixinijunoft any objects: 
^ oar great joy he at length spoke: "My vibiuii is muisiinct," 



152 ALEXANDEP. HAMILTON, 

were his first ^orl?. His pu!«e becarne mDre perc^'ptiHle: liig 
respiralion more regular; his sight returned. 1 then examined 
the ^vouml, fo know if there va-? nnv d;in!^erous dischargee of;j|; 
blood: upon slightly pressinsj his side it s^ave him p.''in; on which 
I desisted. Soon after reoverinsf his sisrtjt, he fiappened to 
cast his eyes upon the case of pistols, and observing the one that 
he had had in !iis hand ly'in^ on the outside, he said, "Take rare 
of that pistol; it is undischarged and still cocked, it may go off 
ani do harm: — Pendleton knows, (attempting to Inrri his head 
towards him,) that I did not intend to fire at him." " Yes," ^aid 
Mr. Pendleton, understanding his wish, "I have already made 
Dr. Hossack acquainted with your determination as to that.'' 
He then closed his eyes and remamed calm, without any disipo- 
sition to speak, nor did he say much afterward, excepting in 
reply to my questions as to his feelings. He asked me once or 
twice how I found his pulse; and he informed me that his lower 
extremities had lost all feeling; manifesting to me that he enter- 
tained no hopr>s that he should long survive. I chanijed *he 
posture of liis limhs, but to no purpose; tiiey had totally lost 
their sensibility. Perceiving that we approached the shore, he ^' j 
said," Let Vlrs. Hamilton be immediately sent for — let the event 
be gradually broken to her; but give her' hopes." Looking up 
we saw his friend Mr. Bayard standing on the wharf in great 
agitatioij. He had been told by his servant that Gen. Hamilton, 
Mr. Pendleton, and myself, had crossed the river in a boat togeth- 
er, and too well he conjectured the fatal errand and foreboded 
the dreadful result. Perceiving, as we came nearer, that Mr. i 
Pendleton and myself only sat in the stern-sheet, he clasped his 
hands together in the most violent apprehension; but when I 
called to him to have a cot prepared, and he at the same time • 
saw his poor friend lying in the bottom of the boat, he threw up 
his eyes and burst into a flood of tears and lamentation. Ham- 
ilton alone appeared tranquil and composed. VVe then conveyed 
him as tenderly as possible up to the house. The distresses of* 
this amiable family were such that till the (irst shock was ahatwl 
they were scarcely able to summon fortitude enough to yield 
sufficient assistance to their dying friend. 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 153 

^ Upon our reaching the house he became more languid, oc- 
casioned probably by the agitation of his removal from the boat. 
I gave him a httle weak wine and water. When he recovered 
his feehngs, he complained of pain in his back; we immediately 
undressed him, laid him in bed, and darkened the room. 1 then 
gave him a large anodyne, which I fiequently repeated. Du- 
ring the first day he took upwards of an ounce of laudanum; 
and tepid and anodyne fomentations were also applied to those 
parts nearest the seat of his pain; yet were his sufferings, du- 
ring the whole of the day, almost intolerable.* 

" I had not the shadow of a hope of his recovery, and Dr. 
Post, whom I requested might be sent for immediately on our 
reaching Mr. Bayard's house, united with me in this opinion. 
Gen. Rey, the French consul, also had the goodness to invite 
the surgeons of the French frigates in our harbor, as they had 
had much experience in gunshot wounds, to render th ir assis- 
tance. They immediately came; but to prevent his being dis- 
turbed, I stated to them his situation, described the nature of 
his wound and the direction of the ball, with all the symptoms 
that could enable them to form an opinion as to the event. 
One of the gentlemen then accompanied me to the bed-side. 
The result was a confirmation of the opinion that had already 
been expressed by Dr. Post and myself. 

During the night, he had some imperfect sleep; but the 
succeeding morning his symptoms were aggravated, attended 
however, with a diminution of pain. His mind retained all its 
usual strength and composure. The great source of his anxiety 
seemed to be in his sympathy with his half-distracted wife and 
children. He spoke to me frequently of them — " My beloved 
wife and children," were always his expressions. But his for- 
titude triumphed over his situation, dreadful ^s it was; once, 
indeed, at the sight of his children brought to the bed-side to- 
gether, seven in number, his utterance forsook him; he opened 
his eyes, gave them one look, and closed them again, till they 

* As his habit was delicate, and had lately been rendered more feeble by ill 
health, particularly by a disorder of the stomach and bowels, I carefully avoid 
ed all those remedies which are usually indicated oa such occasioiV'. 

20 



154 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

'were taken away. As a proof of his extraoi'dinary composure 
of miiul, let me add, that he alone could calm the frantic grief 
of their mother. ^^ Remember, my Eliza ^ you are a Chrislian^^ 
were the express^ions with which he frequently, with a firm 
voice, but in a pathetic and impressive manner, addressed her. 
His words, anfl the tone in which they were uttered, will never 
be efficed from my memory. At about two o'clock, as the pub- 
lic well know, he expired.* 

" Incormpta firles — nudaque Veritas. 
QuoikIoiiIIuui invcnient parem'? 
Multus ille quideni tiebilis occidit." 

Who wpuld believe, had not the fact evinced it, that the sou ^ 
o^ the venerable President Burr, that model of Christian pa- j| I 
lience, charity, and meekness — that the son of such a man, the 
second officer in the United States, should, in direct violation 
of the laws of Heaven, and his own state — after every means 
of reconciliation on the part of the unfortunate deceased, that 
was consistent with honor, had been exhausted, should take a 
cool and deliberate aim against i\\e first citizen of our country; 
the father of a numerous family; the husband of a most affeo- 
tionate wife; an ornament to his country and human nature. 
Could nothing but his blood atone for expressions honestly in- 
tended for the public good, and authorised by every just princi- 
ple of an elective government? Could nothing allay the cool, 
persevering, and premeditated resentment of his antagonist but 
the heart's blood of such a man? 

Well, he is gone ! Gone with the tenderest esteem, the highest 
respect, the most affectionate tears that ever fell on the tomb 
of a public character. He has gone to receive the rich re- 
ward of the many and great exertions for his country's welfare. 
Trusting in the merits of his Saviour, penitent for his past sins, 
fdrgiving even the foe from whom he received his mortal wound; 
he is gone to receive that recompense of reward, which is the 
meed of the truly upright and benevolent. 

Far be it from us, at this time, to excite the angry passions 
against the guilty author of this mighty ruin. He lives, and 

* Extracts from Facts aud Documents relative to the death of Gen. Hamilton. 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 1^5 

iang may he live, his hands stained with blood unrighteously 
shed! Bat we cannot refrain from giving a place to the follow- 
ing circumstances, which occurred in the city of Albany soon 
after the death of Hamilton. 

"On Sundav morning, the afflicted Mrs. Hamilton attended 
service in the presbyterian church in this city, with her three 
little ones. 

At the close of a prayer by the Rev. Mr. Nott, the eldest 
dropped on his face in a fainting fit. 

Two gentlemen immediately raised him, and while bearing 
him out of the church, the afflicted mother sprung forward, in 
the agonies of grief and despair, towards her apparently life- 
less son. 

The heart-rending scene she had recently struggled with, 
called forth all the fine spun sensibilities of her nalure; and 
seemed to say nature must and will be indulged, in her keenest 
sorrows. She was overpowered in the conflict, and likewise 
sunk, uttering such heart-renciing groans, and inward sighs, 
as would have melted into mingled sympathies, even Burr him- 
self. Both of them stood recovered; and while the little son 
was supported, standing on the steps, yet splsechless, the most 
affecting scene presented itself. The mother, in this tender 
situation, fastened herself upon the son, wifti her head inclining 
on his left shoulder; the agonies so strongly painted in her 
countenance; her long flowing weeds; the majesty of her per- 
son; the position of both; and above all, the peculiarity of 
their trying situation in the recent loss of a husband and a fa- 
ther; who could refrain from invoking on the head ©f the guilty 
author of their miseries, those curses he so richly merits? The 
curse of living despised and execrated by the voice of a whole 
nation; the curse of being held up to the view of future ages, . 
a monster and an assassin.^^ 

After the death of Gen. Hamilton, a note which had been 
written the evening before the interview, was found addressed 
to the gentleman who accompanied him to the field; thanking 
him with tenderness for his friendship to him, and informing him 
where would be found the kevs of certain drawers in bis desk., 



156 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

in which he had deposited such papers as he had thought prop- 
er to leave behind him, together with his last will. 

Ti e following paper, as containing his motives for accepting 
the challenge; his reflections on his situation; and some re- 
mirks on the conduct of the man who was to be the cause of 
bis death, is presented as a highly interesting document. 

"On mj expected interview with Col. Burr, 1 think it proper 
to make some remarks explaiatory of my conduct, motives, and 
views. 

I was certainly desirous of avoiding this interview, for the 

most cogent reasons. 

1. My religious and moral principles are strongly opposed to 
tlie practice of duelling, and it would ever give me pain to be 
obliged to shed the blood of a fellow creature in a private com- 
bat forbidden by the laws. 

2. My wife and children are extremely dear to me, and my 
life is of I he utmost importance to them in various views. 

3. I feel a sense of obligation towards my creditors; who, in 
case of accide.it to me, by the forced sale of my property, may., J 
be in some degree S'l'Ferers. I did not think myself at liberty, 1 
as a man of probi'y, lightly to expose them to this hazard, 

4. I ami^O'iscious of no illmll to Col. Burr, distinct from po- 
litical opposition, which, as 1 trust, has proceeded from pure 
and upright motives. 

Lastly, 1 sh.'iU hazard much, and can possibly gain nothing 
by the issue of the inteiview. 

B (( it was, as I conceive, impossible for me to avoid it. 
There were infrinsic difficulties in the thing, and artifieial em- 
banassments from the manner of proceeding on the part of 
Col. Burr. 

Intrin&ic,because it is not to be denied, that my animadversiona> 
on the politicalprinciples, character, and views of Colonel Burr, 
have b en extremely severe; and on different occasions, I, in 
common w th m-My others, have made very unfavorable criticisms 
on*particular instances of the private conduct of this gentleman. 

In proportio'.' as these impressions were entertained with sin- 
cerity, and uttered with motives, and for purposes which might 



AfcEXANDER HAMILTON. 157 

appear to me commendable, would be the difficulty, (until they 
could be removed by evidence of their being erroneous,) of ex- 
planation or apology. The disavowal required of me by Col. 
Burr, in a general and indefinite form, was out of my power, if 
k had been really proper for me to submit to be so questioned: 
hut I was sincerely of opinion that this could not be, and in this 
opinion I was conlirmed by that of a very moderate and judi- 
cious friend whom I consulted. Besides that. Col. Burr ap- 
peared to mc to assume, in the first instance, a tone unnecessa- 
rily peremptory and menacing, and in the second, positively of- 
fensive. Yet I wished, as far as might be practicable, to leave 
a door open to accommodation. This, I think, will be inferred 
from the written communications made by me and by my direc- 
tion, and would be confirmed by the conversations between Mr. 
Van Ness and myself, whicli arose out of the subject. 

I am not sure whether, under all the circumstances, 1 did not 
go further in the attempt to accommodate, than a punctilious 
delicacy will justify. If so, I hope the motives I have stated 
will excuse me. 

It is not my design, by what I have said, to affix any odium 
on the conduct of Col. Burr in this case. He doubtless has 
heard of animadversions of mine which bore very hard upon 
him; and it is probable that, as usual, they were accompanied 
with some falsehoods. He may have supposed himself under a 
necessity of acting as he has done. I hope the grounds of his 
proceedinghave been such as ought to satisfy his own conscience. 
I trust at the same time, that the world will do me the jus- 
tice to believe, that I have aot censured him on light grounds, 
nor from unworthy inducements. I certainly have had strong 
reasons for what I may have said, though it is possible that in 
some particulars, I may have been influenced by misconstruc- 
tion or misinformation. It is also my ardent wish that I may 
have been more mistaken than I think I have been, and that he. 
by his future conduct, may show himself worthy of all confi- 
dence and esteem, and prove an ornament and blessing to the 
country. 
As well because it is possible that I may have injured Col. 



J 58 ISAAC HA YNE. 

Burr, however convinced myself that my opinions and deciara- 
tions have been v^rell founded, as from my general princi-. 
pies and temper in relation to similar affairs, I have resolved, if 
our interview is conducted in the usual manner, and it pleases 
Gk)d to give me the opportunity to reserve^ and tht-ow away my 
first fire, and I have thoughts even of reserving my second fire — 
and thus giving a double opportunity to Colonel Burr, to pause 
and to reflect. 

It is not, however, my intention, to enter into any explanation 
on the ground — Apology from principle, I hope, rather than 
pride, is out of the question. 

To those who, with me, abhorring the practice of dueling, 
may think that I ought on no account to have added to the num- 
ber of bad examples, I answer, that my relative situation, as well 
in public as private, enforcing all the considerations which con- 
stitute what men of the world denominate honr^r, imposed on 
me (as I thought) a peculiar necessity not to decline the call. 
The abihty to be in future useful, whether in resisting mischief 
or effecting good, in those crises of our public affiirs which 
seem likely to happen, would probably be inseparable from ?i 
confwmity with public prejudice in this particular."* A. H. 



.ISAAC HAYNE, 

Colonel in the American Army. 

" This gentleman had been a distinguished and very active 
officer in the American service, previous to the subjugation of 
Charleston. , When this event took place, he found himself cal- ' 
led to a separation from his family, a derelection of his. proper- 
ty,and submission to the conqueror. In this situation he thought 
it his duty to become a voluntary prisoner, and take his parole. 
On surrendering himself, he offered to engage and stand bound 
on the principles of honor, to do nothing prejudicial to the 
British interest until he was exchanged, but his abihties and 



* Vide Facts and Dpcuments relative tb Gen. ^J^railton. 



ISAAC HAYNE. ] SJ) 

services were of such consideration to his country, that he was 
relused a parole, and told he must become a British subject, or 
subonit to close continement. 

" His family was then in a distant part of the country, and in 
great distress by sickness, and from the ravages of the royalists 
in their neighborhood. Thus he seemed impelled to acknowl- 
edge lum.self the subject of a government he had relinquished 
from the purest principles, or renounce his tcnderest connexions 
and leave ihem without a possibility of his assistance, and at a 
moment when he hourly expected to hear of the death of an 
affectionate wife, ill of the small-pox. 

In this state of anxiety, he subscribed a declaration of his al- 
legiance to the king of Great Britain, with this express excep- 
tion, that he should never be required to take arms against his 
country. . Notwithstanding this, he was soon and repeatedly cal- 
led upon t© arm in support of a government he detested, or 
to submit to the severest punishment. Brigadier-General Pat- 
terson, commandant of the garrison, and the intendant of the 
British police, a Mr. Simpson, had both assured Colonel Hayne 
that no sucli thing would be required; and added, "that when 
the royal army could not defend a country without the aid o/ 
its inhabitants, it would be time to quit it." * 

Colonel Hayne considered a requisition to act in British ser» 
vice, alter assurances that this would never be required, as a 
breach of contract, and a release in the eye of conscience, from 
any obligation on his part. Accordingly he took the first op- 
portunity of resuming his arms as an American, assumed the 
command of his own regiment; and all fond of their former 
commander. Col. Hayne marched with a defensible body to the 
relief of his countrymen, then endeavoring to drive the British 
.partisans, and keep them within the environs of Charleston. He 
very uiifortm)afely in a siiorttime fell into the hands of a strong 
British party, sent out for tiie recovery of a favorite officer,! who 



* See a representation of Col. Hayne's case, laid before congress after his 
deitli. 

t "his was Genpral Williamuson, captured within seven inUes of the citv, bv 
a small reconnoitenng party sent out by Colonel Hayne. 



160 ISAAC HAYNE. 

had left the American cause, and become a devotee to British 
government. 

As soon as Colonel Hayne was captured, he was closely im- 
prisoned. This was on the 26th of July. He was notified the 
same day, that a court of officers would assemble the next day 
to determine in what point of view he ought to be considered. 
On the twenty-ninth he was informed, that in consequence of a 
court of inquiry held the day before, Lord Rawdon and liieu- 
tenant-Colonel Balfour had resolved upon his execution within 
two days. 

His astonishment at these summary and illegal proceedings, 
©an scarcely be conceived. He wrote I^rd Rawdon, that he 
had no intimation of any thing more than a court of inquiry, to 
determine whether he should be considered as an American 
or a British subject: if the first, he ought to be set at lib* 
erty on parole: if the last, he claimed a legal trial. He 
assured his Lordship that, on a trial, he had many things to urge 
in his defence; reasons that would be weighty in a eourt of 
equity; and concluded his letter with observing, " If, sir, I am 
refused this favor, which I cannot conceive from your justice or 
humanity, I earnestly entreat that my execution may be defer- 
red ; that I may at least take a last farewell of my children, and 
prepare for the solemn change." * 

But his death predetermined, his enemies were deaf to the 
voice of compassion. The execution of his senteiice was has- 
tened, though the reputation and merits of this gentleman were 
such, that the whole city was zealous for his preservation. Not 
only the inhabitants in opposition to the British government, but,^, 
even Lieutenant-Governor Bull, at the head of the royalists, in*'''! 
terceded for his life. The principal ladies of Charleston en- 
deavored by their compassionate interference, to arrest or influ- 
ence the relentless hand of power. They drew up and present- 
ed to Lord Rawdon,a delicate and pathetic petition in his behalf. 
His near relations, and his children, who had just performed the 



* See a more full account of the treatment of Col. Hayne ip his own papers 
afterwards prgsented to congress. 



WILLI A V HEATIL l&l 

funeral ritef? over the grave of a tender nnotber, appeared oa 
their bended knees to implore the litt- of ituw i ^ther. Bui in 
spite of the supphcatioiis of children and friends, stranfiers« ;ind 
foes, the flinty lieart of Lord Rawdonrenruiined UM'ouc!ied,anmdst 
these scenes of sensibiht^ and distress. No antirhoraiion of ' le 
sentence could be obtained; and tliis affectionate father took a 
final leave of his children in a manner that pierced the souis of 
the beholders. To the eldest of them, a youth of but thirtf;en 
years of a^e, he delivered a transcript of his case, directed hina 
to convey it to ^on^ress, and ordered him to see that his father's 
remains were deposited in the tomb of his ancestors. 

Pinioned like a criminal, this worthy citizen walked with 
composure through crowds of admiring spectators, wiih the 
dignity of the philosopher, and the intrepidity of the Christian, 
He suffered as a hero and was hanged as a felon aaiidst the 
tears of the multitude and the curses of thousands, who exe/ 
crated the perpetrators of this cruel deed.* 



WILLIAM HEATH, 

Major General in the American Army. 

General Heath descended from an ancient family, and was 
of the fifth generation of the family, who have inherited the 
same real estate taken up in a state of nature. He was born 
in the year 1727, in Roxbury, Mass., and was from his youth a 
cultivator of the soil, of which profession he was passionately 
fond. 

From his childhood, he was remarkably fond of military exer- 
cises, which passion grew up with him, and as he arrived at years 
of maturity, led him to procure, and attentively study e\ery 
military treatise in the English language, which he could 
procure. 

As the dispute between Great Britain and her American 



* Warren's Revolution. 
21 



1(32 WILLIAMIIEATH. 

colonies assumed a serious aspect, Heath did not hesitate, for a 
moment to declare his sentiments in fa\or of the rights and 
liberties of his fellow countrymen. So early as the year 1770, 
he commenced addresses to the public under the signature of 
^' A Military Countryman^'' in which he urged the importance of 
military discipline, and skill in the use of arms, as the only 
means, under heaven, that could save the country, and he assidu- 
ously apphed himself in organizing and disciplining the compa-j 
nies of militia and minute-men. 

Being ranked among the patriots and advocates for liberty, 
he was commissioned in 1775, by the Provincial Congress, as a 
brigadier-general, and in 1776, he received a commission from 
congress, appointing him a major-general in the army of the 
United States. 

Tliough high in rank, and respectable as an officer of parade 
and discipline, we look in vain for laurels acquired in the field. 

Had it been his destiny, hovever, to encounter the perils of a 
^conflict in the field of battle, no one can fiay how valorously he 
would have acted the hero. 

During the years 1777 and 1778, he was the commanding 
officer of the eastern department, with his head-quarters at 
Boston. Here devolved upon him the arduous and diflicult 
duties of superintendant of the convention troops captured 
with Burgoyne at Saratoga, and now quartered at Cambridge. 
The station required the exercise of uncommon firmness and 
decision of character. And had General Heath been destitute 
of these characteristics, he would have been subjected to the 
grossest impositions and indignities, sfrom tha haughtiness of. 
tht; British >^cnerals, Burgoyne and Phillips, and the perverse » 
temper of their soldiery, l^e who had vauntingl} declared^ 
in tl ^ British Parhament, that, ''with five thousand men hei 
would mike eJbow room lV< 'n one end of tlie continent to the 
other," could ill support iiiiTi^elf under the chagrin and mor- 
tification of a state captivity. His lofty spirit frequently 
broke forth, but General Heath soon convinced him that he was 
neither deficient in spirit, ngr ignorant of his duty as a military 
commander. 



WILLIAM HEATH. iGt 

The following circnm&tances thkt occurred during the stay of 
the British troops at Cambridge, and the letters which passed 
between the officers, at once show the difficulties which arose in 
the path of duty prescribed to General Heath, and the prompt^ 
ness and vigor with which he met and surmounted them. 

Soon after the arrival of the British Generals at Cambridge, 
they made an insidious attempt to retain tiie chief command 
over their own troops. In a conversation. General Phillips turn- 
ing to General Heath, observed, "Sir, you well know the dispo- 
sition of soldiers, and that they will more or less in all armies 
commit some disorders; suppose you should delegate to General 
Burgoyne the power of sceii.g your orders executed?" 

General Heath promptly replied, " that he knew the disposi- 
tion of soldiers, and also the necessity of order and discipline; 
that he was not only willing, but expected that General Bur- 
goyne, and every other officer would exert themselves to keep, 
order. But as to the exercise of his owji command, and en- 
forcement of his ow}i orders when necessary, that was a juris- 
diction which General Burgoyne must not expect to exercise 
whiLe here." 

For two weeks after his arrival in Boston, General Burgoyne 
had neglected upon trifling excuses, to sign his parole in the 
manner specified in the articles of capitulation. Finding him 
thus disposed to evade. General Heath addressed him the fol- 
lowing letter: 

Head- Quarters^ Boston^ jYov. 23, 1777. 

"Sir — Two weeks have now elapsed since I had fully expect- 
ed that the officers would have signed their paroles. They 
have, during this time, been enjoying in a great measure the 
liberty of the limits intended to be assigned to them, without 
pledging their honor by parole; which is not only contrary to 
the established custom of nations, but contrary to the eleventh 
article of the Convention, I must, therefore, in the most expli- 
cit terms insist that the officers who wish and expect to be per- 
mitted on parole, agreeably to the Convention, do sign it to-mor- 
row. This is so reasonable, that I expect there will be no 
farther hesitancy; and I still assure your Excellency, that i» 



164 WILLIAM HEATH. 

efideavors of mine shall be wanting to fulfil the Convention, and 
to treat the ofiicers with politeness and generosity, 

I am, 6tc. 
(S'L'ned) WM. HEATH. 

To Lieut, Gen. Bukgoyne." 

November 8tb, 1777. Congress directed General Heath "to 
cause to be taken down t le name and rankof everj commissioned 
otjficer, and the name, size, age, and description of every noi- 
commissioned officer and private, and all other persons comprised 
in iv convention made between Lieutenant-General Burgoyne, 
aiil Major-Geiieral Gates, on the 16th October, 1777, and 
transmit an authentic copy thf reof to the board of war, in order 
that if any officer or soldier, or other person as above mentioned, 
of the said army *>hall hereafter be found in arms against these 
Strites, during the present contest, he may be convicted of the 
otfiice, and sutft-r the punishment in such case inflicted by the 
law of narions. 

Upon the foregoing being communicated to General Burgoyne, 
and he called upon to have the said descriptive lists made out 
accordingly, ne wrote our general the following lerte r: — 

Cambridge^ A'ov. 20, 1777. 

"Sir — [received a paper, dated Head-Quarters, Boston, Nov. 
20th, purporting to be founded upon express orders from the 
Honorable Continental Congress, which paper 1 return as inad- 
missible, because extending to matters in which the Congress 
have no right to interfere. 

"A list of the names and rank of every commissioned officer, 
and the numbers of the non-commissioned officers and soldiers, 
may be necessar^ to you, Sir, for the purpose of fulfilling the 
Convention, in quartering officers, and the regulai delivery of 
provisions, fuel, &c. Such lists shall be prepared at your 
request; but before any other lists can be granted, I must be 
assured of the purposes for which they are intended, and the 
word orfi^er must neither be mentioned nor implied. 
I have the honor to bf , &c 
(Signed) J. BURGOYNE, Lt. Gen. 

ToMaj, Gen. Heath .'^ 



WILLIAM HEATH. 165^ 

To the foregoing, our general wrote an answer as follows: 

Head-Qtiarters^ Boston^ JVov. 21, 1777. 

*'SiR — Yours of yesterday is before me: and although you 
might at first imagine that the Honorable Contiaental Congress 
have no right of inlerferenre in matters of the Convention, yet 
I conclude, upon further reflection you must be convinced, that 
as that body are the Representatives of that people who are to' 
reap the advantages or disadvantages of the Convention, and as 
all continental officers are act ni; bv virtue of their autliority, 
and under their direcno i, thev surely have a right of inter- 
ference, and to give such orders to their officers as thev may 
think proper for the full completion of the Convention, and for 
the safetv and orood of the people. 

"I must therefore insist that vou furnish me with proper lists 
of names, and descriptions, for the purposes before mentioned 
as soon as may be. 

"I «5hall at all times endeavor to found mv orders on the 
principles of honor, reason, and justice, and not to infringe those 
delicate principles in others; but mv orders for the purposes of 
order and rej^uiarity, must be obeyed by every man and all 
bodies of men placed under my dirpction; and fully determined 
I am, that offenders shall not pass with impunity. 

I am«&c. 
(Signed) W. HEATH. 

Lieut. Gen. Borgoyne." 

General Burgoyne had received intimations that a fleet of 
transports were about to come round for the troops, and that the 
/m/io frigate was to wear a flag for his particular accommodation. 
This he mentioned to General Heatli, and wished to kno'V 
if the frigate might come up into the harbor. General Heath 
had no apprehensions of any danger from a frigate entering the 
harbor, but apprehended that some people might think that he 
was not sufficiently vigilant, in case he allowed it. He therefore 
told General Burgoyne that the frigate could not come up into 
the harbor, and hinted to him the taking one of the most convex- 
nient transports in the flieet for the purpose ; and he might do as 



IGO WILLIAM heath; 

he pleased when he got ofif. This touched Gen. Bur^oyne ex- 
ceedingly, who wrote a letter to Gen. Heath, in which was the 
following paragraph: 

" z4s to your alotment of a " convenient transport" for my 
passage, if it was from yourself, 1 am to thank you, sir, for a 
sort of insult which the most haughty man of oftice would be 
ashamed of, in any other country. However, as I am determin- 
ed every transaction concerning this convention shall be notori- 
ous, and beyond the powers of subterfuge to explain away, I 
have directed the frigate, together with the transports, to come 
round, and it will then be for you, sir, to prohibit the entry of 
Boston harbor, to any ships bearing a flag of truee, and declar- 
ing they are sent for the express purpose of conveying to Grcc^t 
Britain any part of the troops of the Convention. 

(Signed) J. BURGOYNi;. 

Maj. Gen. Heath." 

To which Gen. Heath wrote the following answer: 

Head Qiiarlers, Boston, Jan. 5. 1778. 

Sir — Your excellency's favor of yesterday came duly to 
hand; and 1 must confess I was not a little surprised at some ex- 
pressions in it. 

As by the Convention, transports only are stipulated to re? 
ceive the troops, 1 submit to you, sir, whether a hint (if you 
were even sure that it came from myself) that you should lake a 
convenient one, rather than introduce a frigate, which is neither 
expressed or implied in the Convention, merits those epithets 
which you are pleased to bestow on me. 

I have ever aimed to treat you with politeness; and the 
plighted faith and honor of my country require me to pay strict 
attention to the Convention on their part; of course, when 
transports arrive to receive the troops, they will enter the har- 
bor; and if you can (ind by the Convention, that a frigate is to 
enter for the particular reception of yourself, she will not be 
prohibited. But if it is rather uncommon for ships of war to 
bear flags of truce, and if consenting to it in the present case^ 
should appear to be rather an act of politeness and generosity 



WILLIAM HEATH. IG7 

than otherwise, Heave }ou to your own reflections whether you 
have made choice of the most happy expressions to obtain it. 
(Signed) W. HEATH. 

Lieut. Gen Burgoyne." 

Another serious matter took place about this time^j Colonel 
Henley, who had the immediate command at Cambridge, a brave 
and good oflicer, but warm and quick in his natural temper, 
having ordered some prisoners who were under guard turned 
out that he might examine them, one of them treated him, as 
he judged, with much insolence; upon which he pricked him 
with a sword or bayonet. General Burgoyne immediately pre- 
sented a complaint against Colonel Henley, charging him with 
barbasous ai>d wanton conduct, and intentional murder, as ap- 
pears in the following letter: 

Cambridge, Jan. 9, 1778. 

Sir — A report has been made to me of a disturbance that 
happened at the barracks on Wednesday afternoon, for which I 
am much concerned; and though the provocations from your 
people, which originally occasioned it, were of the most atro- 
cious nature, I was willing the offender on our part should be 
properly punished. But Colonel Henley, not content with that, 
made prisoners of eighteen innocent men, and sent them on 
boar.i a guard-ship, as alleged by your order. It is not only a 
duty to my situation to demand the immediate discharge of these 
men, together with a satisfactory apology; but I also mean it as 
an attention to you, sir, that I give you an immediate opportuni- 
ty to disavow so unjustifiable a proceeding, as committing men 
to the worst of prisons upon vague report, caprice, and passion. 

lam, &.C. 
(Signed) J. BURGOYNE. 

To wliich our general returned the following answer: 

Head Quarters^ Boston, Jan. 10, 1778. 
" Sir — Your's of yesterday's date I received last evening. 
What provocation you allude to, as having been offered by my 
troops, lam at a loss to determine. The insults and abuses 



168 WILLIAM HEATH. 

which thej have received, I will venture to say, unless i have 
been most grossly misinformed, are unparalleled; and whether 
you are willing, or unwilling, sir, offenders shall no longer pass 
with impunity. 

If it can be made to appear that any of those soldiers sent to 
the guard-ship by my orders, are innocent, they shall be releas- 
ed from their confinement; but with respect to such as have 
been guilty of violating my standing orders of the garris'On, in* 
stead of disavowing or making any apology for the confinement 
of such, be assured that I do most explicitly avow it. And as I 
have before observed to your excellency in a former letter, of 
which you may be assured, 1 shall at all times endeavor to found 
my orders on the principles of honor, reason, and justice, and 
not infringe those delicate principles in others; so also be assur- 
ed, sir, that such my orders shall be obeyed by every officer and 
soldier placed under my direction; and such as have the har- 
diness to transgress them, shall abide the consequences. 

1 am, &c. 
(Signed) W. HEATH.'^ 

June 7th, 1778, a British officer was shot by an American 
sentinel, the officer attempting to pass, contrary to the standing 
orders. The sentinel was immediately relieved and put under 
guard to await a legal trial. Upon receiving an official account, 
Gen. Heath immediately informed Major-General Phillips, who 
was now the senior British officer, Burgoyne having sailed for 
England, of the circumstance, and of his determination to give 
the offender a fair trial. 

A fiew minutes after General Heath had sent his letter, he re- 
ceived the following from Gen. I^hillips: 

Cambridge. Jund 17,1 778, 
*' Murder and death has at length taken place. An officer, 
riding out from the barracks on Prospect Hill, has been shot by 
an American sentinel. I leave the horrors incident to that 
bloody disposition, which has joined itself to rebellion in thesQ 
colonies, to the feelings of all Europe. I do not ask for justice, 
fqr I believe every principle of it is lied from this province. 



WILLIAM HEATH. 169 

^ 1 demand lil-jerty to send an officer to Sir Henrj Clinton, 
by way of the head-quarters of General Washington, with nny 
report of this murder. 

(Signed) • W, PHILLIPS, M. G. 

Maj. Gen. Heath." 

The next morning our general wrote the following to Gene- 
j,al Phillips: 

Head-Quarters, Boston, June 18, 1788. 

"Sir — Were it even certain that the shooting of the officer 
was an act of the Vnost deliberate and wilful murder, why should 
you charge these free independent states with a bloody disposi- 
tion, and with rebellion, and this state in particular as void of 
every principle of justice? Although I ever had, and still have 
a personal regard for you, and wish in every respect to treat 
you with the utmost generosity, yet that duty which 1 owe to 
the honor and dignity of the United States, will not allow me 
to pass unnoticed such expressions as are contained in your let- 
ter: and I cannot put any other interpretation upon them, than 
that they are a violent infraction of your parole, most sacredly 
given. I do conceive it to be my duty, and I do hereby restrict 
you to the limits of your house, gardens, and yard, and to the 
direct road from your quarters to the quarters of the troops of 
-the Convention, on Prospect and Winter Hills; expecting from 
you a parole for propriety of conduct within those limits; which, 
if you refuse, I shall be under the necessity of ordering you to 
narrower limits, until I can obtain the pleasure of the honorable 
the congress, touching this matter, to whom I shall transmit your 
letter, and crave their directions. 

I am sir, your obedient serv't. 
(Signed) W. HEATH, Maj. Gen. 

Head- Quarters, Boston, June 18, 1778. 
*' Sir — You will immediately repair to Cambridge, and wait 
upon Maj. Gen. Phillips: present him the letter addressed to 
him. After he has read the letter, present the parole; if he 
signs it, well; if he refuses, you will please to inform him, that 
in consequence of the indecent, dishonorable, and highly-insult- 

22 



no WILLIAM HKATH, 

ing expressions in liis letter of yesterday, against the honor and 
dii^nity of the free, sovereign, and independent states of Ameri- 
ca, and in prejudice of the nneasuies and proceedings of the 
honorable the congress. As it is my duty, so it is my express 
orders, tliat he, the said Maj. Gen. Phillips, be restricted to the 
limi's of his house, yards, and garden, beyond which he is not 
to pass, until it be otherwise ordered; and that you immediately 
plant and continue by relief, so mar.y sentries as may be neces- 
sary to prevent his exceeding those limits. You will give or- 
ders, that the sentries so planted, observe a strict decorum and 
soldier like behaviour, avoiding insult, and behaving with be'- 
coming dignity. After which you will wait on the next senior 
officer, and acquaint of him Gen. Phillips being confined. 

I am, sir, yours, &c. 
(Signed) W. HEATH, Maj. Gen. 

Lieut. Col. Pollard, D. A. G. 

General Phillips continuing to exhibit the same temper, or it 
rather grcving up )n him, he was continued in his arrest, until 
tlie troops of the Convention were ordered to be removed to 
Charlotteville, in Virginia, when Gen. Heath was relieved alto- 
gether of liis troublesome guests. 

In June, 1779, Gen. Heath was elected, by congress, a com- 
missioner of the Board of War, with a salary of four thousand 
dollars per annum, and allowed to retain his rank in the army, 
which he declined, preferring to participate in active operations 
in the field. 

In the summer of 1780, he was directed, by the commander- 
in-chief, to repair to Rhodf-island, to make arrangements for 
the reception of the French fleet and army, which were expect- 
ed soon (o arrive. In the interview with the Count Rochambeau, 
and other officers of the French army and navy, he proffered his 
fiientlly civilities, and contributed all in his power to their com- 
fortable accommodation, which was productive of a mutual 
and lasting; friendship between them. Indefatigable attention 
to d'lty in the various stations assigned him, was a prominent 
trait in his character. In May, 1781, General ETf-afh was direc- 
ted by the commduder-in-chief, to repair to the New-England 



JOHN EDGAR HOWARD. 1 7 1 

states, to represent to their respective executives the distressing 
condition of our army, and to solicit a speedy supply of provis- 
ions and clothing, in which he was successful. As senior ma- 
jor-sjeneral, he was more than once commander of the rigiit 
wing of our army, and during the absence of the commander- 
in-chief at the siege of Yorktown, he \*as entrusted with the 
command of the main army, posted at the Highlands and vicin- 
ity, to guard the important works on the Hudson. On the 24th 
of June, 1784, hostilities having ceased between the two ar- 
mies. General Washington addressed a letter to General Heath, 
expressing his thanks for his meritorious services, and his great 
alfcction and esteem, and on the same day they took their final 
leave. 

Such was General Heath's public life. His private one was 
retired and domestic, amiable, orderly, and iT)dustrious, but i»ot 
remarkable for hospitality, or a liberal appropriation of prop- 
erly to public purposes. He died at Roxbury, January 24, 
1814, aged 77 years.* 



JOHN EDGAR HOWARD* 

Colrvnel in the American Army . 

For gallantry and firmness, decision of character and sound 
judgment, Colonel Howard was not exceeded by any officer of 
his rank in the service of his country. With great intelligence 
and skill in arms, he was one of those heroic spirits, on whom 
General Greene reposed his hopes, during the time he was 
deepest in adversity, and in his high determination to recover 
the south, or perish in the attempt. 

He was born June 4th, 1752, near the city of Baltimore. 
His paternal ancestors were from England; his maternal, from 
Ireland. 

Burning with the generous enthusiasm of the time, Howard 
was among the first to enroll himself under the standard of 
American liberty. He was first in commission as a captain, an^ 

* Thatcher's Military JournaL 



J 72 JOWN EDGAR HOWARD, 

afterward as major, but he does not appear to have been much 
in action until he look his station at the head of a regiment in 
the southern army. 

AccompHshed in tactics and ripe in experience, although on- 
iy now ir> his twenty -seventh year, he was, in all respects, fitted 
for the operations of the field. 

Accordingly, no sooner did an opportunity for action present 
itself, than his valor as a soldier, and his reputation as a com- 
mander, became conspicuous in the midst of the accomplished 
and the brave. 

His brightest laurel was gathered at the Cowpens, where, 
assuming to himself the responsibility of the act, he charged 
without orders, and, at the point of the bayonet, a party of the 
enemy superior in number to his own command, and consisting 
of the flower of the British army.* 

After having thrown the British line into confusion by his 
fire and unexpected charge, he called out to them, in a loud 
and commanding voice, to surrender, and they should receive 
"good quarters." 

On this summons, five hundred of them instantly threw 
down their armSe 

His interview, immediately after the action, with General 
Morgan, the commanding otficer, was eminently interesting; 
and, were other evidence wanting, shows on how precarious a 
footing stands the reputation and the life of a warrior. 

" My dear Howard," said Morgan," cordially pressing his 
hand as he spoke, " you have given me victory, and I love and 
honor you; but had you failed in your charge, which you risked 
without orders, I should have shot you." 

Previously to this. Colonel Howard had distinguished htm- 
self aavong those, who, by their gallantry and good conduct, 
have sustained the character of the American arms, and pre- 
vented the utter destruction of the forces in the battle near 
Camden, where Gates was defeated. 

Nor was he entitled to less applause for the spirit and judg- 
ment which he afterward displayed at Guilford, Hobkirk's Hill< 

♦' Life of Greene 



i 



PETER HORRY; I7& 

and the Eutaw Springs; at the latter of which lie was severe-- 
\y wounded. 

But a letter from Gen. Greene, dated November 14th, 1781, 
to a friend in Maryland, is conclusive as to the military reputa- 
tion of Col. Howard: 

" This will be handed to you, (says the general,) by Colonel 
Howard, as good an officer as the world affords. He has great 
ability, and the best disposition, to promote the service. My 
own obligations to him are great — the public's still more so. 
He deserves a statue of gold, no less than the Roman and Gre- 
cian heroes. He has been wounded, but has happily recovered,^ 
and now goes home to pay a little attention to his private af- 
fairs, and to take charge of the fifth Maryland regiment, recruit- 
ing in your state. 

With great respect and esteem, 

I am, dear Sir, yours, 

N. GREENE, 

On the conclusion of the war, he married Miss Chew, daughter 
of the honorable Benjamin Chew, of Philadelphia. 

Contented and happy in domestic life, and much occupied 
with his private affairs, he has never sought political honors, 
but left to others to govern the country, which he, by his valor, 
contributed to set free. 

He still resides on his patrimonial estate, surrounded by a 
large and respectable family, pre-eminent in affluence, and pass- 
ing the evening of his life in that dignified and felicitous retire' 
ment, which a high and unsulHed reputation, a peaceful con- 
science, a cultivated intellect, and polished manners alone can 
bestow."* 



PETER HORRY, 

Colonel in the American Army, 

'^This officer was a descendant of one of the many Protes- 
tant families who removed to Carolina from France, after the 

•Life of Greene, 



174 PETER HORRY, 

revocation of the»edict of Nantz. He e^rly took up arms in de- 
fence of his country; and through all the trials of peril aiid pri- 
vation, experienced by Marion's brigade, gave ample proof of 
his strict integrity and undaunted courage. The fame which 
he acquired as one of the band of heroes who defended the 
post at Sullivan's Island was never tarnished. For, although 
in a moment of despondency, he once said to his general — •'! 
fear our happy da}s are all gone by;" it was not the consequen- 
ces that might accrue to himself, but the miseries apprehended 
for his country that caused the exclamation; for never were his 
principles shaken; never, even for a monrv^nt, did the thought 
of submission enter his bosom. No man more eagerly sought 
the foe; none braved danger with greater intrepidiiy, or more 
strenuously endeavoured to sustain the military reputation of his 
country. A ludicrous story is told of hitn, that, though proba- 
bly varied in the narration, has its foundation in truth. CoL 
Horry was once ordered to await the approach of a British de- 
tachment in ambuscade; a service which he performed with 
such skill, that he had them completely within his power, when 
from a dreadful impediment in his speech, by which he was 
afflicted, he could not articulate the word '^rc." In vain he 
made the attempt, it wsLsJi,Ji,fi,fi, — but he could get no fur- 
ther. At length, irritated almost to madness, he exclaimed — 
^^Shoot, dam you, shoot — you know very well what I would say 
— shoot, shoot, and be damn'd to you!" He was present in every 
engagement of consequence, and on all occasions increased his 
reputation. At Quinby, Col. Baxter, a gallant soldier, possessed 
of great coolness, and still greater simplicity of character, 
called out — "I am wounded. Colonel!" Holly replied — '^Think 
no more of it Baxter, but stand to your post. "But 1 can't 
stand, Colonel — I am wounded a second time!" Then lie down, 
Baxter, but quit not your post." "Colonel, (cried the wounded 
man) they have shot me again, and if I remain any longer here, 
I shall be shot to pieces. "Be it so, Baxter, but stir not." 
He obeyed the order, and actually received a fourth wound 
before the engagement ended."* 



Garden's Anecdotes. 



■( 175 ) 



JOHN JAMES. 

Major in the American Army, 

Was born in Ireland, in 1732, and was the son of an officer 
who liad served King William, in his wars in Ireland against 
KinffJame?. This circumstance was the origin of the name of 
WilJiJimsburg, which is now attached to one of the districts of 
Carolina. The elder James, with his fjimily, and several of his 
neighbors, migrated to that district in 1733, made the first setlie- 
ment there, and in honor of King William gave his name to a 
village laid out on the east bank of Black River. The village is 
now called King's Tree, from a ^vhite or short-leafed pine, which 
in old royal grants was reserved for the use of the king; and (he 
name of Williamsburg has been transferred to the district* 
To it Major James, when an infant, was brought by his parents. 
His first recollections were those of a stockade fort, and of war 
between the new settlers and ihe natives. The former were 
often reduced to great straits in procuring the necessaries of 
life, and in defending themselves against the Indians. In this 
then frontier settlement, Major James, Major James Bradley, and 
other compatriots of the revolution, were trained up to defend 
and love their country. Their opportunities for acquiring libe- 
ral educations were slender, but for obtaining religious instruc- 
tion were very ample. They were brought up under the eye 
and pastoral care of the Rev. John Rae, a Presbyterian minister 
who accompanied his congregation in their n)igration from Ire- 
la ifJ to Carolina. When the revolution commenced, in 1775, 
Major James had acquired a considerable portion both of repu- 
tation and property. He was a captain of militia under George 
the third. Disapproving of the measures of the British govern- 
in' nf, he resigned his royal commission, but was soon after rein- 
stated by a popular vote. In the year 1776, he marched with 
his company to the defence of Charleston. In the year 1 779, he 
was with Gp't. Moulfri.', on his retreat before Gen. Pi-evost,and 
commanded 120 riflemen in the skirmish at Tulitinny. When 



176 " JOHN JAMES. ' 

Charleston was besieged, in 1780, Major James inarched to ita 
defence, but Gov. John Rutledge ordered him back to embody 
the country militia. The town having fallen, he was employed 
by his countrymen to wait on ihe conquerors, and to inquire of 
them what terms they would give. On finding that nothing short 
of an unconditional submission and a resumption of the characters 
and duties of British subject?, would be accepted, he abruptly 
broke otf all negotiation; and, rejoining his friends, formed the 
gtamina of the distinguished corps known in the latter periods 
of the revolutionary war by the name of Marion's brigade. In 
the course of this cruel and desultory warfare. Major James was 
reduced from easy circumstances to poverty. All his moveable 
property was carried off, and every house on his plantation 
burnt; but he bore up under these misfortunes, and devoted, not 
only all his possessions, but life itself for the good of his country. 
After Greene, as commander-in-chief, had superseded Marion, 
Major James continued to serve under the former, and fought 
with him at the battle of Eutaw. The corps with which he 
served consisted mostly of riflemen, and were each served with 
24 rounds of cartridges. Many of them expended the whole', 
and most of them 20 of these in tiring at the enemy. As 
they were in the habit of taking aim, their shot seldom failed of 
doing execution. Shortly after this action, Major Janaes and 
General Marion were both elected members of the state legis- 
lature. Before the General had joined his brigade, it was 
unexpectedly attacked, and, after retreating, was pursued by a 
party of the British commanded by Col. Thompson, now Count 
Rumford. In this retreat, Major James being mounted, was near- 
ly overtaken by two British dragoons, but kept them from cutting 
him down by a judicious use of his pistols, and escaped by leap-- 
ing a chasm in a bridge of twenty feet width. The dragoons 
did not follow. The Major being out of their reach, rallied his 
men, brought them back to the charge, and stopped the progress 
of the enemy. When the war was nearly over, he resigned his 
commission, and like another Cincinnatu?, returned to his farm 
and devoted the remainder of his days to the improvement of 
his property and the education of his children. In the year 



HENftY KNOX. ' l'^? 



Tuiii he died, with the composure and fortitude of a Christian 



HENRY KNOX, 

Majoi'-General in the American Army, 

foR the biography of this distinguished soldier of the revo- 
lution, and also that of General Lincoln, which follows, we are 
indebted to the highly interesting work of James Thacher, M. 
D., entitled, "Military Journal during the American Revolution- 
ary War," from which we have extracted them. 

" Among those of our countrymen who most zealously ert 
gaged in the cause of liberty, few sustained a rank more deserv- 
edly conspicuous than General Knox. He was one of those he- 
roes, of whom it may be truly said that he lived for his country. 

Born in Boston, July, 1750, his childhood and youth were 
employed in obtaining the best education, that the justly cele- 
brated schools of his native town afforded. In very early life, 
he opened a book-store, for the enlargement of which he soon 
formed an extensive correspondence in Europe — but little time 
elapsed before, at the call of his country, he relinquished this 
lucrative and increasing business. Indebted to no adventitious 
aid, his character was formed by himself; the native and vigor- 
ous principles of his own mind made him what he was. Distin- 
guished among his associates, from the first dawn of manhood, 
for a decided predilection to martial exercises, he was, at the 
age of eighteen, selected by the young men of Boston as one of 
the officers of a company of grenadiers — a company so distin- 
guished for its martial appearance, and the precision of its 
evolutions, that it received the most flattering encomiums from 
a British officer of high distinction. 

This early scene of his military labors, served but as a school 
for that distinguished talent which afterward shone with lusfr*^, 



Ramsay's South C-irolinot 
93 



178 



HENRY KNOX: 



in the most brilliant campaigns of an eight years war; through 
the whole of which he directed the artillery with consumate 
skill and bravery. 

His heart was deeply engaged in the cause of freedom; he 
felt it to be a righteous cause, and to its accomplishment yielded 
every other consideration. When Britain declared hostilities, 
he hesitated not a moment what course he should pursue. No 
sordid calculation of interest retarded his decision. The quiet 
of domestic life, the fair prospect of increasing wealth, and even 
the endearing claims of famil} and friends, though urged with 
the most persuasive eloquence, had no power to divert the 
determined purpose of his mind. 

In the early stages of British hostility, though not in commis- 
sion, he was not an inactive spectator. At the battle of Bunker- 
Hill, as a volunteer, he was constantly exposed to danger, in 
reconnoitering the movements of the enemy, and his ardent 
mind was engaged with others in preparing those measures that 
•were ultimately to dislodge the British troops from their 
boasted' possession of the capital of New-England. 

Scarcely had we began to feel the aggression? of the British 
arms, before it was perceived that without artillery, of which 
we were then destitute, the most important objects of the war 
couKl not be accomplished. No resource presented itself, but 
the desperate expedient of procuring it from the Canadian 
frontier. To attempt this, in the agitated state of the country, 
through a wide extent of wilderness, was an enterprise so re- 
plcfp with toil and danger, that it was hardly expected any one 
would be found hardy enough to encounter its perils. Knox, 
however, saw the importance of the object — he saw his country 
bleeding at every pore, without the power of repelhng her in- 
vaders — he saw the flourishing capital of the north in the pos- 
session of an exulting eiKimy, that we were destitute of the 
means esseniial to their annoyance, and formed the daring and 
generous resolution of supplying the army with ordnance, how- 
ever formidable the obsUicles that might oppose him. Young, 
robust, and vigorous, supported by an undaunted spirit, and a 



HENRY KNOX. I79 

uiind ever fruitful in resources, he commenced his mighty un- 
dertaking, almost UDattended, in the winter of 1775, reljing 
solely for the execution of liis object, on such aid as he might 
procuie from the thinly scattered inhabitants of the dreary re- 
gion through which he had to pass. Every obstacle of season, 
roads, and climate, were surmounted by determined perse- 
verance; — and a few weeks, scarcely sufficient for a journey so 
remote, saw him return laden with ordnance and the stores of 
war — drawn in defiance of every obstacle over the frozen lakes 
and mountains of the north. Most acceptable was this offering 
to our defenceless troops, and most welcome to the commander- 
in-chief, who well knew how to appreciate a service so in^^ 
portant. This expedition stamped the character of him who 
performed it for deeds of enterprise and daring. He received 
the most flattering testimony of approbation from the command- 
er-in-chief and from Congress, and was in consequence of 
this important service, appointed to the command of the artil- 
lery, of which he had thus laid the foundation, — in which 
command he continued with increasing reputaiion through the 
revolutionary war. 

Among the incidents that occurred during the expedition to 
Canada, was his accidental meeting with the unfortunate Andre, 
whose subsequent fate was 60 deeply deplored by every man 
of feeling in both nations. His deportment as a soldier and 
gentleman, so far interested General Knox in his favor, that 
he often afterward expressed the most sincere regret, that he 
was called by duty, to act on the tribunal that pronounced his 
condemnation. 

During the continuance of the war, the corps of artillery was 
principally employed with the main body of the army, and near 
the person of the commander-in-chief, and was relied on as an 
essential auxilliary in the most important battles. 

Trenton and Princeton witnessed his enterprise and valor. 
At that critical period of our atfairs, when hope had almost 
yielded to despair, and the great soul of Washington, (rembled 
for his country's freedom, Knox wus one of those that hiretjgth- 
enedhis hand, and encouraged his heart. At that awlul mo-. 



iS'u 



HENRY KNOX. 



ment, when the tempest raged with its greatest fuiy, he wifti* 
Greene and other heroes, stood as pillars of the temple of lib- 
erty, till the fury of the storm was past. 

The letters of General Knox, still extant, written in the dark- 
est periods of the revolution, breathed a spirit ofdevotedness to 
the cause in which he had embarked, and a tirm reliance on the 
favor of divine Providence; from a peru^-^al of these letters it is 
evident, that he never yielded to desj>«)ndencv, but in tlie nost 
Critical moments of the war, confidenily aiiticipated its triumph- 
ant issue. 

In the bloody fieWs of Germantown and Monmouth, without 
derogating from the merits of others, if may be said, that during 
the whofe of these hard fought battles, no officer was more dis- 
tinguished for the discharge of the arduous duties of his conr^ 
mand; — in the front of the battle, he was seen animating his 
soldiers, and pointing the thunder of their cannon. His skiU 
and bravery were so conspicuous on the latter occasion, that he 
received the particular approbation of the commaoder-in-chief, 
in general orders issued by him the day succeeding that of th© 
battle, in which he says, that »'the enemy have done them the 
justice to acknowledge, that no artillery could be better served 
than ours." But his great exertions on that occasion, together 
•with the extreme heat of the day, produced the most alarming 
consequences to hi? health. To these more important scenes, 
his services were not confined; with a zeal devoted to our cause 
he was ever at the post of danger — and the immortal hero, who 
stands first on the Ust of heroes and of men, has often expressed 
his sense of these services. In every field of battle, where * 
Washington fought, Knox was by his side. The confidence of 
the commander-in-chief inspired bv early services, was thus 
matured by succeeding events. There can be no higher testi- 
TTiony to his merits, than that during a war of so long continu- 
ance, passed almost constantly in the presence of Washington, 
he uniformly retained his confidence and esteem, which at their 
separation had ripened into friendship and affection. The part- 
ing interview between General Knox and his illustrious and 
beloved chief, after the evacuation of New-York by the British, 



HENRY KNOX". 18t 

and Knox had taken possession of it at the head of a detach- 
ment of our army, was inexpressibfy affectinjg;. The hour of 
their separation havinej arrived, Washington, incapable of utter- 
ance, grasped his band and embraced him in silence, and in 
tears. His letters to the last moment of his life, contain the 
most flattering expressions of his unabated friendship. Honor- 
able tohimselfas had been the career of his military services, 
new laurels were reserved for him at the siege of Yorktown. 
To the successful result of this memorable siege, the last bril- 
liant act of our revolutionary contest, no officer contributed 
more essentially than the commander of the artillery. His 
animated exertions, his military skill, his cool and determined 
bravery in this triumphant struggle, received the unanimous 
appiobation of his brethren in arms, and he was immediately 
created major-general by congress, at the recommendation of 
the commander-in-chief, with the concurrence of the whole 
army. 

The capture of Lord Cornwall! s closed the contest, and with 
it his military life. Having contributed so essentially to the 
successful termination of the war, he was selected as one of the 
commissioners to adjust the terms of peace, which service he 
performed in conjunction with his colleagues, much to the sat- 
isfaction of his country. He was deputed to receive the surren- 
der of the city of New York, and soon after appointed to the 
com oand of West Point. It was here that he was employed in 
the delicate and arduous duly of disbanding the army, and in- 
ducing a soldiery, disposed to turbulence by their privations and 
suflr«?rings, to retire to domestic life, and resume the peaceful 
character of citizens. 

It is a fact most honorable to his character, that by his coun- 
tenance and support, he rendered the most essential aid to Wash- 
ington, in suppressing that spirit of usurpation which had been 
industriously fomented by a few unprincipled and aspiring men, 
whose aim was the subjugation of the country to a military go- 
vernment. No hope of political elevation — no flattering assu- 
rances of aggrandizement could tempt him to build his great- 
u.ess on the ruin of his country. 



132 HENRY KNOX. 

The orreat objects of the war being accomplislied, and peact 
restored to our country, General Knox was early under the con- 
federation, appointed Secretary of War by congress, in v/hich 
office he was confirmed by President Washington, after the es- 
tablishment of the Federal Government. The duties of this 
®ffice were ultimately increased, by having those of the Navy 
attached to them — to the establishment of which his counsel 
and exertion eminently contributed. He differed in opinion 
from some other members of the cabinet on this most interest- 
ing subject.* One of the greatest men whom our country has 
produced, has uniformly declared, that he considered America 
much indebted to his efforts for the cieation of a power which 
has already so essentially advanced her respectability and fame. 

Having filled the office of the War Department for eleven 
years, he obtained the reluctant consent of President Washing- 
ton to retire, that he might give his attention to the claims of a 
numerous and increasing family. This retirement was in con- 
currence with the wishes of Mrs. Knox, who had accompanied 
him throuiih the trying vicissitudes of war, shared with him its 
toils and perils, and who was now desirous of enjoying the less 
busy scenes of domestic life. A portion of the large estates of 
her ancestor, General Waldo, had descended to her, which he by 
subsequent purchase increased till it comprised the whole Waldo 
Patent, an extent of thirty miles square, and embracing a con- 
siderable part of that section of Maine, which now constitutes 
the counties of Lincoln, Hancock, and Penobscot. To these 
estates he letired from all concern in public life, honored as a I 
soldier and beloved as a man, devoting much of his time to tneiF 
settlement and improvement. He was induced repeatedly to 
take a share in the government of the state, both in the house of 
representatives and in the council, in the discharge of those se- 
veral duties, he employed his wisdom and experience with ths 
greatest assiduity. 

In 1798, when the French insults and injuries towards this 
country called for resistance, he was one of those selected to 



I 



President Adams. 



HENRY KNOX. L8i3 

command our armies, and to protect our liberty and honor from 
theexpectedhosdlities of the Frencli Directory: happily for our 
country, their services were not required. 

Retired from the theatre of active life, he still felt a deep in- 
terest in the prosperity of his couritry. To that portion of it, 
which he had chosen for his residence, his exertions were more 
immediately directed. His views like his soul, were bold and 
magniticent, his ardent mind could not wait the ordinary course 
of time and events; it outstripped the progress of natural im- 
provement. Hnd he possessed a cold, calculating mind, he nriight 
have left behind him the most ample wealth; but he would not 
have been more highly valued by his country, or more beloved 
by his friends. He died at Montpieler, his seat in Thomaston, 
25th of October, 1806, from sudden internal inflamation, at the 
age of 56, from the full vigor nf health. 

The great qualities of Gen. Knox were not merely those of 
the hero and the statesman; with these were combined those of 
the elegant scholar and the accomplished gentleman. There 
have been those as brave and as learned, but rarely a union of 
such valor, with so much urbanity — a mind so great, yet so free 
from ostentation. 

Philanthropy filled hi? heart ; in his benevolence there was no 
reserve — it was as diffusive as the globe, and extensive as the 
family of man. His feelings were strong, and exquisitely ten- 
der. In the domestic circle they shone with peculiar lustre — 
here the husband, the father, and the friend, beamed in every 
smile — and it at any time a cloud overshadowed his own spirit, 
he strove to prevent its influence from extending to those that 
were dear to him. He was frank, generous, and sincere, and 
in his intercourse with the world, uniformly just. His house 
was the seat of elegant hospitality, and his estimate of wealth, 
was its power of diflusing happiness. To the testimony of pri- 
vate friendship, may be added that of less partial strangers, who 
have borne witness, both to his public and private virtues. — 
Lord Moira, who is now perhap:s the greatest general thatEng- 
[ land can boast of, has in a late publication, spoken in high terms 
of his military talents. Nor should the opinion of the Marquis 



1^4 BENJAMIN LINCOLK. 

Chattleleux be omitted. "As for General Knox," he sajs, "to. 
praise hinn for his military talents alone, would be to deprive 
him of half the eulogium he merits; a man of understandings 
well informed, gay, sincere and honest — it is impossible to know- 
without esteeming him, or to see without loving him. Thus 
have the English, without intention, added to the ornaments of 
the human species, by awakening talents where they least wish'- 
ed or expected." Judge Marshall also, in his life of Washing- 
ton, thus speaks of him: "throughout the contest of the revolu- 
tion, this officer had continued at the head of the American ar- 
tillery, and from being Colonel of a regiment had been pro- 
moted to the rank of major-general. In this important station 
he had preserved a high military character, and on the resig- 
nation of General Lincoln, had been appointed secretary of 
war. To his great services, and to unquestionable integrity, 
he was admitted to unite a sound understanding; and the public 
judgment as well as that of the chief magistrate, pronounced 
him in all respects competent to the station he filled. The pres- 
ident was highly gratified in believing that his public duty com- 
ported with his private inclination, in nominating Gen. Knox j' J 
to the office which had been conferred on him under the for-' ' 
nier government." 



BE'fJAMIN LINCOLIV. | 

Major-Gcneral in the American Armj , 

't General Lincoln deserves a high rank in the fraternity of 
American heroes. He was born in Hingham, Massachusetts, 
.January 23d, O. S. 1733. His early education was not auspi- 
cious to his future eminence,and his vocation was that of a far- 
mer, till he was more than forty years of age, though he was 
commissioned as a magistrate, and elected a representative in 
the state legislature. In the year 1775, he sustained the office 
of Ueutenant-colonel of militia. In 1776, he was appointed by 
the council of Massachusetts, a brigadier, and soon aOer a ma- 
jor-general, and he applied himself assiduously t© training, arn^ 



I 



BENJAMIN LINCOLN, J 85 

■preparing the militia for actual service in the field, in which he 
displayed the military talents which he possessed. In Ocioiier, 
he marched with a body of militia and joined the main army 
nt New York. The commandei-in-chief, from a knowledge of 
his character and merit, recommended him to congress as an ex- 
cellent oflicer, and in February, 1777, he was by that honorable 
body, created a major-general on the continental establishment. 
For several months he commanded a division, or detachments 
in the main army, under Washington, and W'ns in situations 
which required the exercise of the utmost vigilance and cau- 
tion, as well as firmness and courage. Having the command of 
about five hundred men in an exposed situation near Bound 
Brook, through the neglect of his patroles, a large body of the 
enemy approached within two hundred yards of his quarters 
undiscovered ; the General had scarcely time to mount and leave 
the house before it was surrounded. He led off his troops, how- 
ever, in the face of the enemy, and made good his retreat, 
though with the loss of about sixty men killed and wounded. 
One of his aids, with the General's baggage and papers, fell in- 
to the hands of the enemy, as did also three small pieces of ar- 
tillery. In July, 1777, General Washington selected him to 
join the northern army under the command of Gen. Gates, to 
oppose the advance of Gen. Burgoyne. He took his station at 
Manchester, in Vermont, to receive and form the New England 
militia aa they arrived, and to order their march to the rear of 
the British army. He detached Col. Brown with five hundred 
men, on the 13ih of September, to the landing at Lake George, 
where he succeeded in surprising the enemy, and took posses- 
sion of two hundred batteaux, liberated one hundred American 
prisoners, and captured two hundred and ninety-three of the 
enemy, with the loss of only three killed and five wounded. 
This enterprise was of the highest importance, and contributed 
essentially to the glorious event whicli followed. Having de- 
tached two other parties to the enemy's posts at Mount Inde- 
pendence and Skenesborough.Gen. Lincoln united his remaining 
force with the army under Gen. Gates, and was the second in 
command. During the sanguinary conflict on the 7th of October, 

24 



. , Qg BENJAMIN LINCOLN. 

Gen. Lincoln commanded within our lines, and at o»e o'cloc'v 
the Hext morning, he marched with his division to reheve the 
troops that had been engaged, and to occupy tlie battle ground, 
the enemy having retreated. While on this duty he had occa- 
sion to ride forward some distance to reconnoitre, and to order 
some disposition of his own troops, when a party of the enemy 
made an unexpected movement, and he approached within mus- 
ket shot before he was aware of his mistake. A whole volley 
of musketry was instantly discharged at him and his aids, and 
he received a wound, by which the bones of his leg were badly 
fractured, and he was obliged to be carried off the held. The 
wound was a formidable one, and the loss of his linnb was for 
some time apprehended. He was for several months confined ' 
at Albany, and it became necessary to remove a considerable * 
portion of the main bone before he was conveyed to his house 
at Hingham, and under this painful surgical operation, the wri- 
ter of this being present, witnessed in him a degree of firmness 
and patience not to be exceeded. "I have known him," says 
Colonel Rice, who was a member of his military family, '* du- 
ring the most painful operation by the surgeon, while by-stand- 
ers were frequently obliged to leave the room, entertain us with 
some -pleasant anecdote, or story, and draw forth a smile from 
his friends." His wound continued several years in an ulcera- 
ted state, and by the loss of the bone, the limb was shortened, 
which occasioned lameness during the remainder of his life. 

Gen. Lincoln certainly afforded very important assistance in 
the capture of Burgoyne, though it was his unfortunate lot,whil€ 
in active duty, to be disabled before he could participate in the 
capitulation. Though his recovery was not complete, he re- 
paired to head quarters in the following August, and was joy- 
fully received by the commander-in-chief, wiio well knew how 
to^ppreciate his merit. It was from a developement of his es- 
timable character as a man, and his talents as a military com- 
mander, that he was designated by congress for the arduous du- 
ties of the chief command in the southern department, under in- 
numerable embarrassments. On his arrival at Charleston, De- 
cember, 1778, he found that he had to form an army, provide 



BENJAMIN LINCOLN. 18?: 

supplies, and to arrange the various departments, that he might 
be able to cope with an enemy consisting of experienced officers 
and veteran troops. This, it is obvious, required a man of su- 
perior powers, indefatigable perseverance, and unconquerable 
energy. Had not these been his inherent qualities, Lincoln 
must have yielded to the formidable obstacles which opposed 
his progress. About the 28th of Decembej', General Prevost 
arrived with a fleet, and about three thousand British troops, 
and took possession of Savannah, after routing a small party of 
Americans, under General Robert Howe. Gen. Lincoln im- 
mediately put his troops in motion, and took post on the eastern 
side of the river, about twenty miles from the city; but he was 
not in force to commence offensive operations, till the last of 
February. In April, with theview of covering the upper part 
of Georgia, he marched to Augusta, after which Prevost, the 
British commander, crossed the river into Carolina, and march- 
ed for Charleston. Gen. Lincoln, therefore, recrossed the Sa- 
vannah, and followed his route, and on his arrival near the city, 
the enemy had retired from before it during the previous night. 
A detachment of the enemy, supposed to be about six hundred 
men, under Lieutenant-Colonel Maitland, being posted at Stone 
Ferry, where they had erected works for their defence. Gen. 
Lincoln resolved to attack them, which he did on the 19th of 
June. The contest lasted one hour and twenty minutes, in 
which he lost one hundred and sixty men in killed and wounded, 
and the enemy suffered about an equal loss. Their works were 
found to be much stronger than had been represented, and our 
artillery proving too light to annoy them, and the enemy re- 
ceiving are-enforcement, our troops were obliged to retire. 

The next event of importance which occurred with our Gen- 
eral, was the bold assault on Savannah, in conjunction with the 
Count D'Estaing. General Prevost had again possessed him- 
self of that city, and Count D'Estaing arrived with his fleet and 
armament in the beginning of September, 1779. Having land- 
ed nearly three thousand French troops. Gen. Lincoln immedi- 
ately united about one thousand men to his force. The pros- 
pect of success was highly flattering, but the enemy exerted 



Ig^ BENJAMIN LINCOLN. 

all their efforts in strengthening their lines, and after the Count 
had summoned the garrison, and while Prevost was about to ar- 
range articles of capitulation, he received a re-enforcement. It 
WIS now resolved to attempt the place by a regular siege, but 
various causes occasioned a delay of several days, and when it 
commenced, the cannonade and bombardment failed of produ- 
cing the desired effect, and the short time allowed the Count or> 
our coast, was quite insufficient for reducing the garrison by 
regular appropches* The commanders concluded, therefore, to 
make an effort on the works by assault. On the 9th of October, 
in the morning, the troops were led on by D'Estaing and Lin- 
coln united, while a column led by Count Dillon missed their 
route in the darkness, and failed of the intended co-operation. 
Amidst a most appalling fire of the covered enemy, the allien 
troops forced the abattis, and planted two standards on the par- 
apets. But being overpowered at the point of attack, they 
were compelled to retire; the French having seven hundred, 
the Americans two hundred and forty killed and wounded. 
The Count Pulaski, at the head of a body of our horse, wag 
mortally wounded. 

General I/mcolnnext repaired to Charleston, and endeavored 
to put that city in a posture of defence, urgently requesting of 
congress a re-enforcement of regular troops, and additional sup- 
plies, which were but partially complied with. In February, 
1780, General Sir Henry Clinton arrived, and landed a formi- 
dable force in the vicinity, and on the 30th of March encamped 
in front of the American lines at Charleston. Considering the 
vast superiority of the enemy, both in sea and land forces, it 
might be questioned whether prudence and correct judgment, 
would dictate an attempt to defend the city; it will not be sup- 
posed, however, that the determination was formed without the 
most mature deliberation, and for reasons perfectly justifiable. 
It is well known that the General was in continual expectation 
of an augmentation of strength by re-enforcements. On the 10th 
of April, the enemy having made some advances, summoned the 
garrison to an unconditional surrender, which was promptly re- 
fused. A heavy and incessant cannoi.ade was sustained c n each 



BENJAIVTLN LINCOLN iQg 

side, till the llth of May, when the besiegers had completed 
their third parallel line, and having nnade a second demand of 
surrender, a capitulation was agreed on. 

It is to be lamented that, with all the judicious and vigorous 
efforts in his power, Gerreral Lincoln was requited only by the 
frowns of fortune; whereas, had he been sucessful in his bold 
enterprise and views, he would have been crowned with unfad- 
ing laurels. But, notwithstanding a series of disappointments 
and untortunate occurrences, he was censured by no one, nor 
was his judgment or merit called in question. He retained his 
popularity and the confidence of the army, and was considered 
as a most zealous patriot, and the bravest of soldiers. 

In the campaign of 1781, General Lincoln commanded a di- 
vision under Washington, and at ihe siege of Yorktown he had 
his full share of the honor of that brilliant and auspicious event.. 
The articles of capitulation stipulated for the same honor in 
favor of the surrendering army, as had been granted to the gar- 
rison of Charleston. General Lincoln was appointed to con- 
duct ihem to the field where their arms were deposited and 
received the customary submission. In the general order of the 
commander-in-chief the day after the capitulation. General 
Lincoln was amoiag the general officers whose services were 
particularly mentioned. In October, 1781, he was chosen by 
congress secretary of war, retaining his rank in the army. In 
this office he continued till October, 1783, when his proffered 
resignation was accepted by congress. 

Having relinquished the duties and cares of a public employ- 
ment, he retired and devoted his attention to his farm; but in 
1784, he was chosen one of the commissioners and agents on 
the part of the state to make and execute a treaty with the Pe- 
nobscot Indians. When in the year 1786-7, the authority of 
our state government was in a manner prostrated, and the coun- 
try alarmed by a most audacious spirit of insurrection, under 
the guidance of Shays and Day, General Lincoln was appointed, 
by the governor and council, to command a detachment of mi- 
litia, consisting of four or five thousand men, to oppose their 
progress, and compel them to a submission to the laws. He 



190 BENJAMIN LINCOLN. 

inarched from Boston on the 20th of January, into the countie? 
of Worcester, Hampshire, and Burkshire, \fTicre the insurgents 
had erected their standard. The)' were embodied in conside- 
rable force, and manifested a determined resistance, and a shght 
skirmish ensued between them and a party of militia under 
Gen. Shepherd. Lincoln, however, conducted with such ad- 
dress and energy, that the insurgents were routed from one. 
town to another, till they were completely dispersed in all di- 
rections; and by his wise and prudent measures the insurrec- 
tion was happily suppressed without bloodshed, excepting a few 
individuals who were slain under Gen. Shepherd's command. 

He was a member of the convention for ratifj^ing the fede- 
ral constitution, and in the summer of 1789, he received from 
President Washington, the appointment of collector of the port 
of Boston, which office he sustained till being admonished by 
the infirmities of age, he requested permission to resign. 

Having, after his resignation of the office of collector, pas- 
sed about two years in retirement, and in tranquillity of mind, 
but experiencing the feebleness of age, he received a ^iort at- 
tack of disease, by which his honorable life was terminated on 
the 9th of May, 1810, aged 77 years. 

The following tribute i»on the records of the society of Cin- 
cinnati. " At the annual meeting in July, 1810, Major-General 
John Brooks was chosen president of the society, to supply the 
place of our venerable and much lamented president. General 
Benjamin Lincoln, who had presided over the society from the 
organization thereof in 1783, to the 9th of May, 1810, the day 
of his disease, with the entire approbation of every member, and 
the grateful tribute of his surviving comrades, for his happy 
guidance and affectionate attentions duringsolong a period." 

While at Purisburg, on the Savannah River, a soldier named 
Fickling, having been detected in frequent attempts to desert, 
was tried and sentenced to be hanged. The general ordered 
the execution. The rope broke; a second was procured which 
broke also; the case was reported to the General for directions. 
''Let him run," said the general, " 1 thought he looked like a- 
scape-gallows." 



BENJAMIN LINCOLN. 191 

Major Garden, in his Anecdotes of the American Revolution, 
relates this story with some addition. It happened that, as 
Fickling was led to execution, the surgeon-general of the army 
pasbed accidental!}^, on his way to his quarters, which were at 
some distance. When the second rope was procured, the adju- 
tant of the regiment, a stout and heavy man, assayed by every 
means to break it, but without effect. Fickling was then hal- 
tered and again turned off, when, to the astonishmentof the by- 
standers, the rope untwisted, and he fell a second time uninju- 
red to the ground. A cry for mercy was now general through- 
out the ranks, which occasioned Major Ladson, aid-de-camp to 
Gen. Lincoln, to gallop to head-quarters, to make a representa- 
tion of facts, which were no sooner stated than an immediate 
pardon was granted, accompanied with an order that he should 
be instantaneously drummed, with every mark of intamy, out of 
camp, and threatened with instant death, if he ever should be 
found attempting to approach it. In the interim, the surgeon- 
general had established himself at his quarters, in a distant barn, 
little doubting but that the catastrophe was at an end, and Fick- 
ling quietly resting in his grave. Midnight was at hand, and he 
was busily engaged in writing, when hearing the approach of a 
footstep, he raised his eyes, and saw with astonishment the fig- 
ure of the man who had, in his opinion, been executed, slowly 
and with haggard countenance, approaching towards him. 
" Howl how is this?" exclaimed the Dr.; " whence come you? 
what do you want with me? were you not hanged this morning?" 
" Yes sir," replied the resusciated man, "I am the wretch you 
saw going to the gallows, and who was hanged.'' "Keep your 
distance',' said the doctor, " approach me not till you say why 
you come here." " Simply sir," said the supposed spectre, " to 
solicit food. I am no ghost doctor. The rope broke twice while 
the executioner -vas doing his office, and the general 'thought 
proper to pardon me." " If that be the case rejoined the doc- 
tor, " eat and be welcome; but I beg of you in future, to have 
a liUle more consideration, and not intrude so unceremoniously 
into the apartment of one, who had every right to suppose 
you an inhabitant of the tomb."* 



* Thacher's Military Journal. 



iy2 



JOHN LAURENS, 

Colonel in the American Army, 



Son of Henry Lauren^, was born in Charleston, in 17 J5. lu 
youth he discovered that energy of character which distin- 
guished him through life. When a lad, though laboring under 
a fever, on the cry of fire, he leaped from his bed, hastened to 
the scene of danger, and was, in a few minutes, on the top of 
the exposed houses, risking his life to arrest the progress of the 
flames. This is the more worthy of notice, for precisely in the 
same way, and under a similar, though higher impulse of ardent 
patriotism, he lost his life in the year 1782. 

At the age of sixteen, he was taken to Europe by his father, 
and there put under the best means of instruction in Geneva^ 
and afterward in London. 

He was entered a student of law at the temple, in 1774, and 
was daily improving in legal knowledge till the disputes between 
Great Britain and her colonies arrested his attention. He soon 
found that the claims of the mother country struck at the root 
of liberty in the colonies, and that she perseveringly resolved 
to enforce these claims at every hazard. Fain would he hare 
come out to join his countrymen in arms at the commencement 
of the contest; but the peremptory order of his father enjoined 
his continuance in Ergland, to prosecute his studies and finish 
his education. As a dutiful son he obeyed these orders; but as 
a patriot burning with desire to defend his country, he dismiss- 
ed Coke, Littleton, and all the tribe of jurists, and substituted 
in their place, Vauban, Folard, and other writers on war. He 
also availed himself of the excellent opportunities which Lon- 
don affords of acquiring practical knowledge of the manual ex- 
ercise, of tactics, and the mechanism of war. Thus instructed, 
as soon as he was a freeman of legal age, he quitted England 
for France, and by a circuitous voyage in neutral vessels, and 
at a considerable risk, made his way good, in the year 1777, to 
Charleston. 



jrOIIN LAURENS. 193 

Independence had been declared, the American army was 
raised, officered, and in the field. He who, by his attainments 
in general science, and particularly in the military art, deserved 
high rank, had no ordinary door left open to serve his country 
but by entering in the lowest grade of an army abounding with 
officers. Gen. Washington, ever attentive to merit, instantly 
took him into his family as a supernumerary aid-de camp. 
Shortly after this appointment, he had an opportunity of in- 
dulgir)g his military ardor. He fought atid was wounded in the 
battle of Germantown, October 4th, 1777. He continued in 
Gen. Washington's family, in the middle states, till the British 
had retreated from Philadelphia to Neiv-York, and was engag- 
ed in the battle of Monmouth, June 28, 1778. 

After this, the war being transferred more northwardly, he 
was indulged in attaching himself to the army on Rhode-lyhmd, 
where the most active operations were expected soon to take 
place. There he was intrusted with the command of some 
light troops. The bravery and good conduct which he display- 
ed on this occasion was honored by congress. 

On the 5th of November, 1778, they resolved, " that John 
Laurens, Esq., aid-de-camp to Gen. Washington, be pre?enlfd 
with a continental commission of lieutenant-colonel, in testmiony 
of the sense which congress entertain of his patriotic and spirit- 
ed services as a volunteer in the American army; and of his 
brave conduct in several actions, particularly in that of Rhode- 
island, on the 29th of August last; and that Gen. Washington 
be directed, whenever an opport jnity shall offer, to give lieuten- 
ant-colonel Laurens command agreeable to his rank." On the 
next day, a letter from Lieut. Col. Laurens was read in con- 
gress, expressing" his gratitude for the unexpected honor which 
congress were pleased to confer on him by the resolution pass- 
ed the day before; and the high satisfaction it would have 
afforded him, could he have accepted it without injuri g the 
rights of the officers in the line of the army, and doing an evi- 
dent injustice to his colleagues in the family of the commai.d- 
er-in-chief; that, having been a spectator of the convulsions 
occasioned in the army by disputes of rank, he held the tran- 

2.5 



194 



JOHN LAUfiENS. 



qiiility of it too dear to be instrumental in disturbing it, and 
therfore entreated congress lo suppress the resolve of yesterday, 
ordering him a commission of lieutenant colonel, and to accept 
his sincere thanks for the intended honor." In this relinquish- 
ment there was a victory gained by patriotism over self-love. 
Lieutenant-colonel Laurens loved military fame and rank; but 
he loved his coutry more, and sacrificed the former to preserve 
the peace and promote the interests of the latter. 

In the next year the British directed their military operations 
chiefly against the most southern states. Lieut. Col. John 
Laurens was induced by double motives to repair to Carolina. 
The post of danger was always the object of his preferrence. 
His native state was become the theatre of war. To its aid he 
repaired, and in May, 1779, with a party of light troops, had a 
skirmish with the British at Tuhfinny. In endeavoring to ob- 
struct their progress towards Charleston, he received a wound. 
This was no sooner cured than he rejoined the army, and was 
engaged in the unsuccessful attack on Savannah, on the 9th of 
October of the same year. To prepare for the defence of 
Charleston, the reduction of which was known to be contem- 
plated by the British, was the next object of attention among 
the Americans. To this Colonel Laurens devoted all the ener- 
gies of his active mind. 

In the progress of the siege, which commenced in 1780, the 
'suc(ess of defensive operations became doubtful. Councils of 
war were frequent — several of the citizens were known to wish 
for a surrender as a termination of their toils and dangers. In 
these councils, and on proper occasions. Colonel Laurens advo- 
cated the abandonment of the front lines, and to retire to new 
ones, to be erected within the old ones, and to risk an assault* 
When tliese spirited measures were opposed on the suggestion 
that the inhabitants preferred a capitulation, he declared that 
he would direct his sword to the heart of the first citizen who 
would urge a capitulation against the opinion of the command- 
er-in chief. 

When his superior officers, convinced of the inefficacy of 
further resistance, were disposed to surrender on terms of 



I 



JOHN LAURENS. 195 

capitulation, he yielded to the necessity of the case, and hecame 
m prisoner of war. This reverse of fortune opened a new door 
for serving his country in a higher line than he ever yet had done. 
He was soon exchanged, and reinstated in a capacity for acting. 
In expediting his exchange, congress imd the ulterior view of 
sending him as a special minister to Paris, that he might urge 
the necessity of a vigorous co-operation on the part of France 
with the United States against Great Britain, When this was 
proposed to Colonel Laurens, he recommended and urged that 
Col. Alexander Hamilton should be employed in preference to 
himself. Congress adhered to their first choice. 

Colonel Laurens sailed for France in the Matter end of 1780: 
and there in conjunction with Dr. Franklin and Count De Ver- 
genncs, and Marquis de Castries, arranged the p^an of the cam- 
paign for 1781; which eventuated in the surrender of Lord 
Cornwaliis, and finally in a termination of the war. Within s\% ' 
months from the day Col. Laurens left America, he returned to 
it, and brought with him the concerted plan of combined opera- 
tions. Ardent to rejoin the army, he was indulged with making 
a verbal report of his negotiations to Congress; and in three days 
set out to resume his place as one of the aids of Washington. 
The American and French Army about this time commenced 
the siege of Yorktown. In the course of it, Col. Laurens, as 
second in command with his fellow-aid. Col. Hamilton, assisted 
in storming and taking an advanced British redoubt, which 
expedited the surrender of Lord Cornwallis. The articles of 
capitulation were arranged by Col. Laurens on behalf of the 
iimericans. 

Charleston and a part of South Carolina still remained in the 
power of the British. Col. Laurens thought nothing done while 
any thing remained undone. He therefore, on the surrendeF 
of Lord Cornwallis, repaired to South Carolina, and joined 
the southern army commanded by General Greene. In the 
course of the summer of 1782 he caught a common i&\'^v, 
and was sick in bed when an expedition was undertaken against 
a party of British, which had gone to Combakee to carry off 
rics. Col. Laurens rose from his sick bed and joined his- 



J 96 CHARLES LEE, 

coihifrymcn. While leading an advanced party, lie received a 
shot which, on the 27 th of August, 1 782, at the close of the war, 
put an end to his valuable life in the 27th year of his age. His 
many virtues have been ever since the subject of eulogy, and 
hi^ early (all, of national lamentation. Tlie fourth of July sel- 
dom piisses without a tribute to his memory."*. 



CHARLES LEE, 

Major-General in the American Army. 

Gen. Lee was an original genius, possessing the most brilliaiif: 
tale (t>, iireal military powers, and extensive intelligence, and 
knowledge of the world. He was born in Wales, his family 
springing from the same parent stock with the Earl of Leicester. 

He may be properly called a child of Mars, for he was an 
ofiu er when but eleven years old. His favorite study was the 
scienceof war, and his warmest wish was to become distinguish- 
ed in it: but though possessed of a military spirit, he war ardent 
in the pursuit of general knowledge. He acquired a connpetent 
skill in Greek and Latin, while his fondness for travelling made 
him acquainted with the Italian, Spanish, German and French 
languages. 

In 1756, he came to America, captain of a company of grena- 
diers, and was present at the defeat of General Abercrombie, at 
Ticonderoga, where he received a severe wound. In 1762, he* 
tore a colonel's commission, and served under Burgoyne in Por- 
tu al, where he greatly distinguished himself, and received the 
strongest recommendations for his gallantry; but his early at- 
tuchment to the American colonies, evinced in his writings 
against the oppressive acts of parliament, lost him the favor of 
the ministry. Despairing of promotion, and despising a li/ie of 
inactivity, he left his native soil and entered into the service of 
his Polish Majesty, as one of his aids, with the rank ot major- 
general. 



*" Ramsay's History of South CaroHna. 



CHARLES LLE. jgy 

His rambling disposition led him to travel all over Europe, 
during the years of 1771, 1772, and part of 1773, and his 
warmth of tennper drew him into several rencounters, among 
which was an affair ofvhonor with an officer in Italy. The con- 
test was begun with swords, when the geiieral lost two of his 
lingers. Recourse was then had to pistols. His advers<»r\ was 
slain, and he was obliged to flee from the country, in or.ie;r that 
he might avoid the unpleasant circumstances which might result 
from this unhappy circumstance. 

Gen. Lee appeared to be influenced by an innate principle of 
republicanism; anattachment to these principles was injplanted 
in the constitution of his mind, and he espoused tlje cause of 
America as a champion of her emancipation from oppression. 

Glowing with these sentiments, lie embarked for this country, 
and arrived at New-York on the 10th of November, 1773. On 
his arrival, he became daily more enthusiastic in the cause of 
li'.erty, and travelled rapidly through the colonies, animating, 
both by conversation and his eloquent pen, to a determined and 
persevering resistance to British tyranny. 

His enthusiasm in favor of the rights ot the colonies was such, 
that, after tlie battle of Lexington, he accepted a major-ffone- 
ral's commission in the American army; though his ambition 
had pointed out to him the post of commander-in-chief, as the 
object of his wishes. Previous to this, however, he resigned his 
commission in the British service, and relinquished his half pay. 
Tt is he did in a letter to the British Secretary at War, in which 
he expressed his disapprobation of the oppressive measures of 
Parliament, declaring them to be absolutely subversive of the 
rights and liberties of every individual subject, so destructive to 
the whole empire at large, and ultimately, so ruinous to his ma- 
jesty's own person, dignity, and family, that he thought himself 
obliged in conscience, as a citizen. Englishman, and soldier of a 
free state, to exert his utmost to defeat them.'' 

Immediately, on receiving his appointment, he accompanied 
General Washington to the camp at Cambridge, where he arriv- 
ed July 2d, 1775, and was received with every mark of respect. 



i«ji} CHARLES LEE, 

As soon as it was discovered at Cambridge, that the Gritisli 
General Clinton had left Boston, General Lee ivas ordered to 
set forward, to observe his manoeuvres, and prepare to meet 
him in any part of the continent he might visit. No man was 
better qualified at this early state of the war, to penetrate the 
designs of the enemy than Lee. Nursed in the camp, and well 
versed in European tactics, the soldiers believed him, of all 
other officers, the best able to face in the field an experienced 
British veteran, and lead them on to victory. 

New York was supposed to be the object of the enemy, and 
hither he hastened with all. possible expedition. Immediately, 
on his arrival, Lee took the most active and prompt measures 
to put it in a state of defence. He disarmed all suspected pet* 
sons within the reach of his command, and proceeded with such 
rigor against the tories, as to give alarm at his assumption of 
military powers. From the tories he exacted a strong oath, and 
his bold measures carried terror wherever he' appeared. 

"Notlongafter he was appointed to the command of the south- 
ern department, and in his travels through the country, he re- 
ceived every testimony of high respect from the people. General 
Sir Henry Clinton, and Sir Peter Parker, with a powerful fleet 
and army, attempted the reduction of Charleston, while he was 
in the command. The fleet anchored within half musket-shot 
of the fort on Sullivan's Island; where Col. Moultrie, one of the 
bravest and most intrepid of men commanded. A tremendous 
engagement ensued on the 28th of June, 1776, which lasted 
twelve hours without intermission. The whole British force 
was completely repulsed, after suffering an irrf'parable loss. 

Gen. Lee and Col. Moultrie received the thanks of Congress 
for their signal bravery and gallantry. 

Our hero had now reached the pinnacle of his military glory; 
the eclat of his name alone appeared to enchant and animate the 
most desponding heart. But here we pause to contemplate the 
humiliating reverse of human events. He returned to the main 
army in October; and in marching at the head of a large detach* 
' ment through the Jerseys, having, from a desire of retaining a 
separate command, delayed his march several day% in disobedi- 



CHARLES LEE. igg 

ence of express ©rders from the commander-in-chief, he was 
guilty of most culpable negligence in regard to his personal 
security. He took up his quarters two or three miles from the 
main body, and lay for the night, December 13th, 1776, in a 
eareles?, exposed situation. Information of this being commu- 
nicaied to Colonel Hircourt, who commanded the British light- 
horse, he proceeded immediately to the house, fired into it, and 
obliged the general to surrender himself a prisoner. They 
mounted him on a horse in haste, without his cloak or hat, and 
conveyed him in triumph to New- York."* 

Lee was treated, while a prisoner, with great severity by the 
enemy, who affected to consider him as a slate prisoner and 
deserter from the service of his Britanic majesty, and denied 
the privileges of an American officer. General Washington 
promptly retaliated the treatment received by Lee upon the 
British ofKcers in his possession. This state of things existed 
until the capture of Burgoyne, when a complete change of 
treatment was observed towards Lee; and he was shortly after- 
ward exchanged. 

The first military act of General Lee, after his exchange^ 
closed his career in the American army. Previous to the 
battle of Monmouth, his character in general was reputable. 
From the beginning of the contest, his unremitted zeal in the 
cause of America, excited and directed the military spirit of the 
whole continent; and his conversation inculcated the principles 
of liberty among all ranks of the people. 

His important services excited the warmgratitudeof many of 
the friends of America. Hence it is said that a strong party 
was formed in congress, and by some discontented officers in the 
army, to raise Lee to the first command : and it has been suggest- 
ed by many, that General Lee's conduct at the battle of Mon- 
mouth was intended to effect this plan: for could the odium of 
the defeat have been at this time thrown on General Washing- 
ton, there is great reason to suppose that he would have been 
deprived of his command. 



* Thacher's Militaiy Journal. 



300 



GHARLES LEE. 



It is now (o be seeu how General Lee te'Tninated his mihtary 
career. In the battle of Monmouth, on the .28th of June, 1778, 
he commanded the van of the American troops," with or i rs 
from the commander-in-chief to attack the retreating enemv. 
Instead of obeying this order he conducted in an unworthy man- 
ner, and greatly disconcerted the arrangements of the day, 
Washington, advancing to the field of battle, met him in his 
disorderly retreat, and accosted him with strong expressions of 
disapprobation. Lee, incapable of brooking even an implied 
indignity, and unable to restrain the warmth of his resentment;, 
used improper language in return, and some irritation was ex- 
cited on both sides. The following letters immediately afl^r 
passed between Lee and the commander-in-chief. 

Camp^ Englishtozvn, \st July^ 1778. 
Sir— From the knowledge that I have of your Excellency's 
character, I must conclude that nothing but the misinformation of 
some very stupid, or misrepresentation of some very wicked 
person, could have occasioned your making use of such very sin- 
gular expressions as you did, on my coming up to the ground 
where you had taken post: they implied that I was guilty either 
of disobedience of orders, want of conduct, or want of courage. 
Your Excellency will, therefore, infinitely oblige me by letting 
me know on which of these three articles you ground your 
charge, that I may prepare for my justification; which 1 have 
the happiress to be confident J can do, to the army, to congress, 
to America, and to the world in general. Your Excellency 
must give me leave to observe, that neither yourself, nor those 
about your person, could, from your situation, be in the least 
judges of the merits or demerits of our manoeuvres; and, to 
speak with becoming pride, I can assert that to these man t^u- 
vres the success of the day was entirely owing. I can bol lly 
say, that had we remained on the first ground — or had we 
advanced, — or had the retreat been conducted in a manner dilfer 
ent from what it was, this whole army, and the interest of Ameri- 
ca, would have risked being sacrificed. I ever had, and, I 
hope, ever shall have, the greatest respect and veneration for 



«gHATlLBS LBfi. ^ gOj 

General Washin£;ton; I think him endowed with many great 
and good qualities: but in this instance I nnust pronounce, that 
be has been 2;uil(y of an act of cruel injustice towards a man 
who had certainly some pretensions to the regard of everv ser- 
vant of his country; and I think, sir, I have a right to demand 
?ome reparation for the injury committed; and unless I can 
obtain it, I must in justice to myself, when the campaign is 
dosed, which I believe will close the war, retire from a service, 
at the head of which is placed a man capable of offering such 
injuries; but at the same time, injustice to you, 1 must repeat 
that I, from my soul, believe that it was not a motion of your 
own breast, but instigated by some of those dirty earwigs, who 
will for ever insinuate themselves near persons in high office; for 
I am really assur3d that, when General Washington acts from 
himself, no man in his army will have reason to complain of 
injustice and indecorum. 

I am, sir, and I hope I shall ever have reason to continue. 

Yours &c. 

CHARLES LEE. 
His Exc'y Gen. Washington. 

Head- Quaj-ters. English Town, 28/A June, 1778« 
Sir — 1 received }our letter dated through mistake the 1st of 
July, expressed, as I conceive, in terms highly improper. I ana 
not conscious of having made use of any singular expression! 
at the time of my meeting you as you intimate. Wha» I recol- 
lect to have said was dictated by duty, atnd warranted by the 
occasion. As soon as circumstances will admit, you shall have 
an opportunity, either of justifying yourself to the army, to 
Congress, to America, and to the world in general, or of con- 
vincing them that you are guilt)' of a breach of orders, and of 
misbehaviour before the enemy on the 28th instant, in not attack- 
ing them as you had been directed, and in making an unneces^ 
sary, disorderly, and shameful retreat. 
1 am, sir, 

your most obedient servant, 

G. WASHINGTON, 
36 



4202 CflAIlLES LEE. 

A coart martial of which Lord Stirling was president, was 
ordered for his trial, and after a masterly defence by General 
Lee-, found him guilty of all the charges, and sentenced him to 
be suspended from any command in the army for the term of 
twelve months. This sentence was shortly afterwaid confirm- 
ed bv Congress. 

When promulgated it was like a mortal wound to the lofty, 
aspiring spirit of General Lee; pointing to his dog he exclaimed 
■ — "Oh that I was that animal, that 1 might not call man my I j 
brother." He became outrageous, and from that moment he • 
was more open and virulent in his attack on the character of 
thecommander-in-chief, and did not cease in his unwearied en- 
deavors, both in conversation and writings, to lessen his reputa- 
tion in the armv and the public. Ke was an active abettor of 
Geno Conway, in his calumny and abuse of Gen. Washington, I 
and tliey were believed 'o be in concert in their vile attempts to 
supersede his exicellencv in the supreme command. With the 
hope of effecting his nefarious purpose, he published a pamphlet 
replete with scurilous imputations, unfavorable to the military 
talents of the commander-in-chief; but this, with his other malig- 
nant allegations, was consigned to contempt. 

At length Col. Laurens, one of General Washington's aids, 
unable longer to suifer this gross abuse of hi& illustrious friend, 
demanded of Lee that satisfaction which custom has sanctioned 
a^ honorable. A rencounter accordingly ensued, and Lee re- 
ceived a viound in his side. 

Lee now finding hims( If abandoned by his friends, degraded 
in the eye of the public, and despised b\ the wise and virtuous, 
retired to his sequestered plantation in Virginia. In this spot, 
secluds^d from all >ociety, he lived in a sore of hovel without glass 
windGwsorplasterir'g,orevena decentarticle ofhouse furniture; 
here he amused himself with his books and dogs. On January 
10!h, 1780, congress resolved that major-general Lee be iiiform- 
e.d th'it tbpy havp no furt'^er occasion for bis services in the army 
of the United States. In the autumn of 1782, wearied with his 
forlorn situation and broken spirit, he reported to Philadelphia, 
and took lodgings in an ordinary tavern. He was soon seized 



CHARLES LEE. 203 

with a disease of the lungs, and after a few day's confinement, 
he terminated his mortal course, a martyr to chagrin and disap- 
pointment, October 2d, 1782. The last words which tie was 
heard to utter, were, " stand by me, my brave grenadiers." 

Gen. Lee was rather above the middle size, ''plain in his 
person, even to ugliness, and careles<rin his manners, even to a 
degree of rudeness; his nose was so remarkably aquiline, that 
it appeared as a real deformity. His voice was rough, his garb 
ordinary, his deportment morose. He was ambitious of fame, 
without the aignity to support it. In private life he sunk into 
the vulgarity of the clown." His remarkable partiality for 
dogs was such, that a number of these animals constantly fol- 
lowed in his train, and the ladies complained that he allowed 
his canine adherents to follow him into the parlor, and not unfre- 
quently a favorite one might be seen on a chair nexi his elbow 
at table. 

In the year 1776, when our army lay at White Plains, Lee 
resided near the road which Gen. Washington frequently passed, 
and he one day with his aids called and look din»er: after they 
had departed, Lee said to his aids, '' you must look me out other 
quarters, or I shall have Washington and his puppies calling* 
till they eat me up." The next day he ordered his servant to 
write with chalk on the door, "No victuals cooked here to-f>ay." 
The company, seeing the hint on the door, passed by with a 
smile at the oddity of the man. "The character of this person," 
says one who knew him welh, " is full of absurdities and quali» 
ties of a most extraordinary nature."* 

While in Philadelphia, shortl} before his death, the following 
ludicrous circumstance took place, which created no small di-' 
version. 

The late Judge Brackenridgc, whose poignancy of satire, 
and excentricity of character, was nearly a match for that of 
the General^ had dipped his pen in some gall, which greatly irri- 
tated Lee's feeling, insomuch that he challenged him to single 
combat, which Brackenridge declined in a very eccentric 



• Thfitch^'8 Journal. 



^4- 



CIIARLES LEE. 



reply. Lee, having famished himself with a horsewhip, deter- 
mined to chastise him ignominiously on the very first opportu- 
nity. Observing Brackenridge going down Market-street, a few 
<3ays after, he gave hinr) chase, and Brackenridge took refuge in 
a public house, and barricaded the door of the room he entered. , , 
A number of persons collected to see the result. Lee damned 1 1 
him, and invited him to come out and fight him like a man. 
Brackenridge replied that he did not like to be shot at, and 
made some other curious observations, which only increased 
Lee's irritation and the mirth of the spectators. Lee, with the- 
most bitter imprecation, ordered him to come out, when he said 
he would horsewhip him. Brackenridge replied, that he had 
no occasion for a discipline of that kind. The amusing scene 
lasted some time, until at length, Lee, finding that he could ac- 
complish no other object than calling forth Brackenridge's wit 
for the amueemeiit of the by-standers, retired. 

Gen. Lee was m;.sti r of a most genteel address, but was rude 
in his manners, ana excessively negligent in hi? appearance and 
Tiehaviour. His appetite was so whimsical, that he was every- 
•wnere a troublesome guest. As an officer he was brave and 
able, and di*d mu( h towards disciplining the American army. 
With vigorous powers of mind, and a brilliant fancy, he was a 
correct and elegant classical scholar, and he both wrote and 
spoke his native language with propriety, force and beautj^ 
His temper was severe; the history ot his life is little else than 
the history of disputes, quarr<'ls, and duels, in every part of the 
world. He was vii diclive, avaricious, immoral, impious, and 
profane. His principles, as would be expected from his charac- 
ter, were most abandoned, and he ridiculed every tenet of reli- 
gion. Two virtues he possessed to an eminent degree, sincerity 
and veracily. It was notorious that General Lee was a man of 
unbounded personal ambition, and, conscious of his European 
education, and pre-eminent military talents and prowess, he 
affected a superiority over General Washington, and constantly 
aimed at the supreme command, little scrupulous as to the means 
employed to accomphsb his own advancemeiito 



HENRY LEE. 205 

.•Fhe following is an extract from General Lee's will: 
"I desire most earnestly that I may not be buried in any church 
or church yard, or within a mile of any Presbyterian or Anabap- 
tist Meeting House, for since I have resided in this country, I 
have kept so much bad company whiles living, that I do not choose 
to continue it while dead." 



HENRY LEE, 

Colonel in the American Army . 
Colonel Lee was by birth a Virginian, and descended from 
the most distinguished branch of the Lees of that slate. He 
possessed the lofty genius of his family, united to invincible 
courage and tirmness, and all the noble enthusiasm of the war- 
rior. Gen. Charles Lee, who was beyond question, a compe- 
tent judge of military talent, averred, '•' that Henry Lee came 
a soldier fpom Ills mother's womi)." Gen. Greene pronounced 
him llie Eye of the southern army, and to his councils gave the 
most implicit, constant, and unbounded confidence. In the hour 
of ditliculty, was danger to be averted, was prompt exertion ne- 
cessary to prevent revolt, crush insurrection, cut otf supplies, 
harass the enemy, or pursue him to destruction, to no one did 
be so often turn as to Lee. 

But his ardor, brilliancy, and daring resolution, constituted but 
a part of his military worth. In him the tierce impetuosity of 
youth was tinely blended with the higher and more temperate 
qualities of age. Ifhehad. in his temperament, something of 
the electrical tire of Achilles, it was ennobled by the polished 
dignity of Hector, and repressed and moderated by the wisdom 
ol Nestor. 

For vigilance, intelligence, decision of character, skill in 
arms, a spirit of enterprise, anrl powers of combination, he had 
but few equal-;, youthful as he was, in the armies of his country. 

As an officer of horse, and a partizan commander, perhaps he 
had no superior upon earth. 

That he was justly entitled to this encomium, appears, as well 
from the extensive catalogue of his exploits, as from the hi'^h. 



'^^6 FRANCIS MARION. 

confidenee alvvays reposed in him by the commanding officei" 
under whom he served. This is true, no less in relation to 
Washington than GreenCo He was the intimate friend and con- 
fidant of both. The sentiments of the latter, with regard to 
him, were forcibly expressed in the following extract of a letter, 
dated February 18th, 1782. 

"Lieutenant-Colonel Lee retires for a time, for the recovery 
of his health. lam more indebted to this officer than to any 
other, for the advantages gained over the enemy, in the opera- 
tions of the last campaign; and I should be wanting in gratitude, 
not to acknowledge the importance of his services, a detail of 
which is his best panegyric."* 



FRANCIS MARIO^V? ^ 

Colonel in the American Army, 

Francis Marion, colonel in the regular service, and brigadier 
general in the militia of South Carolina, was born in the vicinity 
of Georgetown, in the year 1733. 

To portray the meteor-like course of hardihood and exploit 
traced by Gen. Marion and his heroic followers, would constitute 
a picture, rich in admiration and delight to the lovers of bravery 
and romantic adventure. Never was an officer better suited to 
the times in which he lived, and the situation in which it was his 
fortune to act: For stratagems, unlooked-for enterprises against 
the enemy, and devices for concealing his own position and 
movements, he had no rival. Never, in a single instance, was 
he overtaken in his course, or discovered in his hiding-place. 
Even some of his own party, anxious for his safely and well 
acquainted with many of the places of his retreat, have sought 
for him whole days in his immediate neighborhood without find- 
ing him. Suddenly and unexpectedly, in some distant point he 
would again appear, pouncing upon his enemy like the eagle 



♦ Ij/e of Greene. 



FRANCIS MARION, 20T 

ypontiis prey. These high and rare qualities conducted him 
reperiledl) into the arms of victory, when the force he encoun- 
tered was tenfold the number of that which he commanded. 

Young Marion, at the age of sixteen, entered on board a ves- 
sel bound to the West Indies, with a determination to tit himself 
for a seafaring life. On his outward passage, the vessel was 
upset in a gale of wind, when the crew took to their boat with- 
out water or provisions, it being impracticable to save any of 
either. A dog jumped into the boat with the crew, and upon 
his flesh, eaten raw, did the survivors of these unfortunate men 
subsist for seven or eight days; in which period several died of 
hunger. 

Among the few who escaped was young Marion. After reach- 
ing land, Marion relinquished his original plan of life, and en- 
gaged in the labors of agriculture. In this occupation he con- 
tinued until 1759, when he became a soldier, and was appointed 
a lieutenant in a company of volunteers, raised for an expedition 
against the Cherokee Indians, commanded by Captain William 
Moultrie, (since General Moultrie.) 

A? soon as the war bioke out between the colonies and the 
mother country, Marion was called to the command of a compa- 
ny in the tirst corps raised by the stale of South Carolina. He 
was soon afterward promoted to a majority, and served in that 
rank under Colonel Moultrie, in his intrepid defence of Fort 
Moultrie, against the combined attack of Sir Ilenry Clinton and 
Sir Peter Parker, on the 2d of Jjne, 1776. He was afterward 
placed at the head of a regiment as lieutenant-colonel com 
mandant, in which capacity he servi^d during the siege of 
Charleston; when, having fractured his leg by some accident, 
he became incapable of mill I ary duty, and fortunately for his 
country, escaped the captivity to which the garrison was, in the 
sequel forced to submit. 

When Ch'trleston f^ll into the enemy's bands. Tie utenant-colo- 
nel Marion abandoned his state, and took shelter in North Car- 
olina. The moment he recnveiv-d from the fracture of his leg, 
I he engaged in preparing the mear.s of arinoying the enemy, 
then in the flood tide of prospeny. With sixieen men only, he 



208 FRANCIS MARION. 

crossed the Santee, and commenced that daring system of war- 
fare which so much annoyed the British army. 

Colonel Peter Horry, in his life of General Marion j2;ive3 the 
following interesting incident: '' Ahout this time we received a 
flag from the enemy in Georgetown, South Carolina, the object 
of which was to make some arrangements about the exchange 
of prisoners. The flag, after the usual ceremony of blindfold- 
ing, was conducted into Marion's encampment. Having heard 
great talk •dbontG'^,neTH] Mirion. his fancy had naturally enough 
sketched out for him some stout figure of a warrior, such as 
O'Harra, or Cornwallis himself, of martial aspect and flaming 
ipgimentals. But what was his surprise, when led into Ma;> 
on's presence, and the bandage taken from his eyes, he belield 
in our hero a swarthy, smoke-dried little man, with scarcely 
enough of thread-bare homespun to cover his nakedness! and 
instead of tall ranks of gay dressed soldiers, a handful of sun- 
burnt, yellow-legged militia-men; some roasting potatoes, and 
some asleep, with their black (ire-locks and powder-horns lying 
by them on the logs. Having recovered a little from his sur- 
prise, he presented his letter to Gen. Marion, who perused it 
and soon settled every thing to his satisfaction. 

The officer took up his hat to retire. 

"Oh no!" said Marion," "It is now about our time of dining; 
and I hope, sir, you will give us the pleasure of your company 
to dinner." 

At the mention of the word dinner^ the British officer looked 
around him, but, to his great mortification, could see no sign of 
a pot, pan, Dutch-oven, or any other cooking utensil that could 
raise the spirits of a hungry man. 

" Well, Tom," said the General to one of his men, " comfi, 
give us our dinner." 

The dinner to which he alluded, was no other than a heap of 
sweet potatoes, that were very snugly roasting under the em- 
bers, and which Tom, with his pine stick poker, soon liberated 
from their ashy confinement; pinching them every now and then 
with his fingers, especially the big ones, to see whether they 
were well done or not. Then, hoving cleansed them of the 



FRANCIS MARION. gOS 

ashe?, partly by blowing them with liis breath, and partly by 
brusiiiijg them with tlie sleeve of his old cotton shirt, he piled 
some of the best on a large piece of bark, and placed them be- 
tween the British officer and Marion, on the trunk of the fallen 
pine on which they sat. 

*•! fear, sir," said the General, "out dinner will not prove so 
palatable as I could wish; but it is the best we have." 

The officer, who Wris a well-bred man, took up one of the 
potatoes, arid aiFected to feed, as if he had found a j^reat dainty; 
but it was very plain, that he ale more from good manners than 
good appetite. 

Presently he broke out into a hearty laugh. Marion looked 
surprised. " I beg pardon, General," said he, "but one cannot, 
you know, always command one's conceits. I was thinking how 
drolly some of my brother officers would look, if our government 
were to give them such a bill of fare as this." 

"I suppose," replied Marion, "It is not equal to their style 
of dining." 

"No, indeed," quoth the officer, "and this, I imagine, is one 
of your accidental Letit dinners: a sort o( banyan. In general^ 
no doubt, you live a great deal better." 

"Rather worse," answered the General, " for often we don't 
?^et enough of this." 

"Heavens!" rejoined the officer, " but probably what you 
lose in meal, you make up iu malt, though stinted in provisions, 
you draw noh\e pui/.^^ 

" JVot a cent, 5i>," said Marion, " not a cent^ 

" Heavens and earth 1 then you must be in a bad box. I don't 
see how you can stand it." 

"Why, sir," replied Marion, with a smile of self-approbation, 
" these things depend on feeling." 

The Englishman said, "he did not believe it would be an easy 
matter to reconcile A^s/ee/m^s to a soldier's life on Gen. Marion's 
terms: all fighting, no pay, and no provisiom but potatoes.''^ 

"Why, sir," answered the General, "the heart is all; and 
when that i? once interested, a man can do any things Many a 

27 



-210 



FRANCIS MARION. 



youth would think it hard to indent himself a slave for fourteen 
years. But let him be over head and ears in love, and with 
such a beauteous svveatheart as Rachael, and he will think no 
more of fourteen years' servitude than young Jacob did. 
Well, now, this is exactly my case. I am in love; and my 
sweetheart is tiBERxv. Be that heavenly nymph my compan- 
ion, and these w^oods shall have charms beyond London and 
Paris in slavery. To have no proud monarch driving over me 
with his guilt coaches; nor his host of excisemen and tax-gath- 
erers insulting and robbing; but to be my own master, my own 
prince and sovereign; gloriously preserving my natural dig- 
nity, and pursuing my true happiness, planting my vineyards, 
3nd eating my luscious fruit; sowing my fields, and reaping 
the golden grain; and seeing millions of brothers all around 
me, equally free and happy as myself: — this, sir, is what I long 
for." 

The officer replied, that both as a man and a Britton, he must 
subscribe to this as a happy state of things. 

" i/o/jp?/," quoth Marion, " yes, happy indeed: and I would 
rather fight for such blessings for my country and feed on roots, 
than keep aloof, though wallowing in all tlie luxuries of Solo- 
mon. For now, sir, I walk the soil that gave me birth, and ex- 
ult in the thought that I am not unworthy of it. I look upon 
these venerable trees around me, and feel that I do not dis- 
honor them» I think of my own sacred rights, and rejoice that I 
have not basely deserted them. And when I look forward to 
the long, long ages of posterity, I glory in the thought, that 1 
am fighting their battles. The children of distant generations 
may never hear my name; but still it gladdens my heart to 
think that I am now contending for their freedom, with all its 
countless blessings." 

I looked at Blarion as he uttered these senliments, and fan- 
cied I felt as when I heard the last words of the brave De 
Kalb. The Englishman hung his honest head, and looked, 
I thought. ;is if he had seen the upbraiding ghosts of his illus- 
trious countrymen, Sidney and Hampden. 



FRANCIS MARION. 211 

Oil his return to Georgetown, he was asked by CoJo Watson 
why he looked so serious? 
*'I have cause, sir," said he, "to look so serious." 

"What! has Gen. Marion refused to treat?" 

"No, sir." 

" Well then, has old Washington defeated Sir Henry. ClintoDj 
and broke up our army?" 

"No, sir, not that neither, but zoorse." 

"Ah! what can be worse?" 

"Why, sir, I have seen an American general and his officers, 
without pay, and almost without clothes^ living on rootSj and drink- 
ing water; and all for Liberty! ! What chance have we against 
such men?" 

It was said Col. Watson was not so much obliged to him fot 
this speech. But the young officer was so struck with Marion's 
sentiments, that he never rested until he threw up his, commiss 
fiion, and retired from the service.* 

"Gen. Marion, whose stature was diminutive, and his person 
uncommonly light, rode, when in service, one of the fleetest and 
most poweritil chargers the south could produce. When in 
fair pursuit, nothing could escape him, and while retreating, 
nothing could overtake him* 

Being once nearly surrounded by.a party of British dragoons, 
he was compelled for safety, to pass into a corn-field, by leaping 
the fence. This field marked with a considerable descent of 
surface, had been in part a marsh. Marion entered it at the 
upper side. The dragoons, in chase, leapt the fence also, and 
were but a short distance behind him. So completely was he 
now in their power, that his only mode of escape was to pass 
over the fence on the lower side. But here lay a difficulty 
which to all but himself appeared insurmountable. 

To drain the ground of its superfluous waters, a trench had 
been cut around this part of the field, four feet wide, and of the 
same depth. Of the mud and clay removed in, cutting it, a 
bank had been formed on its inner side, and on the top of this 
was erected the fence. The elevation of the whole amounted 



* American Biographical Dict^^flfiry. 



21 g- HUGH MEKCER. 

to more than Bftven feet perpendicular height; a ditch four feet 
in width running parallel with it on the out side, and a foot or 
more oTspace intervenins between the fence and the ditch. 

The dragoons, acquainted with the nature and extent of this 
ohstacle, and considering it impossible for their enemy to pass it, 
pre<ssed towards him with loud shouts of exultation and insult, 
and summoned him to surrender or perish by the sword. Re- 
gardless of their rudeness and empty clamor, and inflexibly 
determined not to become their prisoner, Marion spurred his 
horse to the charge, the noble animal, as if conscious that 
his master's life was in danger, and that on his exertion depended 
his safety, approached the barrier in his finest style, and with a 
hound that was almost supernatural, cleared the fence and the 
ditch, and recovered himself without injury on the opposite side. 

M irion now facing his pursuers, who had halted at the fence 
tjnablc to pass it, discharged his pistols at them without effect, 
and then wheeling his horse, and bidding them " good morning,'* 
with an air of triumph, dashed into an adjoining thicket, and 
disappeared in an instant. 

General Marion was a native of South Carolina; and the 
immediate theatre of his exploits, was a large section of the 
maritime district of that state, around Geortjetown. The 
peculiar hardihood of his constitution, and its being accommo- 
dated to a warm climate and a low marshy country, qualified 
him to endure hardships and submit to exposures, which, in that 
sickly region few other men would have been competent to 
sustain. He continued his undivided efforts until the close oi 
the war, and lived to see the United States enrolled among the 
free and independent nations of the earth. 



HUGH MERCER, 

Major-Gciicral in the American Army. 

GE?fER\L Mercer was a Scotchman by birth, but at an early 
age emigrated to Virginia, where he continued to reside, and 
became a practising physician. 



HUGH MERCER. 218 

General Wilkinson relates the following interesting incidents 
in his life: — 

*^ He served in the cannpaijjn of 1755, with Gen, Braddock, 
and wa? wounded throns;h the shoulder in the unfortunate 
acMon near Fort Du Quesne: unable to retreat, he lay down 
underthecoverofalargefallen tree, andin the pursuit,an Indiarj 
"leaped upon his cov'ert immediately over him, and after looking 
about a few seconds for the direction of the fugitives, he sprang 
off without observing the wounded man who lay at his feet. 
So soon as the Indians had killed the wounded, scalped the 
dead, rifled the basjgage, and cleared the field, the unfortunate 
Mercer, findini; himself exceedingly faint and thirstv, from losa 
of blood, crawled to an adjacent brook, and a^ter drinking plen- 
tifully, found himself so much refreshed, that he was able to 
walk, and commenced his return by the road the army had 
advanced; but being: without, subsistence, and more than a 
bundled miles from any Christian settlement, he expected to 
die of famine, when he observed a rattle snake on his path, 
which he killed and contrived to skin, and throwing it over his 
sound shoulder, he subsisted on it as the claims of nature urged, 
until he reached Fort Cumberland on the Potomac." 

Gen. Mercer, at the commencement of the revolution, hear* 
tily engaged in the cause of American liberty. He was one 
of those gallant spirits who adhered to the American cause "in 
times that tried men's souls," and bravely supported the com^ 
mander-in-chief in his disastrous retreat through the Jerseys. 

He was present at the battle of Princeton, where he greatly 
distinguished himself and was mortally wounded. 

" On the night of the 1st of January, Gen. Mercer, Col. C. 
Biddle, and Dr. Cochran spent the evening with General St 
Clair. Fatigued with the duties of the day, I had lain down 
in the same apartment, and my attention was attracted by the 
turn of their conversation, on the recent promotion of Captain 
William Washington, from a regiment of infantry to a majority 
of cavalry. General Mercer expressed his disapprobation of the 
measure; at which the gentlemen appeared surprised, as it was 
the reward of acknowledged gallantry; and Mercer, in expla- 



214 HUGH MERCER. 



1 



nation observed: "We are not engaged in a war of anf^bitioix. 
If it had been so, I should never have accepted a commission 
■under a man who had not seen a day's service, (alluding to the 
great orator, and distinguished patriot, Patrick Henry;) we 
serve not for ourselves, but for our country, and every nnan 
should be content to fill the place in which he can be most use- 
ful. I know Washington to be a good captain of infantry, but 
I know not what sort of a major of horse he may make ; and } 
have seen good captains make indifferent majors; for my own 
part my views in this contest are confined to a single object, that 
is, the success of the cause ; and God can witness how cheerfully 
I would lay down my life to secure it." 

"In Gen. Mercer we lost a chief, who for education, experi- 
ence, talents, disposition, integrity, and patriotism, was second 
to no man but the commander-in-chief, and was qualified to fill 
the highest trusts of the country. The manner in which he 
was wounded, is an evidence of the excess to which the common 
soldiery are liable in the beat of action, particularly when irri- 
tated by the loss of favorite officers. Being obstructed when ad- 
vancing by a post and rail fence in front of the orchard, it may 
be presumed the general dismounted voluntarily, for he was on 
foot when the troops gave way; in exerting himself to rally them 
he was thrown into the rear,^and perceiving be could not 
escape, he turned and surrendered, but was instantly knocked 
down, and bayoneted thirteen times, when feigning to be dead, 
one of his murderers exclaimed, "Damn him, he is dead, let us 
leave him." After the retreat of the enemy, he was conveyed 
to the house of Thomas Clark, to whom he gave this account,, 
and languished until the 12th, when he expired."* 

* Wilkinson's Memoirs. 



( ^13 ) 

DANIEL MOllGAN, 

Brigadier-General in the American Army. 

General Morgan was the creator of his own fortune. Born 
of poor, though honest parents, he enjojed none of the advan- 
tages which result from wealth and early education. But his 
was a spirit that would not tamely yield to difficulties. 

" He was born in New-Jersey, where, from his poverty and 
low condition, he had been a day-laborer. To early educa- 
tion and breeding, therefore, he owed nothing. But for this de- 
ficiency, his native sagacity and sound judgment, and his inter- 
course with the best society, made much amends in after life. 

Enterprising in his disposition, even now he removed to Vir- 
ginia, in 1755, with a hope and expectation of improving his 
fortune. Here he continued, at first, his original business of 
day^labor; but exchanged it afterward, for the employment of 
a wagoner. 

His military novitiate bfe served in the campaign under the 
unfortunate Braddock. The rank he bore is not precisely 
knowti. It must, however, have been humble; for, in conse- 
quence of imputed contumely towards a British officer, he was 
brought to the halbevt, and received the inhuman punishment 
of five bundled lashes; or, according to his own statement, of 
four hundred and ninety-nine; for he always asserted that the 
drummer charged with the execution of the sentence, miscoun- 
ted, and jocularly added, that " George the Third was still in- 
debted to him one lash." To the honor of Morgan, he never 
practically remembered this savage treatment duiing the revo- 
lutionary war. Towards the British oflicers whom the fortune 
of battle placed within his power, his conduct was humane, 
mild, and gentlemanly. 

After his return from this campaign, so inordinately was he 
addicted to quarrels and boxing matches,, that the village of 
Berrystown, in the county of Frederick, which constituted the 
chief theatre of his pugilistic exploits, received, from this cir- 
cumstance, the name of Battletown. 



216 DANIEL MORGAN. 

In these combats, although frequently overrraM-ied in per- 
sonal strength, he manifested the same unyielding spirit which 
characterised him afterward in his military career. When 
worsted by his antagonist, he would pau^e, for a time, to recruit 
his strength, and then return to the contest, again and again, 
until he rarely failed to prove victorious. 

Equally marked was his invincibility of spirit in maturer 
age, when raised, by fortune and his own merit, to a higher and 
more honorable tield of action. Defeat in battle he rarely ex>= 
perienced; but when he did, his retreat was sullen^ stern, and 
dangerous. 

The commencement of the American revolution found Mr» 
Morgan married and cultivating a farm, which, by industry and 
economy, he had been able to purchase, in the county of Fied- 
erick. 

Placed at the head of a rifle company raised in his neigh- 
borhood, i n 1776, he marched immediately to the American 
head-quarters, in Cambridge, near Boston. 

By order of the commander-in-chief, he soon afterward join- 
ed in the expedition against Quebec, and was made prisoner in 
the attempt on that fortress, where Arnold was wounded and 
Montgomery fell. 

During the assault, his daring valor and persevering gallant- 
ry attracted the notice and admiration of the enemy. 

The assailing column to which he belonged was led by Maj. 
Arnold. When that ofiicer was wounded and carried from the 
p-round, Morgan threw himself into the lead; and, rushing for^ 
ward, passed the first and second barriers. For a moment, vie 
tory appeared certain. But the fall of Montgomery closing the 
prospect, the assailants were repulsed, and the enterprise aban- 
doned. During his captivity, Capt. Morgan was treated with 
great kindness, and not a little distinction. He was repeatedly 
visited in confinement by a British officer of rank, who at 
Length made an attempt on his patriotism and virtue, by offer- 
ing him the commission and emoluments of colonel in the Brit- 
ish army, on condition that he would desert the American, and 
join the royal standard. 



DANIEL MORGAN . 21 7 

Morgan rejected the proposal with scorn; and requested the 
iourtly and corrupt negotiator, "never a^ain to insult him in 
his misfortunes, by an offer which plainly implied that he thought 
him a villain," The officer withdrev^^, and did not again recur 
to the subject. 

On being exchanged, Morgan immediately rejoined the Amer- 
ican army, and received, by the recommendiition of Gen. Wash- 
ington, the command of a regiment. 

In the year 1777, he was placed at the head of a select rifle 
torps, with which, in various instances, he acted on the enemy 
with terrible effect. His troops were considered the most dan- 
gerous in the American service. To confront them, in the field, 
was almost certain death to the British officers. 

On the occasion of the capture of Burgoyne, the exertions 
and services of Col. Morgan, and his riflemen, were beyond all 
praise. Much of "the glory of the achievement belonged to 
them. Yet so gross was the injustice of Gen. Gates, that he 
did not even mention them in his official despatches. His rea- 
son for this was secret and dishonorable. Shortly after the sur- 
render of Burgoyne, Gen. Gates took occasion to 4iold with 
Morgan, a private conversation. In the course of this, he told 
him, confidentially, that the main army was exceedingly dissat- 
isfied with the conduciof Gen. Washington; that the reputation 
of the commander-in-chief was rapidly declining; and that sev- 
eral officers of great worth threatened to resign, unless a change 
were produced in that department. 

Col. Morgan, fathoming in an instant, the views of his com- 
manding officer, sternly, and with honest indignation, replied, 
" Sir, I have one favor to ask. Never again mention to me 
this hated subject; under no other man but Gen. Washington, 
as commander-in-chief, will I ever serve." 

From that moment ceased the intimacy that had previously 
subsisted between him and Gen. Gates. 

A few days afterward, the General gave a dinner to the prin- 
cipal officers of the British, and some of those of the American 
army. Morgan was not invited. In the course of tbe evening, 
that ©fficer found it necessary to call on Gen. Gates, on official 

28 



218 



DANIEL MORGAN. 



business. Being introduced into the dining room, lie spoke to 
tlie General, received his orders, and immediately withdrew, his 
name unannounced. Perceiving, from his dress, that he was of 
h*igh rank, th« British oflicers inquired his name. Being told 
that it was Col. Morgan, commanding tire rifle corps, they rose 
from th« table, followed himiiito the yaid, and introduced them- 
selves to him, with many complimentary and flattering expres- 
siofi^, declaring that, on the day of action, they had very severe- 
ly fell him in the lieM. 

In 1780, having obtained leave of absence from the army, on. 
account of the shatt<>red condition of his health, he retired to 
his estate, in the county of Frederick; and remained there until 
the appointment of Gen. Gates to the command of the southern 
army. 

Being waited on by tiie latter, and requested to accompany 
him, he reminded him, in expressions marked by resentment, of 
the unworthy treatment he had formerly experienced from him, 
in return for the important services, whicii he did not hesitate 
to assert, he had rendered him in his operations against the ar- 
my of General Burgoyne. 

Having received no acknowledgment, nor even civility, for 
aiding to decorate him with laurels in the north, he frankly de- 
clared, that there were no considerations, except of a public 
nature, that could induce him to co-operate in his campaigns to 
the south. " Motives of public good might influence him; be- 
cause his country had a claim on him, in any quarter, where he 
could promote her interest; but personal attachment must not 
be expected to exist, where he had experienced nothing but ne- 
glect and injustice." 

The two officers parted, mutually dissatisfied: the one on ac ■ 
count of past treatnflent, the other on the recent interview. 

In the course of a few weeks afterward, congress having pro- 
moted Col. Morgan to the rank of brigadier-general, by brevet, 
with a view to avail themselves of his services in the south, he 
proceeded without delay to join the army of Gen. Gates. But 
he was prevented from serving any length of time under that 
ofliccr, by his defeat near Camden, before his arrival; and his 



DANIEL MORGAN. ^^ 

ibeiiig soon afterward superseded in command bj Gen. Greene.* 
Soon .liter taiiing commaod of the soutnern army, General 
Greene despatched Gen.. Morgan witl; four hundred continen- 
tals, under Col. Howard, Col. Wasiiingion's corps of dragoons-, 
and a few militia, amounting in all to about six hundred, to take 
position on the left of the British army, then lying at VVinnsbo- 
rougii^ under Lord Cornwalhs, while he took post about seventy 
miles to the right. This judicious disposition excited his JLord- 
ship's apprehensions for the safety of Ninety-six, and Augusta, 
British pos's, which he considered as menaced by the move- 
ments of Morgan. , 

Col. Tarleton, with a strong detachment, amounting in horse 
and foot to iieai a thousand men, was immediately despatched by 
Coriiwallis to the protection of Ninei)-six, with orders to bring 
Gen. Morgan, if possible, to battle. To the ardent temper and 
chivalrous disposition of the British colonel, this direction wag 
perfectly congenial. Greatly superior in numbers, he advanced 
on Morgan with a menacing aspect, and compelled him, at first, 
to fall back rapidly. But the retreat of the American com- 
mander was not long continued. Irritated by parsuit, re-enforced 
by a body of militia, and reposing great confidence in the spirit 
and firmness of his regular troops, be halted at tlie Cowpens, 
and determined to gratify his adversary, in his eagerness for 
combat. This was on the night of the sixteenth of January, 
1781. Early in the morning of the succeeding day, Tarleton 
being apprised of the situation of Morgan, pressed towards hiflfr 
with a redoubled rapidity, lest, by renewing his retreat, he 
should again elude him. 

But Morgan now had other thoughts than those of flight. 
Already had he, for several days, been at war with himself in 
relation to his conduct. Glorying in action, his spirit recoiled 
from the humiliation of retreat, and his resentment was roused 
by the insolence of pursuit. This mental conflict becoming 
more intolerable to him than disaster or death, his courage tri- 
umphed perhaps over his prudence, and he resolved on putting 
every thing to the hazard of the sword.. 

* Life of Greeng. 



^ DANIEL MORGAN, 

By military men, who have studied the subject, his dispositioi? 
for battle is said to have been masterly. Two light parties of 
militia were advanced in front, with orders to feel the enemy 
as they approached ; and, picserving a desultory, well-aimed fire, 
as they fell back to the front line, to range with it and renew 
the conflict. The main body of the militia composed this line, 
with Gen, Pickens at its head. At a suitable distance in til* 
iS^;ar of the tirst line, a second was stationed composed of the 
continental infantry, and two companies of Virginia militia, 
commanded by Col. Howard, Washington's cavalry, re-enforced 
with a company of mounted militia, armed with sabres,, was 
held in reserve. 

Posting himself then,. in the line of the regulars, he waited 
in silence the advance of the enemy. 

Tarlcton coming in sight, hastily formed his disposition for 
battle, and commenced the assault. Of this conflict, the fol- 
lowing picture is from the pen of Gen. Lee: — 

"The Annerican light parties quickly yielded, fell back, and 
arrayed with Pickens. The enemy shouting, rushed forward 
upon the front line, which retained its station, and poured in a 
close fire; but continuing to advance with the b^iyonet on our 
militia, they retired, and gained, with haste, the second line. 
Here, with part of the corps, Pickens took post on Howard's, 
right, and the rest fled to their horses, probably with orders to. 
remove them to a further distance. Tarleton pushed forward, 
ajQd was received by his adversary with unshaken firmness. 
The contest became obstinate; and each party, animated by 
the example of its leader, nobly contended for victory. Our 
line maintained itself so firmly, as to oblige the enemy to order 
up his reserve. The advance of M'Arthur reanimated the 
British line, which again moved forward, and, outstretching 
our front, endangered Colonel Howard's right. This ofiicer 
instantly took measures to defend his flank, by directing his 
right company to change its front; but, mistaking this order, 
the company fell back; upon which the line began to retire^ and 
General Morgan directed it to retreat to the cavalry. This 
manoeuvre being performed with precision, our flank became 



DANIEL MORGAN. 221 

relieved, and the new poeition was assumed with promptitude. 
Considering this retrograde movement the precurser of flight, 
the British hne rushed on with impetuosity and disorder; but as 
it drew near, Howard faced about, and gave it a close and mur- 
derous fire. Stunned by this unexpected shock, the most ad- 
vanced of the enemy recoiled in confusion. Howard seized the 
happy moment, and followed his advantage with the bayonet. 
This decisive step gave us the day:. The res-erve having been 
brought near the line, shared the destruction of our fire, and 
presented no rallying point to the fugitives. A part of the ene- 
my's cavalry having gained our rear, fell on that portion of the 
militia who had retired to their horses. Washington struck at 
them with his dragoons, and drove them before him. Thus, by 
a simultaneous effort, tlxe infantry and cavalry of the enemy 
were routed. Morgan pressed home his success, and the pursuit 
became vigorous and general." 

"In this decisive battle we lost about seventy men, of whom 
twelve only were killed. The British infantry, with the excep- 
tion of the baggage guard, were nearly all killed or taken. 
One hundred, including ten olhcers, were killed; twenty-three 
officers and five hundred privates were taken. The artillery, 
eight hundred muskets, two standards, thirty-five baggage wag- 
ons, and one hundred dragoon horses, fell into our possession." 

In this battle, so glorious to the American arms, Taileton bad 
every advantage, in point of ground, cavalry, and numbers, 
aided by two pieces of artillery. 

Soon after this brilliant exploit, frequent attacks of Rheuma- 
tism compelled General Morgan to retire from the army, and he 
returned to his seat in Frederick, Virginia, where he continued 
in retirement, until the insurrection in the western part of 
Pennsylvania, in 1794, when he was detached by the excecutive 
of Virginia, at the head of the miUtia quota of that state, to 
suppress it. This done, he returned into the bosom of his 
family, where he remained until death closed his earthly career, 
in 1799. 

"•There existed in the character of Gen. Morgan a singular 
contradction, which is worthy of notice. 



*222 



THOMAS Mli'FLlN. 



Althougl) in battle, no man Avas ever more prodigal of the 
exposure of his person to clanger, or manifested a more dehbe- 
laie disregard of death, yet, so strong was his love of life, at 
other limes, that he has been frequently heard to declare, " he 
would agree to pass half his time as a galiey-slave, rather than 
quit (his world for another." 

The following outline of his person and character is from the 
pen of a military friend, who knew him intimately. 

" Brigadier-General Morgan was stout and active, six feet in 
heiebt, strong, not too much encumbered with flesh, and was 
exactly fitted for the toils and pomp of war. His mind was 
discriminating and solid, but not comprehensive and combining. 
His manners plain and decorous, neitherlnsinuating nor rtpui- 
sive. His conversation grave, sententious, and considerate, 
unadorn-ed and uncaptivating. He reflected deeply, »poke little, 
and executed, with keen perseverence, whatever he undertook. 
He was indulgent in his military command, preferring always 
the affections of his troops, to that dread and awe which sur- 
round the dis£iplinarian." 

A considerable time before his death, when the pressure of 
inhrmity began to be heavy, he becanrie seriousl) concerned 
about his future welfare. From that period, hi« chief solaca 
lay in the study of the Scriptur.es, and' in devotional exercises ^ 
He died in the belief of the truths of Christianity, and in fulj 
communion with the Presbyterian Church."* 



THOMAS jlIiFFLIN, 

Major-Genera 1 in the American Army. 

<•' Thomas Mifflin, a major-general in the American army 
during the revolutionary war, and governor of Pennsylvania, 
was born in the year 1 744, of parents who were Quakers. His 
education vi^as intrusted to the care of the Rev. Dr. Smith, with 
whom he was concerned in habits of cordial intimacy and friend- 



* Life of Greene. 



THOMAS 3IIFFL1N. 2^3 

sliip, for more than forty years. Active and zealous, he en- 
gaged earl} in opposition to the nneasures of the British parlia- 
ment. He was a member of the first congress in 1774. He 
took arms and was among the first oflicers commissioned on the 
organizalion of the continental army, being appointed quarter- 
master-general in August, 1765. For this offence he was read 
out of the society of Quakers. In 1777, he was very useful in 
animating the militia, and enkindling the spirit, wliich seemed, 
to have been damped. His sanguine disposition and his activi- 
ty, rendered him insensible to the value of that coolness and 
caution, which were essential to the preservation of such an 
army, as was then under the command of General Washington. 
In 1787, he was a member ofthe convention, which framed the 
Constitution ofthe United States, and his name is aflixed to that 
instrument. In October, 1788, he succeeded Franldin as presi- 
dent of the supreme executive council of Pennsylvania, in which 
station he continued till October, 1790. In September ,a con- 
stitution for this state was formed by a convention, in which 
he presided, and he was chosen the first governor. In 1794 
during the insurrection in Pennsylvania, he employed, to the 
advantage of his country, the extraordinary powers of elocution, 
with which he was endowed. The imperfection of the militia 
laws was compensated by his eloquence. He ma<le a circuit 
through the lower counties, and at different places, publicly 
addressed the militia on the ciisis in the aifairs of their country, 
and through his animating exhortations, the state furnished the 
quota required. He was succeeded in the office of governor by 
Mr. M'Kean, at the close of the year 1799, and he died at 
Lancaster, January 20, 1300, in tjie 57th year of his age. He 
was an active and zealous patriot, who had devoted much of 
his life to the public service."* 

* American Biographical Dictionary. 



■^ \.Kf-7y'.. 



C224> 



RICHARD MONTGOMERY. 

Major-Getieral in the Alneric.in Army. 

Gen. Montgo3iery, whose premature death under the walls 
of Quebec, robbed the American army of one of its brightest 
ornaments, was born in the north of Ireland, in the year 1737. 

He possessed an excellent genius, which was matured by a 
fine education. Entering the army of Great Britain, he success* 
fully fought her battles with Wolfe, at Quebec, in 1759, and on 
the very spot where he was doomed to fall, when fighting against 
hej-, under the banners of freedom. After his return to England, 
he quitted his regiment in 177i^, though in a fair way to 
preferment. 

He had imbibed a strong attachment to America, and viewing 
it as the rising seat of science and freedom, resolved upon 
transferring to her his allegiance. After his arrival in this 
country, he purchased an estate in New-York, about one hundred 
miles from the city, and married a daughter of Judge Livingston, 
He*riow considered himself as an American. 

Connected with one of the first families in New- York, happy 
in the highest enjoyment of domestic felicity, he was led by 
principle to quit the occupations of rural life; and, animated 
with an ardent zeal for the cause of human nature, the liberties 
of mankind, and the glory of America, both his active life, and 
his heroic death, verified his last expression to his amiable lady — 
'' You shall never blush for yimr, Montgomery..'''' 

At the commencement of the struggle with Great Britain, 
the command of the continental forces in the northern depart- 
ment was entrusted to him and General Schuyler, in the fall 
of 1775. 

" While the British army was cooped up in Boston, without 
the power of much annoyance to the surrounding country, the 
congress conceived the design of sending a force into Canada, 
for the purpose of putting a stop to the preparations which it 



RieilARD MONTGOMERY. 223 

was known that Gen. Carleton, the governor of that province 
was ntiaking, for aiding his majesty's forces on^ this side of the 
Lakes. For this purpose, Generals Schuyler and Montgomery 
with two regiments oi New- York militia, and a body of New- 
Englandmen, amounting in the whole to about two thousand 
men were ordered to move toward Ticonderoga, which had 
remained in possession of the Americans, since the expedition 
of Colonels Arnold and Allen. Gen. Schuyler being detained 
at Albany, Montgomery proceeded alone to Crown Point, where 
he received intelligence that several armed vessels, which lay at 
the Fort of St. John's were preparing to enter the Lake Cham- 
plain, for the purpose of impeding the passage of his troops. 
This determined him, though not more than half of his troops 
had arrived, to cross over to the Isle aux JVoz'x, at the entrance 
of the Sorel, and thus blockade the vessels which lay in 
that river. He had scarcely succeeded in this design, before 
he was joined by Gen. Schuyler; and it was determiiied, after 
publishing a declaration to the Canadians, setting forth their 
friendly intentions toward them, to proceed immediately against 
the Fort of St. John's. With this view, they proceeded with 
their batteaux for a few miles down the Sorel, and landed on 
a swampy ground, through which with great difficulty they 
marched to within twu miles of the fort. Here they were sud- 
denly attacked by a party of Indians, which, after a smart skir- 
mish, they dispersed with a trifling loss, and continued their 
march; but upon coming within view of the fort, and seeing its 
strength. Gen. Schuyler, whose force did not amount to a 
thousand men, thought it prudent to return to the Isle aux Noix, 
without attempting its reduction. The General, being then 
obliged to return to Albany, to settle a treaty with the Indians, 
left the command solely to Montgomery; and never was there 
a general better qualitied for the duties which now devolved 
upon him. It was absolutely necessary, before he could go 
against Montreal, that the Fort of St. John's should be reduced. 
It was well provided, and strongly garrisoned. 

The supply of ammunition with which Gen. Montgomery vva3 
provided, was much too small to render an immediate siege of 

2 it 



^220 RICHARD MONTGOMERY. 

St. John-s prudent; aud he would probably have been compelled 
to remain inactive until too late in the season to effect his 
object, but for the information of some Canadians, that the little 
for(ress= of Chnmblee, which was but feeblj garrisoned, contained 
a good store of that article. He accordingly made himself 
master of that place, and to his great satisfaction found one 
hundred and twenty barrels of powder, besides a large quantity 
of other mihtary stores and provisions. The expedition against 
this fortress was conducted by Majors Brown and Livingston. 
They found here the standard of the 7th regiment, which was 
immediately sent to the Congress. 

Gen. Montgomery being thus enabled to carry on the siege 
of St. John's, proceeded to erect his works, and to prepare for a 
general assault. Gen. Carleton, in the mean time, hearing of 
the situation of St. Johns, prepared to raise a force for its relief. 
He had posted Col. M'Lean, with a regiment of Scotch emi- 
grants, at the mouth of the Sorel; and having raised about a 
thousand men at Montreal, he attempted to cross at Longueil 
for the purpose of forming a conjunction, and marching for the 
relief of St. John^s. But Col. Ward, who was stationed at 
Longueil, with three hundred Green Mountain Boys, and a 
small piece of artillery, kepi up so warm a fire upon their boats, 
that the general was glad to return to Montreal. 

When the news of this repulse reached Montgomery, he sent 
a flag to Major Preston, who commanded the besieged fortress, 
summoning him to surrender, as all hope of lelief was cut off" 
by Carleton's repulse, and a further resistance could only lead 
to an useless waste of lives. Major Preston solicited a few 
days to consider this proposal, being still impressed with the 
"hope that Gen. Carleton might be able to come to his assistance: 
but upon his request being refused, he accepted the honorable 
terms of capitulation which Gen. Montgomery offered to him, 
and surrendered his garrison prisoners of war. The British 
officers spoke highly of the polite regard and attention shown 
to them by Montgomery, who permitted them to wear their 
gvvords, and to take otf all their baggage and oirecls. The fort 
surrendered on the 3d of November."* 

* Allen's Revolution. 



RICHARD MONTGOMERY. 227 

On the 12th he took Montreal, the British General Carleton 
having abandoned the town to its fate and made his escape 
down the river, in the night, in a small canoe with muffled oars. 
Montgomery thus obtained possession of all the naval force of 
the river, consisting of eleven armed vessels. 

« Many circumstances combined to render the situation of Gen. 
Montgomery, though a conqueror, extremely unpleasant. The 
season was far advanced, and the severity of the climate in- 
duced many of his men to desert — the^time for which many others 
were enlisted was about to expire; and few were willing to 
encounter the hardships of a long march through the deep 
snows of December. Nothing but personal attachment to the 
noble character of their commader could have kept a single 
regiment together. After new clothing all his men at Montreal 
and rendering them in other respects as comfortable as the 
magazines there would admit of; and having taken the necessary 
measures to ensure a supply of provisions on the march, the 
general pushed on through every difficulty, and joined Arnold, 
who had marched through the wilderness, and arrived before 
Quebec a short time previous, on the first of December. His 
appearance was a source of great joy to the Colonel's troops, 
as he had not forgotten to bring with him a store of such supplies 
as he knew them to want. 

Montgomery lost no time after his arrival in preparing for an 
immediate attack. The whole of his force did not amount to 
more than the troops of the garrison; but he attempted by 
assuming an appearance of greater strength to weaken the 
confidence of the latter, and thereby accomplish his object 
without bloodshed. For this purpose, on the 5th of December, 
he addressed a letter to the governor, in which he urged him 
by every argument calculated to produce an effect upon his 
humanity or his fears, to spare his garrison the dreadful conse- 
quences of a storm by an immediate surrender. Gen. Carleton, 
however, was too old a soldier to be deceived by appearances — 
he knew the difficulties under which Montgomery labored, and 
was convinced that if his garrison could hold out for a few days, 
the climate would compel the provincials to abandon the siege^ 



228 



RICHARD MONTGOMERY. 



Montfjomery's messenger was lired at, and all communicafiotr 
forbidden. In this situation General Montgomery commenced a 
bombardment from five small mortars, which he kept up for 
several days, with the hope of throwing the garrison into con- 
fusion. But it seemed to produce no effect. A battery of six 
ffuns was next opened upon them at the distance of seven hun 
dred yards, with no better success. The garrison remained 
insensible to any impressions of alarm. 

Gen. Montgomery now found himself under circumstances 
much more delicate and embarrassing, than those which had, 
sixteen years before, environed the hero Wolfe at the same spot. 
Several feet of snow covered the ground — his troops had under- 
gone every hardship that it was possible to suffer, and it seemed 
now almost impossible tbr human nature to endure more. He 
had arrived before Quebec a conqueror, his fame had reached 
his countrymen and his commander at Cambridge, and they 
would expect a continuance of success. He remembered more- 
over his parting words to the beloved partner of his bosom : " you 
shall never blush for your Montgomery,'^ he had said, when he 
gave her the last enibrace. While these feelings and recollec- 
tions were alternately elevating and depressing his noble spirit, 
he made a desperate resolution to attempt the enemy's works by 
escalade. And such was the skill with which his plan had been 
formed, that no doubt can remain, (liat he would ultimately have 
succeeded, had not his whole scheme been communicated to the 
garrison by some scoundrels who jjeserted him at this critical 
moment. 

MDnlgomery soori perceived that tl)e garrison were prepared ^ 
and it became necessary to change his whole plan of operations. 
Having disposed his army into four divisions, two of which he 
intended should make feigned attacks, while Arnold and himself, 
should be engaged in two real attacks upon two opposite sides, 
before daylight on the 31st of December, in a thick fall of snow, 
Montgomery advanced at the head of the New-Yorkers. Here 
again, his fate resembled Wolfe's, for before he could reach the 
place from whence he intended to commence the attack, the sig- 
nal had been given through mistake, and the whole garrison were 



RICHARD MONTGOMERY. 229 

alarmed. It was too late now to make another change in the 
plan of attack, and Montgomery pushed on — he was compelled 
to advance through a narrow path between a precipice and over- 
hanging rocks — he had seized and passed the hrst barrier, and 
was boldly advancing toward the second, with a few of his bravest 
companions, when a discharge of grape shot from the cannon that 
were placed there, stopped the progress of this bravd^ and excel- 
lent officer, and destroyed the hopes of the enterprise. Upon, 
the fall of the general, the officer upon whom the command of his 
party devolved, retired without making any attempt to pursue the 
advantages already gained. Some of his bravest officers had 
shared the glorious destiny of Montgomery, or Quebec must have 
fallen to the united efforts of this party and that under Arnold."* 

In accordance with the concerted plan, "Arnold advanced with 
the utmost intrepidity against the battery in the other quarter of 
the city. The alarm was immediately given, and the fire on his 
flank commenced, which, however, did not prove very destruc- 
tive. As he approached the barrier he received a musket-ball 
in his leg, which shattered the bone, and was carried of the 
field to the hospital. Morgan rushed forward to the battery at 
the head of his company, and received from one of the pieces, 
almost at its mouth, a discharge of grape shot which killed only 
one man. A few rifles were immediately fired into the embra- 
sures, by which a British soldier was wounded in the head, and 
the barricade being instantly mounted with the aid of ladders^ 
brought by his men on their shoulders, the battery was deserted 
without discharging the other gun. The captain of the guard 
with the greater number of his men, fell into the hands of the 
Americans, and the others made their escape. 

Morgan formed the troops, consisting of his own company, 
and a few bold individuals who had pressed forward from other 
parts of the division, in (he streets within the barrier, and took 
into custody several English and Canadian burghers; but his 
situation soon became extremely critical. He was not followed 
by the main body of the division; he had no guide, and was 

• Allen's Revolution. 



230 IRICHARD MONTGOMERY. 

himself, totally ignorant of the situation of the town. It was 
yet dark; and he had not the slightest knowledge of the course 
to be pursued, or of the defences to be encountered. Thus 
circumstanced, it was thought unadvisable to advance further. 

As the glow, produced by immense exertion, gave way to the 
cold, which was so intense that they were covered with icicles, 
and as the ardor, excited by action, subsided, when they were 
no longer engaged, even this daring party became less animated. 
Whilst waiting in total ignorance of the fate of the residue of J 
the division, the darkness of Ihe night, the fury of the stormJ 
the scattering fire still kept up by the enemy, principally in their 
rear, the paucity of their numbers, and the uncertainty con^ 
cerning their future operations, visibly affected them. It was, 
after some deliberation, determined to maintain their ground,, 
-while Morgan should return to the barrier they had passed, fori 
the purpose of bringing up the troops who were supposed to be 
still on the other side of it. 

They were soon joined by lieutenant-colonel Greene, and 
Majors Bigelow and Meigs, with several fragments of compa- 
nies, so as to constitute, altogether, about two hundred men. 

As the light of day began to appear, this small but gallant 
party was again formed, with Morgan's company in front; and 
with one voice they loudly called on him to lead them against 
the second barrier, which was now known to be less than forty 
paces from them, though concealed by an angle of the street 
from their immediate view. Seizing the (ew ladders brought 
with them, they again rushed on to the charge, and on turning 
the angle, were hailed by captain, or lieutenant Anderson, who 
was just issuing with a body of troops through the gate of .the 
barricade for the purpose of attacking the Americans, whom 
he had expected to find dispersed, and probably plundering the 
town. Morgan, who was in the front, answered his challenge by 
a ball through his head, and as he fell, he was drawn within the 
barricade, and the gate closed upon the assailants, who received 
at the same instant a tremendious fire from the windows overlook- 
ing the barrier, and from the port-holes through it. Ladders 
were immediately placed against the barricade, and for some 



RICHARD MONTGOMERY. ^iSj 

time a fierce contest was mfuntained, which, on the part of the 
assailants, was also a bloody one. A few of the bolder, among 
the front tiles, ascended the ladders un.^er this deadly fire; and 
saw on the other side of the barricade double ranks of soldiers, 
who, with their muskets planted on the ground, presented 
hedges of bayonets to receive them if they should attempt to 
lean to the earth. Exposed thus in a narrow street, to a most 
galling fire, many of the assailants threw themselves into the 
stone-houses on each side, which afforded them a shelter both 
from the storm, and from the enemy; and through the windows 
of' which they kept up an irregular and not very effective fire. 
One circumstance which greatly contributed to the irresolution 
now displaying itself, was that scarcely more than one in ten of 
their fire-arms could be used. Notwithstanding the precaution 
of tying handkerchiefs around the locks, the violence of the 
stdrm had totally unfitted them for service. Morgan soon found 
him^'ir at the barrier with only a (cw officers and a small num- 
ber of soldiers. Yet he could not prevail on himself to relin- 
quish the enterprise. With a voice louder than the tempest, 
he called on those who were sheltered in the houses, to come 
forth and scale the barrier; but he called in vain; neither exhor- 
tations noi reproaches could draw them in sufficient numbers 
to the point of attack. Being at length compelled to relinquish 
all hope of success, he ordered the few brave men who still ad- 
hered to him, to save themselves in the houses, while he, accom- 
panied only by Lieut. Heth, returned towards the first barrier, 
in order to concert with the field officers some plan for drawing 
off the troops. He soon met Majors Bigelow and Meiggs, to 
whom he proposed an immediate retreat by the same route 
along which they had marched to the attack. This proposition 
was assented to, and Lieut, Heth was despatched to drav/ the 
troops from their present situation."* 

' " In Montgomery, the Americans lost one of the bravest and 
most accomplished generals that ever led an army to the field. 
But he was not more illustrious for his skill and courage as an 
officer than he was estimable for his private virtues. He pos- 

* Marshall's Washington, 



*# 

m^ 



232 RICHARD MONTGOMERY. 

sessed a mind adorned with every accomplishment, and a per- 
6on in which every manly grace shone with conspicuous lustre. 
His was 

« A combination and a form indeed, 
Where everj' God did seem to set his seal, 
To give the world assurance of a man." 

Gen. Montgomery had borne the commission of a colonel in 
the war of 1759, and was lighting by the side of Wolle, when 
that Spartan hero fell. His bravery and his worth were then 
acknowledged by the British army, and they were proud to 
regard him as a friend and brother; but notwithstanding the 
many professions of attachment and esteem for his character, 
his body would have been thrown with the heap of slain, un- 
coffined and unmarked, into the same indiscriminate pit, but for 
the lieutenant-governor; who, urged by the solicitations of the 
lady whom he afterward married, reluctantly procured a coffin 
of the roughest sort, and thus apart from the rest, buried his 
former friend and companion in arms. — From this spot, after 
mouldering in the grave for more than forty-two years, the bones 
of this gallant soldier were removed by his fellow-citizens of 
New-York, and deposited in a tomb more worthy of him. 

The resemblance in the character, conduct, and destiny of 
Wolfe and Montgomery, is too striking to be passed over without 
a remark. Montgomery had been in some measure the pupil of 
Wolfe; under his guidance he had learnt the first rudiments of 
war; and in his career of glory, he saw an example worthy of 
imitation. We have seen the difficulties under which Wolfe 
had to struggle, and we h;ive seen the noble daring which led 
him, perhaps against the suggestions of prudence, to attempt ta 
surmount them. He lived, as he expressed himself, but to 
fight Montcalm on equal ground — this accomplished, he had 
consummated the only object of his existence, and died ^'cori' 
tent.'''' Wolfe was fighting for his king, under the orders of his 
ministry, and here lies the striking difference in the lives and 
fortunes of these heroes. Montgomery entered on the expedi- 
tion with the name of rebel. He ventured liis fame, his charac- 
ter, his life, in the service of revolted colonies — but it was t© 



RICIIATID MONTGOMERY. 533 

secure to these colonies the enjoyment of liberty under the 
iMghts of the constitution. For this he sacrificed the tender 
endearments of conjiij^al felicity, and, at the head of an undis- 
ciplined body of men, placed himself in opposition to a veteran 
general. The skill which he displayed was equal to the forti- 
tude which such an enterprise demanded. He had not only to 
contend against a formidable enemy, but against the severities 
of a climate to which none of his men were accustomed. His 
havinjj in one night constructed a battery of ice, will at once 
show his military skill and industry, and the intense coldness of 
the climate. With a discontented, starvintj, and mutinous ar- 
my, he pushed boldly forward in search of that victory which 
had cheered the parting^ moments of Wolfe. But destiny had 
marked a diflferent course for him; death arrested his steps (00 
soon. He was cut off in the onset, and none Was left to follow 
the plan which he had marked out; his last sigh was embittered 
by anticipated defeat- 

Victory biings Its own lUstre; and when she entwines her 
garlands around the head of an insensate corpse, they seem, 
from that single circumstance, to display a lovelier verdure; 
death gives a more touching interest, a deeper pathos to (he 
fate of the hero; the million will admire, and posterity will al- 
ways applaud. But how does the tragedy deepen when the he- 
ro expires on the (ield of battle, surrounded not by the beams of 
victory, but by the darkness of defeat. Pie sees nothing to 
cheer his parting moments — notlung in anticipation but public 
obloquy, and that reproach which seems inseparable from want 
of success. This reproach and this obloquy did pursue the 
shade of Montgomery, his heroism was stigmatised with the 
character of rashness — of insanity. But let it be remembered, 
that nothing but tjie difference of a (aw hours in the term of his 
life prevented that victory which consecrated the same rashnesg 
m Wolfe, and impressed upon it the character of glory. 

The turn of a die decides the fate of an army; and the same 
thing is desperation in one, or the highest effort of military skill 
in another, according as defeat or success shall attend the en- 
terprise. Postecily, that looks at the records of history unbiassed, 

30 



234 WILLIAM MOULTRIE. 

\^il! observe no difference in the merits of Wolfe and Montgom- 
ery. Thi'V weie both heroes — both enlilled to the chaplet of 
iiTnn>rt;ii fanfie."* 

To express the hisji sense entertained by his country of his 
sprvioes, congress direcled a^monunnent of white niarble to be 
crtcied, with (he followinj^i inscription: which v/as placed in 
front of St. Paul's Church, New- York: 

THIS MO^UMENT 

was erected by order of 

Congress, 25th Jajiuary, 1776, 

to transmit to posterity a grateful 

remembrance of the 

patriotism, conduct, enterprise, and perseveranct . 

of i\;ajor General 

RICHARD MONTGOMERY, 

who, after a scries of 

successes amidst the most 

dicouragin^ difficulties, fell 

in the attack on 

Qu.;BrC, 

31st Decern' er, 1775, 

a^cd 39 3 ears. 

The remains of Gen. Montgomery, afier rcsfins: forfy-lwo 

yeaij at Que bee, by the resolve of the stale of JS'tw -York, were 

bsouglU to tiiecit}- of Ncv-York, on the Sth of July, i 818, and 

dej.'OMted with ampK? form and grateful ceremonies near the 

aforesaid monument in St. Paul's Church. 



WILLTAM MOULTRIE, 

Major-Gonor-il in the Amorican Army. 

This gentleman was a cil'zen of South Carolina, and was a 
soldier frcm an early pe'iod of liis life. At the commence- 
ment of li,i> revoluiioi), he was among the foremost to assert the 
liberties oi hiscountr}, and braved every dauj^erto redress her 
wrongs. 

>iifi * Americaa Revolution. 



WILLIAM MOULTRIt:. 235 

The scene of his hrilliant operations was in South Carolina, 
md his gallant defence of Sullivaii's Island, crowned him with 
imiriOrtality. 

" General I^ee styled (he post at Sullivan's Island, a slaugh- 
ter pen, denounced its defence, and pronourscinju; disgrace on 
the measure should it be persisled in, earnestly requested the 
president to order it to be evacuated." 

Happily for the nation, its destinies were at that period gui- 
ded by that inflexil)le patriot, John Ruiledge, who, confidently 
relying on Moultrie and his intrepid band, heroically replied !o 
Lee, ''that while a soldier remained alive to defend i<,he would 
never give his sanction to such an orc'er." The rct^ult proved 
the accuracy of his judgment. The following laconic tiote was 
at the same time forwarded (o C(>1. iMoultrie. ''(jleneral Lee 
wishes you to evacuate tiie fort. You viill not witiiout an 
order from me. I will sooner cut ofFtny hand than, write one."* 

The defence of the pass at Sullivan's Island may be compar- 
ed with many of the splendid achievements which Grerian elo- 
quence has rendered illustrious. Impressed with prejudices as 
strong as Xerxes ever cherished against Greece, (he comnrm- 
ders of the British forces approached our (oast, no( lo concili- 
ate, but to subdue. Exulting in the supposed superiority of 
their discipline and valor, they spoke in the lam^tru^e of au- 
thority, and would listen to no terms short ol uticonditional sub- 
mission. 

On the other hand, the gallant Moultrie, commanding a corps, 
formidable only by their boldness and resolution, impatiently 
waied their approach. He was not iiiseiisi!)Ie of (he insuffi- 
•iency of a work hastily constructed, atid in every part iticom- 
plete; but considering himself pledged to give a proof to tiie 
enemy, of American valor, he scorned the disgrace of relin- 
quishing the fort he had sworn to defend, and, notwithstanding 
the advice of the veteran Lee, heroically prepared foF actiono 

Immediately on the approach of the British fleet to (he coast, 
with the evident intention of attacking Charleston, a fort had 
been constructed on the west end of Sullivan's Island, mounting 
thirty-two guns, 32's and 1 8's. Into this fort Moultrie and his 

* Garden's Anecdotes, 



236 WILLIAM MOULTRIE. 

gallant band threw themselves. " Two fifty gun ships of the? 
enemy, four frigates, several sloops of war, and bomb-vessels, 
were brought to ihe attack, which was commenced about eleven 
o'clock, from one of the bomb-vessels. This was soon followed 
by the guns of ail the ships. Four of the vessels dropped an- 
chor within a short distance of ihe fort, and opened their seve- 
ral broad-sides. Three others were ordered to take their sta- 
tions between the island and the city, intending thereby to enfi- 
lade the works as well as to cut otf the communication with the 
continent. But in attempting to execute this order, they be- 
came entangled with each other on the shoals, and one of the 
frigates, the Acteon, etuck fast. 

The roar of artillery upon this little fort was incessant, and 
enough to appal even those who had been accustomed all their 
lives to the dreadful work of a cannonade. But Moultrie, with 
his brave Carolinians, seemed to regard it only as a symphony 
to (he grand march of independence. They returned the fire 
with an aim as true and deliberate as though each British ship 
had been placed as a target for prize shooting, and continued it 
for several hours, until their ammunition was expended. The 
cessation which this necessarily occasioned, produced a momen- 
tary joy in the assailants, who, in imagination, already grasped 
the victory which had been so hotly disputed; but the renewal 
of the blaze from the batteries, soon convinced them that the 
struggle was not yet ended. Another gleam of tiope brightened 
upo 1 the British seamen, when, after a dreadful volley, the flag 
ot Moultrie was no longer seen to wave defiance. They looked 
eagerly and anxiously towards the spot where Clinton. Cornwal- 
lis, and Vau'jjhan, had landed with the troops, expecting every 
moine^t to sec them mount tlie parapets in triumph. But no 
British troops appeared, and, in a few moments afterward, the 
stripf d flag of the colonies once more proudly unfolded to the 
breeze; the staff had been carried away by a shot, and the flag 
had fallen on the outside of the works; a brave sergeant of the 
Carolina troops, by the name of Jasper, jumped over the walF, 
seized the flag, and fastened it to a sponge staff, mounted the 
merlon amidst the thunder of the enemy's guns, and fixed it in a 
conspicuous placec 



AVILLIAM MOULTRIE. SS"? 

The ships of the enemy kept up their fire with unsubdued 
courage, until half past nine o'clock, when the darkness of the 
night put a stop to the carnage on both sides; and the ships, 
■with the exception of the Acteon.soon after slipped their cables, 
and dropped down about two miles from the scene of action. 
The terrible slaughter on board the ships, bore melancholj tes- 
timony to the bravery of the British seamen. At one time, 
Capt. Morris, of the Bristol, was almost the only man left upon 
the quarterdeck. Heh:id received several wounds, but gallant- 
ly refused to quit the deck, until no longer able to stand, or give 
an order. This ship had 1 1 1 killed and wounded. The Ex- 
periment lost 99 killed and wounded, and among the latter, her 
coniminder, Captain Scott. The Acteon had a lieutenant killed 
and six men wounded, and the Solebay eight wounded. The 
whole killed and wounded, 225. Sir Peter Parker, and Lord 
William Campl)ell, who served as a volunteer, were both woun» 
ded. The Americans lost only ten killed, and twenty-two 
wounded. 

It is impossible to give loo much praise to Col. Moultrie and 
liis brave Carolinians, who, for more than ten hours sustained 
the continued tire of upwards of one hundred guns and bombs; 
from which, in the course of that lime, were thrown, more than 
ten thousand shot and shells, seven thousand of which were 
picked upon the next day. 

On the next day, a fe^ shot were fired from the garrison at 
the Acteon, which remained aground, and the crew returned 
them, but finding it impossible to get her off, they soon set fire 
to, and abandoned her, leaving the colors flying, the guns load- 
ed, and all their ammunition and stores. In this perilous situ- 
ation she was boarded by a small party of Americans, who fired 
three of the guns at their late owners, while the flames were 
bursting around them, filled their boats with the stores, secur- 
ed the flag, and had just time to save themselves, when she was 
blown into the air. 

The fort which had been so gallantly defended by Moultrie, 
afterward received his name."* 



* Allen's American Revolution. 



238 ISRAEL PUTNAM. 

" In 1779, he jrained a victory over the British, in the battle- 
near Beaufort. In 1780, he was second in command in Charles 
ton, diirin'4 the ?icge. Af'.er the cify siirrenderet*, he was sent 
to Pliihidelphia. In 1782, he returned, and was repeatedly 
chosen governor of the slate of South CaroHna. 

Notwithstanding his labors, his victories, and public services, 
however z.^alou-:,. however glorious, however serviceable, the , 
enemy had the audacity to make choice of him as a fit object 
to be gained over to them by bribery. His talents, his experi- 
ence, and enterprise, would be an invaluable acquisition to the 
enemy, if it could be employed on the continent; and, if it 
could not b:) so employed, then fhe depriving the Americans of 
him, would be of importance nearly as great; it was, in the eyes 
of a seltish, greedy enemy, highly probable that a man, who 
had suffered so much in his private property, would listen to a 
proposal which woul 1 enable hiin to go to Jamaica} as colonel 
of a British regiment, the commander of which. Lord Charles 
Montague, politely offered, as a proof of his sincerity, to quit 
the command, and serve under him. '• No," replied the indig- 
nant Moultrie, "not t!ie fee simple of that valuable island of 
Jamaica, sliould induce me to part wtih my integiity." 

This incorruptible patriot died at Charleston, September 27. 
1805, in the 76th year of his age,"* 



ISRAtL PUTNAM, 

Mnjor-General in tlie American Army. 

Israel Potn\m, who, through a regular gradation of promo- 
tion, became the senioi major-general of the army of the Uni- 
ted States, and next in rank to Gen. Washington, was born at 
Sal»:m, Mass., on the 7th day of January, 1718. 

Courage, enterprise, activity, and perseverance, were the first 
characteristics of his mind; and his disposition was as frank and 
generous, as his mind was fearless and independent. Although 

* Amcricaa Biography. 



ISRAEL PUTNAM. 239 

hfi had too much smvity in his nature to commence a quarrel, 
he h;\d too much sonsibilify not to feel, and to mucli honor not 
to resent, an intended insult. The first time he went to Boston, 
he \va$ insuiied for his rusticity, by a boy of twice his size and 
age: after bearing sarcasms until his patience was worn out, he 
challenged, enga^jed, and vanquished his unmannerly antago- 
aiist, to the great diversion of a crowd of specfators. While a 
stripling, his ambition was to perform the labor of a man, and to 
excel in athletic diversion's. 

In the year 1739, he removed from Salem to Pomfret, an in- 
land fertile town in Connecticut. Having liere purchased a 
considerable tract of land, he applied himself successfully to 
agriculture. 

" Our, farmer, sufficiently occupied in building a house and 
barn, felling woods, making fences, sowing grain, planting or- 
chards, and taking care of his stock, had to encounter, in turn, 
the calamities occasion^^d by drought in summer, blast in har- 
vest, loss of cattle in winter, and the desolation of his sheepfold 
by wolves. In one night he had seventy fine sheep and goats 
killed, besides many lambs and kids wounded. This havoc was 
committed by a she-wolf, which, with her annual whelps, had 
for several years infested the vicinity. 

This wolf at length beeame such an intolerable nuisance, that 
Mr. Putnam entered into a combination' with five of his neigh- 
bors, to hunt alternately until they could destroy her. Two, by 
rotation, were to be constantl)^ in pursuit. It was known that, 
having lost the toes from one foot by a steel trap, she made one 
track shorter than the oilier. By this vestige, the pursuers re- 
cognized, in a light snow, the route of this pernicious animal. 
Having followed her to Connecticut River, and found slie had 
turned back in a direct course toward Pomfret, they immediately 
returned; and, by ten o'clock the next morning,the blood-hounds 
had driven her into a den, about three miles distant fiom the 
house of Mr. Putnam. The people soon collected, with dogs, 
guns, straw, lire, and sulphur, to attack the common enemy. 
With this apparatus, several unsuccessful efforts were made to 
force her from the den. Tlie "hounds came back badly wounded. 



240 ISRAEL PUTNAM. 

and refused to return. The smoke oX blazing straw had no ef' 
feet. Nor did the fumes of burnt brimstoiie, with which the 
cavern was filled, compel her to quit the retirement. Wearied 
with such fruitless attempts, (which had brought the time to 
ten o'clock at night,) Mr. Putnam tried once more to make his 
dog enter, but in vain; he proposed to his negro man to go down 
into the cavern and shoot the wolf, but the negro declined the 
hazardous service. Then it was that the master, angry at the 
disappointment, and declaring that he was ashamed to liave a 
coward in his family, resolved himself to destroy the ferocious 
beast, lest she should escape through some unknown fissure of 
the rock. His neighbors strongly remonstrated against the 
perilous enterprise: but he, knowing that wild animals were 
intimidated by fire, and having provided several strips of birch 
bark, the only combustible material he could obtain, that would 
afford light in this deep and darksome cave, prepared for his 
decent. Having, accordingly, divested himself of his coat and 
waistcoat, and having a long rope fasteded round his legs, by 
which he might be pulled back at a concerted signal, he enter- 
ed head foremost, with the blaz'ng torch in his hand. 

The aperture of the den, on the east side of a very high 
Jedge of rocks, is about two feet square; from thence it descends 
obliquely fifteen feet, then runniiig horizontally about ten more, 
it ascends gradually sixteen feet towards its termination. The 
sides of this subterraneous cavity are composed of smooth and 
solid rocks, which seem to have been divided from each other 
by some former earthquake. The top a:id bottom are also of 
stone; and the entrance in winter being covered with ice, is 
extremely slippery. It is in no place high enough for a man 
to raise himself upright, nor in any part more than three feet 
in width. 

Having groped his passage to the horizontal part of the den, 
the most terrifying darkness appeared in front of the dim circle 
of light afforded by the torch, it was silent as the house of 
death. None but monsters of the desert had ever before ex- 
plored this solitary mansion o( horror. He cautiously pro- 
ceeded onward, came to the ascent, which he slowly mounted 



■m .1 



ISRAEL PUTNAM. ' 241 

on his hands and knees, until he discovered the glaring eyeballs 
of the wolf, which was sitting at the extremity of the cavern* 
Startled at the glare of tire, she gnashed her teeth and gave a 
sullen growl. As soon as he had nnade the necessary discovery, 
he kicked the rope, as a signal for pulling him out. The people 
at the mouth of the den, who had listened with painful anxiety, 
hearing the growling of the wolf, and supposing their friend to 
be in the most imminent danger, drew him forth with such cele- 
rity that his shirt was stripped over his head, and his s-kin severe* 
}y lacerated. After he had adjusted his clothes, and loaded his 
gon with nine buckshot, holding a torch in one hand, and the 
musket in the other, he descended ihe second time. When he 
^ew nearer than before, the wolf, assuming a siill more fierce 
and terrible appearance, howling, rolling her eyes, snappirig her 
teeth, and dropping her head between her leg«, was evidently 
in the attitude and on the point of springing at him. At this 
critical instant he levelled and fired at her head. Stunned with 
the shock, and suffocated with the smoke, he immediately found 
himself drawn out of the cave. But having refreshed himself, 
and permitted the smoke to dissipate, he went doo n the third 
time. Once more he came in sight of the wolf, who appearing 
very passive, he applied 'the torch to her nose, and perceiving 
her dead, he took hold of her ears, and then kicking th^ rope, 
(still tied round his \e^s^) the people above, with no small exulta- 
tion, dragged them both out together."* 

But the time had now arrived, which was to turn the imple- 
ments of husbandry into weapons of hostility, and to exchange 
the hunting of wolves, which had ravaged the sheepfold, for the 
pursuit of savages, who had desolated the frontiers. Putnam 
was about 37 years of age, when the war between England and 
France broke out in America. In 1755, he was appointed to 
the command of a company, in the first regiment of provincials 
tliat was levied by Connecticut. The regiment joined the army 
at the opening of the campaign, not far distant from Crown 
Point. 



*Li(e of Putnam, 
31 



34^ ISRAEL PUTNAM. 

" Soon after liis arrival at carTip, he became intimately ae* 
quainted with tie famous partizan Captaiis, afterward Major 
Rogers, with whom he was frequently assoc i?ited in crossing the 
tviiderneps,reconnojteringtheenem}'s lines, gaining intelligence, 
and takingstragglii>g prisoners, as well as in healing up the quar- 
ters, and surprising the advanced piquets <^f their army. For 
these operations, a corps of rangers was formed for the irre- 
gulars. The first time Rogt rs and Putnam were detached with 
a party of these light troops, it was the fortune of the latter to 
preserve with his own hand the life of the former, and to cement 
their friendship with the blood of their enemies. 

The object of this expedition was to obtain an accurate 
"know-tedge of the position and state of the works at Crowj^ 
Point. It was impracticable to approach with their party near 
enough fir this purpose, without being discovered. Alone, the 
undertaking wassufficientl)- hHzardon«,"on account of the swarms 
of hos ile Indians who infested the woods. Our two partizans^ 
however, left all their men at a convenient distance, with strict 
orders to continue concealed until their return. Having thus 
cautiously taken their arrangements, they advanced with the 
profoundest silence in the evening, and lay during the night 
contiguous to the fortress. Early in the morning they ap» 
proached so close as to be able to give satisfactory information 
to the general who had sent them, on the several points to which 
their attention had been directed: but Captain Rogers, being at 
a little distance from Captain Putnam, fortuitously met a stout 
Frenchman, who instantly seized his fusee with one hand, and 
with the other attempted to stab him, while he called to an ad- 
jacent guard for assistance. The guard answered. Putnam, 
perceiving the imminent danger of his friend, and that no time 
was to be lost, or further alarm given by firing, ran rapidly to 
them while tbey were struggling, and with the butt end of his 
piece laid the Frenchman dead at his feet. The partizans, to 
elude pursuit, precipitated their flight, joined the party, and re- 
turned without loss to the encampment,"* 

* Life of Putnam 



ISRAEL PUTNAM* 246, 

The time for which the colonial troops engaged to serve tei^ 
piinated with the campaign. Putnajn was re-appointed, and 
again took the field in 1766. 

"Few are so ignorant of war, as not to know that military 
adventures in the night are always extremely liable to accif 
dents. Captain Putnam, having been commanded to recon» 
noitre the enemy's camp at the Ovens, near Ticonderoga, took 
the brrive Lieutenant Robert Durkee, as bis companion. Id 
attempting to execute these orders, he narrowly missed being 
taken himself in the first instance, and kilHng his friend in the 
second. It was customary for the British and provincial troops 
to place their fires round the camp, which frequently exposed 
them to the enemy's scouts and patroJes. A. contrary practicCj 
then unknown in the English army, prevailed among the French 
and Indians. The plan was much more rational: they kept 
their fires in the centre, lodged their men circularly at a dis- 
tance, and posted their sentinels in the surrounding darkness. 
Our partisans approached the camp, and supposing the centries 
were withm the circle of fires,crept upon their hands and knees 
with the greatest possible caution, until, to their utter astonish- 
ment, they found them^elves in the thickest of the enemy. 
The sentinels, discovering them, fired, and slightly wounded 
Durkee in the ihign. He and Putnam had no alternative. 
They fled. The latter, being foremost, and scarcely able to 
see his hand before him, soon plunged intoacia} pit. Durkee 
almost at the identical moment, came tumbling after. Putnao}., 
by no means pleased at finding a companion, and believing him 
to ise one of the enem}, lifted his tomahawk to give the deadly 
blow, when Durkee, (who had followed so closely as to knuvr 
him,) enquired whether he had escaped unhuit. Captain Put.- 
nam instantly recoguisuig the voice, dropped his weapon, and 
both, sprmgiiig from the pit, made good their retreat to the 
neighboring ledges, amidst a shower of random shot. There 
they betook themselves to a large log, by Ihe side of which they 
lodged the remainder of the night. Before they lay down, 
captain Putnam said he had a Uttle rum in his canteen, which, 
could never be more acceptable or necessary, but onejtamining 



24% ISRAEL PUTNAM, 

the canteen which hung under his arm, he found the enemy had( 
pierced it with their balls, and that there was not a drop of 
liquor left. The next day he found fourteen bullet-holes in hia 
blanket."* 

Nothing worthy of remark happened during the course of 
this campaign, but the active services of Captain Putnam on 
every occasion attracted the hdmiralion of the public, and 
induced the legislature of Connecticut to promote him to a 
majority in 1737. 

"In the winter of 1757, when Col. Haviland was command- 
ant at Fort Ed^vard, the barracks adjoining to the north-wesi 
bastion took fire. They ejjtended within twelve feet of the 
magazine, which contained three barrels of powder. On its 
fir?t discovery, the fire raged with great violence. The com- 
mandant endeavored, in vain, b) discharging some pieces of 
heavy artillery against the supporters fij this flight of barracks, 
io level them with the gromid, Putnam arrived from the 
Island where he was stationed at the moment when the blaze 
approached that end which was contiguous to the magazine. 
Instantly a vigorous attempt was made to extinguish the confla- 
gration. A way was opened by the postern gate to the riverj 
and the soldiers were employed in bringing water; which he> 
having mounted on the ladder to the eaves of the building, 
received and threw upon the flame. It continued, notwithstand- 
ing their utmost eiforts to gain upon them. He stood, envelop- 
ed in smoke, so near the sheet of fire, that a pair of blanket 
mittens were burnt entirely from his hands. He was supplied 
with another pair dipped in water. Col, Haviland, fearing 
that he would perish in the flames, called to him to come down, 
but he enlre.ited that he might be sutTcred to remain, sinc^ 
destruction must inevitably ensue if their exertions should be 
remitted. The gallant commandant, not less astonished than 
charmed at the boldness of his conduct, forbade any mor^ 
etfects to be carried out of the fort, animated the men to 
redoubled; diligence, and exclaimed, "if we must be blown up, 
we will go all together." At last, when the barracks wer^ seea 



* Life of Putnam. 



ISRARL PUTNAM. 24S 

to be tumblinsr, Putnam descended, placed himself at the inter- 
val, and continued from an incessant rotation of replenished 
buckets to pour water upon the magazine. The outside planks 
Tvere already ct n^^umed by the proximity of the fire, and as 
only one thickness of timber intervened, the trepidation now 
bei ame general and extreme. Putnam, still undaunted, covered 
with a cloud of cinders, and scorched with the intensity of the 
he.it, maintained his position until the fire subsided, and the 
danger wa^ wholly over. He had contended for one hour and 
a half with that terrible element. His legs, his thighs, his 
arms, and his face were blislered; and when he pulled off his 
second pair of mittens, the skin from his hands and fingers 
followed them. It was a month before he recovered. The 
commandant, to whom his merits had before endeared him, 
could not stifle the emotions of gratitude due to the man who 
had been instrumental in preserving the magazine, the fort, 
and the garrison. 

In the month of August, five hundred men were employed, 
under the orders of Majors Rogers and Putnam, to watch the 
motions of the enemy at Ticonderoga. At South Bay they 
separated the party into two equal divisions, and Rogers took a- 
position on Wood-Creek, twelve mile^ distant from Putnam. 

Upon being sometime afterward discovered, they formed a 
re-union, and cdncerted measures for returning to fort Edward. 
Their march through the woods was in three divisions, by files: 
the right commanded by Rogers, the left by Putnam, and the 
second by Capt. WFAl. At the moment of moving, the famous 
French partisan Molang, who had been sent with five hundred 
men to intercept our party, was not more than one mile and a 
half distant from them. Major Putnam was just emerging from 
the thicket, into the common forest, when the enemy rose, and, 
with discordant yells and whoops, commenced an attack upon 
the right of his division. Surprised, but undismayed, Putnam 
halted, returned the fire, and passed the word for the other 
divisions to advance for his support. D'Ell came. The action, 
though widely scattered, and principally fought between man 
and maojsoon grew general and intensely warm. 



$i$ ISRAEL PUTNATVf. 

Major Putnam, perceiving it would be impracttcaMe to from 
the creek in his rear, determined to maintain his ground. Irn 
spired by his example, the officers and men behaved witli great 
bravery: sometimes they fought aggregately in open view, 
and sometimes individually under cover; taking aim froift 
behind the bodies of trees, and acting in a manner independent 
of each other. For himself, bavins: dischartjed his fusee, seve- 
ral times, at length it missed fire, while the muzzle was pressed 
against the hreast of a iarae and well proportioned savagCi* 
Tnis warrior, availing himself of the indefensible attitude- 
of his adversary, with a tremendous war-whoop, spranjj for- 
ward with his lifted hatchet, and compelled him to surrender; 
and, having disarmed and bound him fast to a tree, returned tO; 
the battle. 

The intrepid Captains D'Ell and Harman. who now com^ 
manded, were forced to give ground for a little distance: the 
savages conceiving this to be the certain harbinger of victory, 
rushed impetuously on, with dreadful and redoubled cries. 
But our two partisans, collecting a handful of brave men, gave 
the pursuers so warm a reception as to oblij^e them, in turn, to 
retreat a little beyond the spot at wliich the action had com- 
menced. Here they made a stand. This change of ground, 
occasioned the tree to which Putnam was tied, to he directly 
between the fire of the two parties. Humn imagination can 
hardly figure to itself a more deplorable situation. The balls 
flew incessantly from either side, many struck the tree, while 
some passed through the sleeves and skirls of his coat. In 
this state of jeopardy, unable to move his body, to stir his^ 
limbs, or even to incline his head, he remarried more than an 
hour. So equally balanced, and so obstinate was the fight! 
Atone moment, when the battle swerved in favor of the enemy, 
a young savage chose an odd way of discovering his humor. 
He found Putnam bound — he might have despatched him at 
a single blow — but he loved better to excite the terrors of the 
prisoner, by hurling a tomahawk at his head, or rather it should 
aeem his object was to see how near he could throw it without 
tjouching him. The weapon stuck in the tree a number of 



ISRAEL PUTNAM, 24^ 

limes, at a hair's breadth distance from the mark. When the 
Indian had finished liis amusement, a Frencii bas-officer, a much 
more invetera'e ravage by nature, (though descended from so 
humane and po'i.-hed a nxtion,) perceiving Putnam, came up to 
Jiim, and, leveling a fusee within a foot of his hreast, attempted 
to discharge it — it mi§^ed fire. Ineffectually did the intended 
tictim solicit the treatment due to his situation, by repeating 
that he was a prisoner of war. The degenerate Frenchman 
did not understand the language of honor or of nature: deaf to 
their voice, and dead to sensibility, he violently, and repeatedly, 
pushed the muzzle of his gun a^.iinsf Putnam's ribs, and finally 
gave him a cruel blow on the jaw with the butt-end of his 
piece. After this dastardly deed he left him. 

At length the active intrepidity of D'Ell and Harman, 
seconded by the persevering valor of their followers, prevailed. 
They drove from the field the enemy, who left about ninety 
dead behind them. As they were retiring, Putnam was untied 
by the Indian who had made him prisoner, and whom he after- 
ward called master. Having been conducted for some distance 
from the place of action, he was stripped of his coat, vest, stock- 
ings, and shoes; loaded with as many of the packs of the 
wounded as could be piled upon him; strongly pinioned and 
his wrists tied as closelj together as they could be pulled with 
a cord. After he had marched through no pleasant paths, in 
this painful manner, for many a tedious mile, the party (who 
Were excessively fatigued) halted to breathe. His hands were 
now immoderately swelled from the tightness of the ligature; 
and the pain had become intolerable. His feet were so much 
scratched, that the blood dropped fast from them. Exhausted 
with bearing a burden above his strength, and frantic with tor- 
ments exquisite beyond endurance, he entreated the Irish inter" 
preter, to implore, as the last and only grace he desired of the 
Bayages, that they would knock him on the head and take his 
scalp at once, or loose his hands. A French officer instantly 
interposing, ordered his hands to be unbound, and some of the 
packs to be taken off. By this time the Indian who captured 
bim, and had beeu absent with the wounded, coming up, gave 



248 ISRAEL PUTNAM. 

him a pair of moccasons, and expressed great indignation at th«l 
tinworthy treatnnent his prisoner had suffered. 

That sava^^e chief again returned to the care of the wounded, 
and the Indians, about two hundred in number, went before the 
rest of the party to the place where (he whole were that night 
to encamp. They took with them Major Putnam, on whom, 
besides innumerable other outrages, they had the barbarity to 
inflict a deep wound with the tomahawk in the left cheek. His 
sufferings were, in this place to be consummated. A scene of 
horror, infinitely greater than had ever met his eyes before, was 
now preparing. It was determined to roast him alive. For 
this purpose, they led him into a dark forest, stripped him naked, 
bound him to a tree, and piled dry brush, with other fuel, at a 
small distance in a circle round him. They accompanied their 
labors, as if for his funeral dirge, with screams and sounds inimi- 
table but by savage voices. They then set the piles on fire. 
A sudden shower damped the rising flame. Still they strove to 
kindle it, until, at last, the blaze ran fiercely round the circle. 
Major Putnam soon began to feel the scorching heat. 

His hands were so tied that he could move his body. He 
«ften shifted sides as the fire approached. This sight, at the 
very idea of which, all but savages must shudder, afforded the 
highest diversion to his inhuman tormentors, who demonstrated 
the delirium of their joy by correspondent yells, dancvos, and 
gesticulations. He saw clearly that his final hour wasinevitably 
come. He summoned all his resolution, and composed his mind 
as far as the circumstances could admit, to bid an eternal 
farewell to all he held most dear. To quit the world would 
scarcely have cost him a single pang, but for the idea of 
home, but for the remembrance of domestic endearments, 
©f the beloved partner of his soul, and of their beloved 
offspring. His thought was ultimately fixed on a happier 
state of existence, beyond the tortures he was beginning to 
endure. The bitterness of death, even of that death which is 
accompanied with the keenest agonies, was in a manner past — 
Bature, with a feeble struggle, was quitting its last hold on sub* 
kmary things, when a French officer rushed through the crowdj 



ISRAEL PUTNAM. 54£ 

epened a way by scaftertng the burning brands, and unbound 
the victim. It was Molang iiimself, to whom a savajje, unwil- 
ling to see another human sacrifice immolaled, had run and 
communicated tlie tidings. That commandant spurned, and se- 
verely reprimanded the barbarians, whose nocturnal powwows 
and helhsh orgies, he suddenly ended. Futnam did not want 
for feeling or gratitude. The French commander, Tea ring to 
trust him alone with them, remained until he could deliver him 
in safety into the hands of his master. 

The savage approached his prisoner kindly, and seemed to 
treat him with particular affection. He otfered him some hard 
biscuit; but finding he could not chew them, on account of the 
blow he had received from the Frenchman, this more humane 
savage soaked some of the buiscuit in water, and made him 
suck 'he pulp-iike part. Deterniined, however, not to \o>e his 
€a;) ire, (tie rcfies'i n;3 it bciiiii; fi iishe 1,) he took the moc 
casons from his feet, and tied them to one of his wrists: then di- 
recting him to lie down on his back upon the bare iiround, he 
stretched one arm to its full length, and pinioned it fast to a 
young tree; the other arm was exteiided and bound in the 
sarne niinner; his legs werestretc led apirtand fastened to two 
saplings. Then a number of tall, but slender poles were cut 
down, which, with some long bushes, were laid across his body 
from head to foot: on each side lay as matiy Indians as could 
conveniently find lodging, in order to prevent the possibility of 
bis escape. In tliis disayrecable and painful posture he remain- 
ed until morning. During this night, Ih.e longest and most drea- 
ry conceivable, our hero used to relate that he ftit a ray of 
cheerfulness come casually across his mind, and could not even 
refrriin from smiling, when he reflected on tins ludicrous groupe 
for a painter, of which he hi;n=:elf wa? the principal fi!j;nre. 

Tne next day he was allowed his blanket and moccasons, and 
pf^rmitted to march without carrying any pack,or reciivir g any 
insult. To allay his extreme huncjer, a little bear's meat was 
given, which he sucked through his teeth. At niirht the party 
arrived at Ticonderoga, and the prisoner was placed undfr the 
care of a French guard. The savages who had been prevented 

32 



c^Q ISRAEL PUTNAM. 

from glutting their diabolical thirst for blood, took other oppoi^ 
tunity of mnnifesting their malevolence /or tlie disappoininiriit, 
by horrid grimaces and angry gestures; but they were suf- 
fered no more to olfer violence or personal indignity to him. 

Alter having been examined bv the Marquis de Montcalm, 
Major Putnam was condurted to Montreal by a French oflker, 
who treated him with the greatest indulgence and humanity. 

At this place were Peveral prisoners. Co!. Peter Schu}ler, 
remarkable for his philanthropy, generosity, and friendship, was 
of the number. No sooner had he heard of Putnam's arri\al 
than he went to the interpreter's quarters, and inquired whether 
he had a Proviicial Major in his custody. He found Major 
Putnam in a comfortless condition — without coat, waistcoat, or 
hose — the remnant of his clothing miserably dirty and ragged—- 
his beard long and squalid — his legs lorn by thorns and briers— 
his face gashed by wounds, and swollen with bruises. Colonel 
Schuyler, irritated beyond all sutferance at such a sight, could 
scarcely restrain his speech within limits, consistent with the 
prudence of a prisoner, and the meekness of a Christian. M ij. 
Putnam was immediately treated according to his rank, clothed 
in a decent manner, and supplied with money by that liberal 
and sympathetic patron of the distressed. 

The capture of Frontenac by Gen. Bradstreet, afTorded oc- 
casion for an exchange of prisoners. Col. Schuyler was com- 
prehended in the cartel. A generous spirit can never be satis- 
fied vvith imposing tasks for its generosity to accomplish. Ap- 
prehensive, if it should be known that Putnam was a disin- 
guished partizan, his liberation might be retarded, and knowing 
that there were officers, who from the lenj;(h of their captivity? 
had a claim to priority of exchange, he had, by his happy ad- 
dress, induced the governor to oiTer, that whatever officer he 
might think [»roper to nominate should be included in the present 
cartel. With great politeness in manner, but seeming mdifTer- 
ence as to object, he expressed his warmest acknowledgements 
to the governor, and said. — There is an old mat. here, who is 
a Provincial Major, and wishes to heat home with his wife and 
children; he can do no good here or any where else: 1 believe 



ISRAEL PUTNAM. 231 

your Excellency liad better keep some of the young men, who 
have no wife or chihiren to care for, and let the old fellow go 
home with me. This justifiable fines'=;e had the desired effect.* 

Shortly after, Putnam was promoted to a lieutenant-colonel, 
in which he continued until the close of the war, ever, and on 
all occasions, supporting his hard earned reputation for valor 
and intrepidity; and, at the expiration often years from his first 
receiving a commission, after having seen as much service, en- 
dured as many hardships, encountered as many dangers, and 
acquired as mmy laurels as any officer of his rank, with great 
satisfaction laid aside his uniform and returned to the plough. 

On the 22d day of \Iarch, 1763, the stamp act received the 
royal assent. Col. Putnam, was at this time, a member of the 
house of assembly of the state of Connecticut, and was depu- 
ted !o wait on the then Governor Filch on the subject. The- 
que?tions of the governor, and answers of Putnam, will serve 
toiniicate the spirit of the times. After some conversationj 
the governor asked colonel Putnam " what he should do ifthe 
stamped paper should be sent him by the King's authority?" 
Putnam r<^:piipd, "lock it up until we shall visit }ou again'" 
" And what will do then? '^ We shall expect you to give 
us the key ofthe room in which it is deposited; and, if you 
think fit, in order to secure yourself from blame, you ma} for- 
■warn us, upon our peril, not to enter the room." " And what 
will you do arterward?" "Send it safely back asjain." " But 
if I should refuse you admission?" " In such case, your house 
will be demolished in live minutes." It is supposed that a re- 
port of ihis conversation was one reason why the stamp paper 
was never sent from New- York to Connecticut. 

Being once, in particular, asked by a British ofKcer, with 
whom lie had fortnerly served, •' whether he did not seriously 
believe that a well appointed British army of five thousand vet- 
eran^ could march through the whole continent of America?" 
he briskly replied," no doubt, if they behaved civilly, and paiJ 
well for every thing they wanted; but," after a moment's pause,.> . 



* I^ife of Putna.T(i, 



552 ISRAEL PUTNAM. 

addeiTJ," if they should attempt it in a hostile mannfr (though 
the American men were out ot tiie (jue^tion,) the women, with 
their ladies and broomsticks, would knock them all on the head 
hefove [hey iiad got halt way through." 

The battle ot Lexington found Putnam in the midst of his 
agricultural |)UJSuits. Immediately upon learning the fatal ren- 
counter, he left his plough in the middle of the tield, un}oked 
his team, and without waiting to change his clothes, set off for 
the theatre of action. But findmg the British retieated to Bos- 
ton, and invested by a sutRcient force to walcii their movements, 
he came back to ConnnclicuS levied a regiment uiidcr authority 
of the legislature, and speedily returned (o Cambridge, lie 
was novv promoted to be a major-general on tiie continental es- 
tablishment. 

" Not long after thi'^ period, the British commander-in-chief 
found the means to convey a proposal, privately, to Gen. Put- 
nam, tiiai if he wo'i'd rfdinquisli the rel)el party, he migiit rely 
upon bein.<i made a major-gerteral on the British establishment, 
and receiving a great pecuniar^ compensation for his services 
Geji. Putnam spurned at the otfer; which, hov^ever, he thought 
pruden! at that time to conceal from public notice." 

'* In the battle of Bunker's Hill lie exliibite I iiis usual intre- 
pidity. He directed the men to reserve their fire till the enemy 
was very near, reminded them of their skill, and told them to 
take good aim. They did so, and the execution was <errihle% 
After the retreat, he made a stand at VVmter Kill, and drove 
back the enemy under cover of their ships. When the army 
was organized by Gen. Washington at Cambridge, 1 ntnam was 
appointed lo command the reserve. In August, 177G, he was 
stationed a» Brooklyn, on Long Island. After the defeat of our 
army on the twenty-seventh of that month, he went to Kew- 
York, and was very serviceable in thf city and neighborhood. 
In October or November he was sent to Philadelphia, lo fortify 
that city. 

In January, 1777, he was directed to take post at Princeton, 
where he continued until spring. At this place, a sick prisoner 
H captain, requested that a friend in the British army at Brians* 



^}=SSB«j*iJ- .«-=; 



s«#: 



^'^i 



\^^Jt 












ISRAEL PTJTNATVr. ^ 258 

wick, might be sent for to assist him in nuking his will. Puti>,'irr» 
•was perplex d. He had but fifty men under his ewmmand. and 
he did not wish fo have his weakness known; yet he was tin- 
willirij; to deny the request, fie, however, sent a flag of truce, 
and directed the officer to be brouj^ht in the night. In the even- 
ing, lights were placed in all the college windows, and in every 
apartment of the vacant houses throughout the (own. The 
officer, on his return, reported that Gen. Putnam's army could 
jjot consist of less than four or five thousand men. 

In the spring he was appointed to tfie command of a separate 
army, in the liiglilai\ds of New- York. One Palmer, a lieutenant, 
in the tory new levies, was detected in ihe camp; Gov. Tryoa 
reclaimed him as a British officer, threatening \engeance if he 
was not restored. Gen. Putnam wrote the following pithy reply: 
*'Sir, Nathan Palmer, a lieutenant in your king's service, was 
takeh in my camp as a sp^ ; he was tried as a spy; he was con- 
demned as a spy; and shall be hanged as a spy. P. S. Afternoon, 
He is hanged." 

After the loss of Port Montgomery, the commander-in-chief 
determined to build another fortification, afid he directed Put- 
nam io fix upon a spot. To him belongs the praise of having 
chosen West Point."* 

"About the middle of winter, while Gen. Putnam was on a 
visit to his out-post at Horse Neck, he found Governor Tryon 
advancing upon that town with a corps of fifteen hundred men. 
To oppose tlieae General Putnam had only a piquet of 150 men» 
and two iron field-pieces, without horses or drag ropes. He, 
however, planted his cannon on the high ground by the meeting 
.houi^e, and retarded their approach by firing several tinaes, 
until perceiving the horse (supported by the infantry) about t* 
charge, he ordered the piquet to provide ' for their safety, 
by retiring to a swamp, inaccessible to horse, and secured his 
(Bwn by plunging down the steep precipice at the church, upon 
a full trot. This precipice is so steep where he descended, a? 



"' Allen'; Biographical Dictionary. 



*i54 IS1?AEL PUTNAM. 

to have artificial stairs, composed of nearly one hundred stones 
steps, for IhTfe aTComtnodation of foot passengers. There the- 
dragoons, who were but a sword's length from him, stopped 
short; for the declivity was so abrupt, that (hey ventured not lo 
follow; and before they could gain the valley bv goirL' rour^i 
the brow of the hill in the ordinary road, he was far enough 
beyond their re;!ch. He continued his route unmolested, to 
Stamford; from whence, having strengthened his piquet by 
the junction of some militia, he came hack again, and, in turn, 
pursued Governor Tryon in his retreat. A? he rode down the 
precipice, one ball, of the many tired at him, went through his 
beaver; but Governor Tryon, by way of compensation for spoil- 
ing his hat. sent him soon afterward as a present, a complete. 
suit of clothes."* 

The campaign of 1779, which was principally spent in 
strengthening the works at West Point, tini?lied the military 
career of Putnam. A paralytic atft'ction impaired the activity 
of his body, and compelled him to quit the army. 

"The ren»ainder of the life of Gen. PfiTfnam was passed in 
quiet retirement with his family. lie experienced few inters 
ruptions in his bodily health, (except the paralytic debility with 
which he was afflicted,) retained full possession of his mental 
faculties, and enjoyed the societv of his friends until the 17th 
ef May, 1790, when he was violently attacked with an inllam- 
jnatory disease. Satistied from the first that it would prove 
mortal, he was calm and resigned, and welcomed the approach 
of death with joy, as a messenger sent to call him from a life of 
toil to everlasting rest. On the 19th of May, 1790, he ended a 
life which had been spent in cultivating and defending the soil 
of his birth, aged 72 years." 

The late Rev. Dr. Dwight, president of Yale College, who 
knew General Putnam intimately, has portrayed his charactei: 
faithfully in the following inscription, which is engraven on his 
tomb: 



* Life of Putnam. 




ISRAEL PUTNAM. 255 

Sacred be this Monument 

to the memory 

of 

ISRAEL PUTNAM, Esq. 

8'enior Major-General in the armies of the 

•United States of America; who 

was born at Salem, 

in the province of Massachusetts, 

on the 7th day of January, 

A. D. 1718, 

and died 

on the 19lh day of May, 

A. D. 1790. 

Passenger, 

if thou art a Soldier, 

drop a tear over the dust of a 

Hero, who, ever attentive to the lives 

and happiness of his meii, dared to lead where 

any dared to follow; if a patriot, 

remember the distinguished and 

gallant services rendered 

thy country by the 

Patriot who sleeps beneath this 

marble; 

if thou art honest, generous, and 

worthy, render a cheerful 

tribute of respect to 

a man, whose 

generosity was singular, whose 

honesty was proverbial; 

who 

raised himself to universal 

esteem, acid offices of 

eminent distinction, 

by personal worth, 

and a useful 

life. 



( 2§« ) 



JOSEPH REEI>, 

Adjutant-General in the American Army. 

"Joseph Reed, president of the state of Pennsylvania, was' 
"borrj in the state of iSew-Jersej, the 27th of August, A. D, 
1741. In the year 1757, at the early age of sixteen, he gradu- 
ated with considerable honor, at Princeton College. 

Having studied the law vvith Richard Stockton, Esq. an emi- 
nent counsellor of that place, he visited England, and pursued 
bis studies in the tennple, until the disturbances which first 
broke out in the colonies, on the passage of the stamp act. Ort 
bis return to his native country, he connmenced the practice of 
the law, and bore a distinguished part in the political commo- 
tioMS of tiie day. Having married the daughter of Dennis De 
Berdt, an eminent merchant of London, and before the American 
revolution, agent for the province of Massachusetts, he soon 
after returned to America and practised the law with eminent 
success in the city of Philadelphia. 

Finding that reconciliation with the mother country* was not 
to be accomplished without the sacrifice of honor as well as 
liberty, he became one of the most zealous advocates of inde- 
pendence. In 1774, he was appointed one of the committee of 
correspondence of Philadelphia, and afterward president of the 
convention, and subsequently member of the continental con- 
gress. On the formation of tiie army he resigned a lucrative 
, practice, which he was enjoying at Philadelphia, and repaired 
to the camp at Cambridge, where he was appointed aid-de- 
camp and Secretary to General Washington, ai'd although 
merely act ig as a volunteer, he displaced in this campaign, ou 
many occasions, the greatest courage and military ability. At 
the opening of the campaign in 1776, on the promotion of Gen, 
Gates, he was advanced, at the special recommendation of Gen. 
Washington, to the post of adjutant:general, and bore an active 
part in this campaign, his local knowledge of the country being 



JOST^.PH REFD. * 257 

eminently useful in the affiiir at Trenton, and at the baffle of 
Princeton, in the course of these events, and the constant fol- 
lower of his fortunes, he enjoyed the confidence and esteem of 
the commander-in-chief. At the end of the year he resigned 
the office of adjutant-general, and was immediately appointed 
a general officer, with a view to fhecomrnand of cavalry; but 
owing to the difficulty of raising troops, and the very detached 
parlies in which they were employed, he was prevented from 
acting in that station. He still attended the army, and from 
the entrance of the British army into Pennsylvania till the close 
of the campaign in 1777, he was sJdom absent. He was engaged 
it at the battle of Gertnatitown, and at White Marsh, assisted 
General Potter in drawing up the militia. la 1778, he was 
appointed a member of congress, and signed the articles of con- 
federation. 

About this time the British commissioners, Governor John- 
stone, Lord Carlisle, and Mr. Eden, invested with power to 
treat of peace, arrived in America, and Governor Johnstone, 
the principal of them, addressed private letters to Henry Lau- 
rens, Joseph Reed, Francis Dana, and Robert Morris, offering 
them many advantages in case they would lend themselves to 
his views. Private information was communicated from Gov- 
ernor Johnstone to General Reed, that in case he would exert 
his abilities to promote a reconciliation, 10,000 pounds sterling, 
and the most valuable office in the colonies were at his disposal; 
to which Mr. Reed made this memorable reply: — ^^ihat he was 
not roorth purchasing, but that, such as he was, the King of Great 
Britain was not rich enongh to do it.'''' These transactions 
caused a resolution in congress, by which they refused to hold 
any further communication with that commmissioner. Governor 
Johnstone, on his return to England, denied in parliament, ever 
having made such offers, in consequence of which, Gen. Reed 
published a pamphlet, in which the whole trans*ction was clearly 
and satisfactorily proved, and which was extensively circulated 
both in Enoland and America. 

In 1778, he was unanimously elected president of the supreme 
executive council of the state of Pennsylvania, to which office 

33 



253 , JOSEPH REED. \ 

he was elected annually, with equal unanimity, for the consU 
tutional period of three years. About this, time there existed 
violent parties in the state, and several serious commotions 
occurred, particularly a large armed insurrection in the city of 
Philadelphia, which he suppressed, and rescued a number of 
distinguished citizens from the most imminent danger of their 
lives at the risk of his own, for which he received a vote of 
thanks from the legislature of the state. 

At the time of the defection of the Pennsylvania line, Gov- 
ernor Reed exerted himself strenuously to bring back the 
revolters, in which he ultimately succeeded. Amidst the most 
difficultand trying scenes, his administration exhibited the most 
disinterested zeal and firmness of decision. In the civil part of 
hischaracter,hiskno\vkdgeofthe law was very useful in a new 
and unsettled government; so that, although he found in it no 
small weakness and confusion, he left it at the expiration of his 
term of office, in as much tranquihty and energy as could be 
expected from the time and circumstances of the war. In the 
year 1781, on the expiration of his term of office, he returned 
to the duties of his profession. 

General Reed was very fortunate in his military career, for, 
-although he was in almost every engagen.ent in the northern 
and eastern section of the union, during the war, he never was 
wounded ; he had three horses killed under him, one at the battle 
of Brandy wine, one in the skirmish at White Marsh, and one at 
the battle of Monmouth. During the whole of the war he 
enjoyed the contidence of Generals Washington, Greene, Wayne, 
Sieuben, La Fayette, and many others of the most distinguished 
characters of the revolution, with whom he was in habits of the 
most confidential intercourse and correspondence. The friend- 
ship that existed between General Reed and General Greene, 
is particularly mentioned by the biographer of General Greene, 
*' Among the many inestimable friends who attached themselves 
to him during his military career, there was no one whom 
General Greene prized more, or more justly, than the late Gov- 
ernor Reed of Pennsylvania. It was before this gentleman had 
immortalized himself by his celebrated reply to the agent of 



PHILIP SCHUYLER. 259 

corruption, that these two distinguished patriots had be^ur to 
feel for each other the sympathies of congeniaT souls. Mr. 
Reed had accompanied General Whasington to Boston, when 
he tirst took command of the American Army; there he be.;ame 
acquainted with Greene, and as was almost invariably the case, 
with those who became acquainted with him, and had hearts to 
acknowledge his worth, a friendship ensued which lasted with 
their lives." Had tiie life of General Reed been sufficiently 
prolonged, he would have discharged in a manner worthy of 
the subject, the debt of national gratitude to v\hich the efForls 
of the biographer of General Greene have been successfully 
dedicated, who had in his possession the outlines of a sketch of, 
the life of Gen. Greene by this fiiend. 

In the year 1784, he again visited England for the sake of 
his health, but his voyage was attended with but little etfect, as 
in the following year he fell a victim to a disease most probably 
brought on by the fatigue and exposure to which he was con^ 
stantly subjected. In private life he was accomplished in his 
manners, pure in his morals, fervent and faithful in his attach- 
ments. 

On the 5th of March, 1785, in the 43d year o*f his age, top 
soon for his country and his friends-, he departed a life, active, 
useful, and glorious. His remains were interred, in the Pres- 
byterian ground in Arch-street, in the city of Philadelphia, at- 
tended by the President and executive council, and the speaker, 
and the General Assembly of the state."* 



PHILIP SCHUYLER, 

Major-General in the American Army, 

Gen. Schuyler was a native of New- York, a member of one 
of the most respectable families in that state, and highly merits 
the character of an intelligent and meritorious officer. As a 
private gentleman, he was dignified but courteous, his manners' 

* Americtia Biographical Dictionary) 



260 PFTTT,1P SCHUYLER. 

urbane, and his hospitality unbounded. He was justly ronsid- 
ere'i as one of the most distinguished cl)ampions of liberty, and 
hi;« n »'>le mi d soared above despair, even at a period when he 
expti-if-nced injustice from the pubHc, and when darkness and 
gloum overspread the land. He was able, prompt, and deci- 
sive, and his conduct in every branch of duty, marked his ac- 
tive industry and rapid execution. 

He received his commission from congress, June 19th, 177C, 
aitd was ordered to take command of the expedition against 
Canada; but, being taken sick, the command devolved upon 
Gen. M'-nntgomery. On his recovery, he devoted his time, and 
witii the assistance of Gen. St. Clair, used ever) elfort to slay 
the progress of a veteran and numerous army Ui^der Burgojne, 
who had commenced his m;irch from Canada, on the bold at- 
tempt of forning a junction at Albany with Sir Henry Clinton. 

The duties of Gen. Schuyler now became laborious, intricate, 
and complicated. On his arrival at head-quarters, he found 
the army of the north not only too weak for the objects entrust- 
ed to it, but also badly supplied with arms, clothes, and provis- 
ions. From a spy he obtained information that General Bur- 
goyne had arrived at Quebec, and was to take command of the 
British force on their contemplated expedition. 

A few days removed the doubts which might have existed 
respecting the intention of Burgoyne. It was understood that 
his army was advancing towards the lakes. 

Gen. Schuyler was sensible of the danger which threatened 
his department, and made every exertion to meet it. He vis- 
ited in person the ditFerent posts, used the utmost activity in ob- 
taining supplies of provisions to enable them to hold out in 
the event of a siege, and had proceeded to Albany both for the 
purpose of attending to the supplies and of expediting the 
march of Nixon's brigade, whose arrival was expected; when 
he received intelligence fr'»m Gen. St. Clair, who was entrusted 
with the defence of Ticonderoga, that Burgoyne had appeared 
btjfore that place. 

In the course of the preceding winter, a plan for penetrating 
t<o> the Hudson from Canada, by way of the lakes, was con*' 



PHILIP SCHUYLER. 261 

plefely disjested, and its most minute parts arranged in the cab- 
inet of St. James. Gen. Burgoyne, who assijfted in forming it, 
was intrusted with its execution, and was to lead a formidable 
army against Ticonderoga, as soon as the season would permit. 
At the same time a smaller party, under Col. St. Leger, compo- 
sed o[ Canadians, new raised Americans, and a few Europeans, 
aided by a powerful body of Indians, was to march from Oswego, 
lo enter the country by the way of the Mohawk, and to join the 
^rand army on the Hudson. 

The force assigned for this Service was such as the General 
himself deemed sufficient; and, as it was the favorite plan of 
the minister, no circumstance was omitted which could give to 
the numbers employed their utmost possible efficacy. The 
troops were furni«hed with every military equipment which the 
service required; the assisting general officers were of the tirst 
reputalion, and the train of artillery was, perhaps, the most 
powerful ever annexed to an army not more numerous." * 

But valor, perseverance, and industry could avail nothing 
against such vast numbers as now assailed the northern army. 
Ticonderoga was evacuated, and stores, artillery, and military 
equipage to an immense amount, fell into the hands of the 
enemy. 

"Knowing the inferiority of his numbers, and that he could 
only hope to save his army by the rapidity of his march, Gen» 
St. Clair reached Cliarlestown, thirty miles from Ticonderoga 
on the night succeedmg the evacuation of the fort. 

On the 7th of July, at Stillwater, on his way to Ticonderoga, 
General Schuyler was informed of the evacuation of that place; 
and on the same dav, at Saratoga, the total loss of the stores at 
Skeenborough, was also reported to him. From General St. 
Clair he had heard nothing, and the most serious fears were 
entertained for the army commanded by thaf officer. His force, 
after being joined by Col. Long, consisted of about fifteen hun» 
dred continental troops, and the same number of militia. They 
were dispirited by defeat, without tents, badly armed, and had 
lost a great part of their stores and baggage. That part of the 

'^Annnal Register. 



0g2 PfllLTP SCHUYLEK. 

country was generally much alarmed, and even those who were 
well affected, discovered, as is usual in such circumstances, more 
inclination to take care of themselve?, than to join the army. 

In this gloomy state of things, it is impossible that any officer 
could have used more diligence or judgment than was displayed 
by Schuyler. 

After the evacuation of Fort Anne, Burgoyne found it abso- 
lutely necessary to suspend for a time all further pursuit, and 
to give his army some refreshment. 

In the present state of things, unable even to look the enemy 
in the face, it was of unspeakable importance to the American 
general to gain time. This short and unavoidable interval ^rom 
action, therefore, was seized by Schuyler, whose head-quarters 
were at Fort Edward, and used to the most advantage. 

The country between Skeensborough and Fort Edward was 
almost entirely unsettled, covered with thick woods, of a surface 
extremely rough, and much intersected with creeks and moras- 
ses. As far as Fort Anne, Wood-creek was navigable with bat- 
teaux; and artillery, military stores, provisions, and heavy bag- 
gage, might be transported up it. 

The first moments of rest, while Burgoyne was re-assembling 
his forces at Skeensborough, were employed by Schuyler in 
destroying the navigation of Wood-creek, by sinking numerous 
impediments in its course'; and in breaking up the bridge?, and 
otherwise rendering impassable the roads over which the British 
army must necessarily march. He was also indefatigable in 
driving all the live-stock out of their way, and in bringing from 
Fort George to Fort Edward, ammunition and other military 
store?, which had been deposited at that place, of which his 
army was in much need, and which it was essential to bring 
away before the British could remove their gun-boats and army 
into the lake, and possess themselves of the fort. 

While thus endeavoring to obstruct the march of the enemy^ 
he was not inattentive to the best means of strengthening his 
own army. Re-enforcements of regular trooops were earnestly 
solicited. The militia of New-England and New- York were 
called for, and all his influence in the surroundiog country was 



PHILIP SCHUYLER. 263 

exerted to re-animate the people, and to prevent their defection 
from the American cause. 

The evacuation ot Ticonderoga was a shock for whicli no 
part of the United States was prepared. Neither the strength 
of the invading army nor the garrison had been any where 
uiidersto )vl. r le opiriioa >vas co n n^'.\ that no re-enforcements 
had arrived at Quebec that spring, in which case it was believed 
that not more than five thousand men could be spared from the 
defence of Canada. Those new- raised regiments of New-Eng- 
land and New- York, which had been allotted to the northern 
department, had been reported, and were believed by the com- 
mander-in-chief, and by congress, as well as by the community at 
large, to contain a much greater number of effectives than they 
were found actually to comprehend. In addition to these, the 
officer commanding the garrison, was empowered to call to his 
aid such bodies of militia as he might deem necessary for the 
defence of his post. A very few days before the place was 
invested. General Schuyler, from an inspection of the muster 
roll?, had stated the garrison to amount to five thousand men, 
and tlie supply of p!'ov;sion?i to be ab'ind mt. When, therefore, 
it was understood that a place, on the fortifications of which 
much m.oney and labor had been expended; which was consid- 
ered as the key to the whole western country, and supposed to 
contain a garrison nearly equal to the invading army, had been 
abandoned without a siege; that an immense train of artillery, 
consisting of one hundred and twenty-eight pieces, and all the 
baggage, military stores, and provisions, had either fallen into 
the hands of the enemy, or been destroyed; that the army on its 
retrent had been attacked, defeated, and dispersed; astonish- 
ment pervaded all ranks of men; and the conduct of the offi- 
cers was almost universally condemned. Congress directed a 
'recall of all the generals of the department, and an inquiry into 
their conduct. Through New-England especially, the most 
malignant aspersions were cast on them, and Gen. Schuyler, 
who, from some unknown cause, had never been viewed with 
favor in that part of the continent, was involved in the common 
charges of treachery, to which this accumulation of unlooked 



254 PHILIP SCHUYLER 

for calamity, was very generally attributed by the mass of the 
people. 

On the representations of Gen. Washington, the recall of the 
ofEcers was suspended until he should be of opinion that the 
state of things would admit of such a measure; and on a very 
full inquiry afterward made into the conduct of the generals, 
they were acquitted of all blame. 

When the resolutions were passed, directing an inquiry into 
the conduct of Schuyler and St. Clair, appointing a committee 
to report on the mode of conducting the inquiry, and, in the mean- 
■while, recalling them and all the brigadiers who had served in 
that department, Gen. Washington was requested to name a 
successor to Schuyler. On his expressing a wish to decline this 
nomination, and representing the inconvenience of removing all 
the general officers, Gates was again directed to repair thithe)' 
and take the command; and the resolution to recall the briga- 
diers was suspended, until the commander-in-chief should be of 
opinion that it might be carried into effect with safety. 

Schuyler retained the command until the arrival of Gates, 
which was about the 21st of August, and continued his exer- 
tions to restore the affairs of the department, which had been so 
much depressed by the losses consequent on (he evacuation of 
Ticonderoga. That officer felt acutely the disgrace of being 
recalled in this critical and interesting state of the campaign. 

'• It is," said he in a letter to the commander-in-chief, " matter 
of extremo. chagrin to me, to be deprived of the command at u 
time when, soon if ever, we shall probably be enabled to face 
the enemy; when we are on the point of taking ground* where 
they must attack to a disadvantage, should our force be inade- 
quate to facing them in the field; when an opportunity will in 
all probability occur, in which I might evince that f am not what 
congress have too plainly insinuated by the resolution taking the 
command from me." 

If error be attributed to the evacuation of Ticonderoga, cer- 
tainly no portion of it was committed by Schuyler. His remo- 



♦* The island on tho north of the Mohawk. 



PHILIP SCHUYLER. 2(x9 

"val from the eomrtnand wns probably unjust and severe, as the 
measure respected himself."* 

The patriotism and masjnanimity displayed by the ex-general, 
on this occasion, does him high honor. All that could have been 
eiffected to impede the progress of the British army, had been 
done already. Bridges were broken up, causeways destroyed 
trees felled in every direction to retard the conveyance of stores 
and artillery. 

" On Gates' arrival, General Schuyler, without the slightest 
indication of ill humor, resigned his command, communicated 
all the intelligence he possessed, and put every interest! ig paper 
into his bands, simply adding, " i have done all that could be 
done, as faras the means were in my power,to injure the enemy 
and to inspire confidence'in the soldiers of our own army, and, I 
flatter myself, with some success: but the palm of victory is de- 
nied me, and it is left to you. General, to reap the fruits of my 
labors. 1 will not fail, however, to second your views; and my 
devotion to my country will cause me with alacrity to obey all 
your orders." He performed his promise, and faithfully did his 
duty, till the surrender of Burgoyne put an end to the contest. 

Another anecdote is recorded to his honor. Gen. Burgoyncj 
dining with General Gates, immediately after the convention of 
Saratoga, and heanng Gen. Schuyler named among the officers 
presented to him, thought it necessary to apologise for the de= 
struction of his elegant mansion a few days before, by his or- 
ders. " Make no excuses, General," was the reply; " I feel my- 
self more than compensated by the pleasure of meeting you at 
this table."t 

The court of inquiry, instituted on the conduct of Generals 
Schuyler and St, Clair, resulted with the highest honor to 
them. 

Gen. Schuyler, though not invested with any distinct com- 
mand, contmued to render important services in the military 
transactions of New- York, until the close of the war. 

♦Marshall'sLife of Washington,. 
, tOarden's Anecdotes, 
34 



^Q JOHN STARfe. 

He was a member of the old congress; and represented the 
state of New- York in the senate of the United States, when the 
present government commenced its operations. In 1797 he 
was again appointed a senator. 

He died at Albany, November 18th, 1804, in the seventy-third 
year of his age. 



John stark, 

Brigadier-General in the American Army. 

GsNERAii Sta.rk was a native of New-Himp?hire, and was 
Iborn in Londonderry, August seventeenth, 1728. From his earlj 
youth he had been accustomed to the alarm of war, having 
lived in that part of the country which was continually subject 
to the incursions of the savages. While a child he was cap- 
tured b}' them, and adopted as one of their own; but after a 
few years was restored. 

Arrived at manhood, his manners were plain, honest, and 
severe; excellently calculated for the benefit of fociety, in the 
private walks of life; and as a courageous and heroic soldier, he 
is entitled to a high rank among those who have been crowned 
with unfading laurels, and to whom a large share of glory is 
justly due. He was caplain of a company of rangers in the 
provincial service, during Ihe French warin 1765. 

From the commencement of tlie difficulties with the mother 
country, until the closing scene of the revolution, our country 
found in General Stark, one of its most resolute, independent, 
and perseverinu defenders. The first call of his country found 
bim ready. When the report of Lexington battle reached him, 
he was ensran^ed at work in his saw-mill: fired with indignation 
■and amarshal spirit, he iinmediitelvseized hi>i musket, and with 
a band of heroes proceeded to Cambridge. The n";orning aPer 
his arrival he received a colonel's commission, and availii.u him- 
self of his own popularity, and the enthusiasm oftbedayin 
two hours be enlisted eight husdred men. On the memorable 
171b of June, at Breed's Hill, Col. Str.rk, at the head of his 
back-wood&men of New-Hampshire, poured on the enemy that 



JOHN STARK. 267 

deadly fire from a sure aim, which effected such remarkable de- 
struction in their ranks,. and compelled them twice to retreat, 
paring the whole of this dreadful conflict, Col. Stark evinced 
that consummate bravery and intrepid zeal, which entitles hisr 
name to perpetual remembrance. 

His spirit pervaded his native state, and excited them to the 
most patriotic efforts. The British Gereral Burgoyne, in one 
of his letters observes, — " That the Hampshire Grants, almost, 
unknown in tlie last war, now abound in the most active and 
most rebellious race on the continent, and hang like a gathering 
storm upon my left." 

Distinct from his efforts in rallying the energies of his native 
state, he obtained great credit in the active operations of the 
j5eld. At that gloomy period of the revolution, the retreat of 
Washington through New-Jersey, in 1776, when the saviour of 
our country apparently deserted of Heaven and by his country, 
with the (ew gallant spirits who gathered the closer around him 
in that daik hour, precipitately fled before an imperious and 
victorious enemy— it was on this occasion, that the persevering 
Vdlor of Starkenrolled him among the firm and resolute defend" 
ers of their country ; and, with them, entitles him to her unceas- 
ing gratitudcc, 

But as he fearlessly shared with Washington the dark and 
gloomy night of defeat, so also he participated with him in the 
joy of a bright morning of victory and hope. In the successful 
enterprise against Trenton, Stark, then a colonel, acted a con- 
spicuous part, and covered himself with glorj. Gen. Wilkinson 
in his memoirs says,—" I must not withhold due praise from the 
dauntless Stark, who dealt death wherever he found resistance, 
aad broke down all opposition before him." 

Soon after this affair, Col. Stark, from some supposed injustice 
toward him on the part of congress, quitted the continental ser- 
vice, and returned to New-Hampshire., 

*' Wlien he was urged by the government of New-Hampshire 
to take the command of their militia, he refused unless he should 
be left at liberty to serve or not, under a continental officer, as 
he should judge proper, JLt was not a time for d«bate,and it was 



268 JOHN STARK. 

Tcnown that the militia would follow wherever Stark would leacH* 
The assembly therefore invested him with a separate command, 
and gave him orders to " repair to Charlestown, on Connecticut 
River, there to consult with a committee of the New-Hamp- 
shire Grants, respecting his future operations, and the supply of 
liis men with provisions; to take command of the militia, and 
march into the Grants; to act in conjunction with the troops of 
that new state, or any other of the states, or of the United 
Slates, or separately, as should appear expedient to him; for 
the protection of the people, and the annoyance of the enemy."* 
Agreeably to his orders. Stark proceeded in a few days to 
Charlestown; his men very readily followed; and as fast as they 
arrived, he sent them forward to join the troops of Vermont 
under Colonel Warner, who had taken his situation at Man- 
Chester. At that place he joined Warner with about 800 men 
from New-Hampshire, and found another body of men from 
"Vermont, who put themselves under his command; and he was 
at the head of fourteen hundred men. Most of them had beea 
in the two former campaigns, and well officered; and were in 
every respect a body of very good troops. Schuyler repeatedly 
urged Stark to join the troops under his command; but he de- 
clined complying. He was led to this conduct not only by 
the reasons which have been mentioned, but by a difference of 
opinion as to the best method of opposing Burgoyne. Schuyler 
■wished to collect all the American troops in the front, to prevent 
Burgoyne from marching on to Albany. Stark was of opinion 
that the surest way to check Burgoyne was to have a body of 
men on his rear, ready to fall upon him in that quarter, when- 
ever a favorable opportunity should present. The New-Eng- 
land militia had not formed a high opinion of Schuyler, as a 
general; and Stark meant to keep himself in a situation, in 
which he might embrace any favorable opportunity for action, 
either in conjunction with him or otherwise; and with that 
view intended to hang on the rear of the British troops, and 
embrace the first opportunity which should present, to make an 
attack upon that quarter. But Stark assured Schuyler that he 

^Belknap's History of New-Hampshire^ 



JOHN STARK. 2G^ 

would join in any measure necessary to promote the public 
good, but wished to avoid any thing that was not consistent with 
his own honor; and if it was thought necessary, he would march 
to his camp. He wrote particularly that he would lay aside 
all private resentment when it appeared in opposition to the 
public good. But in the midst of these protestations, he was 
watching for an opportunity to discover his courage and patri- 
otism, by falling upon some part of Burgoyne's army. 

While the American army was thus assuming a more respect- 
able appearance. General Burgoyne was making very slow 
advances towards Albany. From the twenty-eighth of July to 
the fifteenth of August, the British army was continually em- 
ployed in bringing forward batteaux, provisions, and ammuni- 
tion from Fort George to, the first navigable part of Hudson's 
River; a distance of not more than eighteen miles. The labor 
was excessive: the Europeans were but little acquainted with 
the methods of forming it to advantage, and the eflfect was in 
no degree equivalent to the expense of labor and time. With 
all the efforts that Burgoyne could make, encumbered with his 
artillery and baggage, his labors were inadequate to the purpose 
of supplying the army with provisions for its dailv consumption, 
and the establishment of the necessary magazines. And after 
his utmost exertions for fifteen days, there were not above four 
days' provision in the store, nor above ten batteaux in Hudson's 
River. 

In such circumstances, the British general found that it would 
be impossible to procure sufiicient supplies of provisions by the 
way of Fort George, and determined to replenish his own maga- 
zines at the expense of those of the Americans. Having receiv- 
ed information that a large quantity of stores were laid up at 
Bennington, and guarded only by the militia, he formed the 
design of surprising that place, and was made to believe that 
as soon a? a detachment of the royal army should appear in that 
quarter, it would receive effectual assistance from a large body 
of loyalists, who only waited for the appearance of a support, 
and would ii. that event come forward and aid the royal cause, 
Full of these expectations, he detached Col. Baum, a German 



^7^ JOHN STARK. 

officer, with a selec.f body of troops, to surprise the place. Hie 
force consisted of about five hundred regular troops, some Cana- 
dians, and more than one hundred Indians, with two Ught pieces 
of artiljery. To faciHtate their operations, and to be leady to 
take advantage of the success of the detachment, the royal 
army moved along the east bank of Hudson's River, and en- 
camped nearly opposite to Saratoga; having at the same time 
thrown a bridge of rafts over the river, by which the army 
passed to that place. With a view to support Baum, if it should 
be found necessary, lieutenant-colonel Breyman's corps, consist-^ 
ing of the Brunswick grenadiers, light infantry, and chasseurs 
were posted at BattenkilU. 

Gen. Stark, having received information that a party of Indians 
were at Cambridge, sent lieutenaHt-colonelGreg, on August the 
13th, with a party of two hundred men, to stop their progress^ 
Toward night he was informed by express that a large body of 
regulars was in the rear of the Indians, and advancing toward 
Bennington. On this intelligence. Stark drew together his bri- 
gade, and the militia that were at hand, and sent on to Manches- 
ter, to Col, Warner, to bring on his regiment; he sent expresses- 
at the same time to the neighboring militia, to join bim with the 
utmost speed. On the morning of the 14th, he marched with 
his troops, and at the distance of seven miles he met Greg on 
the retrent, and the enemy within a mile of him. Stark drew 
up his troops in order of battle; but the enemy coming in sight,, 
halted on a very advantageous piece of ground. Baum per- 
ceived the Americans were too strong to be attacked with his 
present force, and sent an express to Burgoyne with an account 
of his situation ; and to have Breyman march immediately to sup- 
port him. In the mean time small parties of the Americans, 
kept up a skirmish with the enemy, killed and wounded thirty of 
them, with two of their Indian chiefs, without any loss to them- 
selves. The ground the Americans had taken was unfavorable 
for a general action, and Stark retreated about a mile, and 
encamped. A council of war was held, and it was agreed to 
send two detachments upon the enemy's rear, while the rest of 
the troops should make an attack upon their front. The next 



^OHN STARK. 271 

day the weathet was rainy, and though it prevented a general 
action, there were frequent skirnmishes in snnall parties, which 
proved favorable and encouniging to the Americans. 

On August the sixteenth, in the morning. Stark was joined 
by Col. Symonds and a body of militia from Berkshire, and 
proceeded to attack the enemy, agreeably to the plan which had 
been concerted. Colonel Baum in the mean time had en- 
trenched, on an advantageous piece of ground near St. Koick's 
mills, on a branch of the Hoosic River; and rendered his post as 
strong as his circumstances and situation would admit. Col. 
Nichols was detached with two hundred men to the rear of his 
left, Col. Herrick with three hundred men to the rear of his 
ritrht; both were to join, and then make the attack. Colonels 
Hubbard and Stickriey, with two hundred men, were Ordered 
on the right, and one hundred were advanced toward the front, 
to draw the attention of the enemy that way. About three 
o'clock in the afternoon the troops had taken their station, and 
were ready to commence the action. While Nichols and Her- 
rick were bringing their troops together, the Indians were 
alarmed at the prospect, and pushed off between the two corps; 
but received a fire as they were passing, by which three of them 
were killed and two wounded. Nichols then began the attack, 
atjd was followed by all the other divisions; those in the front 
immediately advanced, and in a few minutes the action became 
general. It lasted about two hours, and was like one continued 
peal of thunder. Baum mar]? a brave defence; and the Ger- 
man dragoons, after tbey had expended their ammunition, led 
by their colonel, charged with their swords, but they were soon 
overpowered. Their works were carried on all sides, their two 
pieces of cannon were taken, Col. Baum himself was mortally 
wounded and tnken prisoner, and all his men, except a few, who 
had escaped into tlje woods, were either killed or taken pris- 
oners. Having completed the busines by taking the whole 
party, the militia beiran to disperse and look out for plunder. 
But in a few minutes Stark received ii formation that a large re- 
enforcement was on their marcii, and within two miles of him. 
Fortunately at that moment Colonel Warner came up with his 



273 JOHN STARK. 

regiment from Manchester. This brave and experienced officer 
commanded a regiment of continental tror ps which had been 
raised in Vermont. Mortified that he had not been in the for- 
mer engagement, he instantly led on his men against Breyman, 
and began the second engagement. Stark collected the militia 
as soon as possible, and pushed on to his assistance. The action 
became general, and the battle continued obstinate on both 
sides till sunset, when the Germans were forced to give way> 
and were pursued till dark. They left their two field pieces 
behind, and a considerable number were made prisoners. They 
retreated in the best manner they could, improving the advan- 
tages of the evening and night, to which alone their escape was 
ascribed. 

In these actions the Americans took four brass field pieces, 
twelve brass drums, two hundred ano*^ fifty dragoon swords, four 
ammunition wagons, and about seven hundred prisoners, with 
their arms and accoutrements. Two hundred and seven men 
were found dead upon the spot, the numbers of wounded wei e 
unknown. The loss of the Americans was but small 5 thirty 
were slain, and about forty were wounded. Stark was not a 
little pleased at having so fair an opportunity to vindicate hift 
own conduct. He had now shown that no neglect from congress 
had made him disatfected to the American cause, and that he 
had rendered a much more important service than he could 
have done by joining Schuyler, and remaining inactive in his 
camp. Congress embraced the opportunity to assign to him 
his rank, and though he had not given to them any account of 
his victory, or wrote to them at all upon tlie subject, on October 
the fourth they resolved, — "That the thanks of Congress be 
presented to General Stark of the New-llamshire militia, and 
the officers and troops under his command, for their brave and 
successful attack upon, and signal victory over the enemy in 
their lines at Bennington: and that Brigadier Stark be appointed 
a brigadier-general in the army oi the United States." And 
never were thanks more deserved, or more wisely given to a 
military officer."* 



* Williams's Vermont-. 



JOHN STARK. 275 

**tn hisotiicial account of the alFair, Gen. Stark thus writes: 
^ It lasted two hours, the hottest 1 ever suco in my life; it repre- 
sented one continued clap o( thunder: however, the eneuty 
Were obliged to give way, and leave their (itld-piece?, and all 
their baggage behind them; they wire all environed wiiliin 
two breast-works with artillery, but our mrirlial courage proved 
too strong for them. 1 then gave orders to rally again, in order 
to secure the victory: but in a lew mii.u*es was intoimed liiat 
tliere was a large re-enforcement on iheir much within two 
miles. Colonel Warner's regiment lu' kil) coming up at tiie 
moment, renewed the attack wiih tresh vigor, i pushed tor- 
ward as many of the men as 1 could to their assistance; the 
battle continued obstinate on both aides until sun?et; tiie enemy 
was obliged to retreai; we pursued them to dark, and iiad day 
lasted an hour longer, bhould have taken the whole body of 
them." 

" On what small events do the popular humor and n.ilitary 
success depend ! The capture of one thousand Germans by 
Gen. Washington at Trenton iiad served to wake up, and e^ave 
the whole continent. The exploit ol Stark at Bennington, ope- 
rated with the same kind ot influe.ice, and produced a similar 
eliect. Tills victory was the tirst event that had proved en- 
couraging to the Americans in the northern department, smce the 
death ol Gen. Montgomery. Misfortune had succeeded mi.'-fur- 
tune, and defeat had followed defeat from that period till now. 
The present instance was the first, in wliich victory had quitted 
the royal standard, or --eemed even to be wavering. She was 
now found with the American arms, and the effect seemed in 
fact to be greater than the cause. It raised the spirit of the 
country to an uncommon degree of animation; and by showing 
the militia what they could perform, rendered them willing and 
desirous to turn out and try what fortunes would await their 
exertions. It had a still greater eiiect on the ro}al army. 
The British generals were surj<rised to hear that an enemyj 
whom ihey had contemplated with no other feelings than tiiose 
of contempt, should all at once wake up, and discover much of 
*he spirit of heroism. To advance upon the mouth of cannon, 

35 



^74 ARTHUR ST. CLAIR. 

to attack fortified lines, to carry strong entrenchments, were 
exploits whicli ttiey supposed belonged exclusively' to the ainiics 
of kings. To see a bodj of American militia, ill-dressed, but 
little discipline, without cannon, armed only with farnseis' guns 
•without bayonets, and who had been accustomed to 11^ at meir 
•approach; that such men, should force the entrenchments, 
capture the cannon, kill, and make prisoners ol a k.rg'^, body of 
the royal army, was a matter of indignation, astonishment, and 
surprise."* 

"General Stark volunteered his services under Gen. Gates, at 
Saratoga, and assisted in the council which stipulated the sur- 
render oJ Gen. Burgoyne, nor did he relinquish his vahiable 
services till he could greet his native country as an Independent 
Empire, Gen. Stark was ol the middle stature, not tormed hy 
nature to exhibit an erect soldierly mein. His nianners were 
frank and unassuming, but he manifested a peculiar sort of 
eccentricity and negligence, which precluded all di^play of 
personal dignity, and seemed to place him among those o£ 
ordinary rank in life. His character as a private ciiizen was 
unblemished, and he was e\er held in respect. For the last 
few years of his life, he enjoyed a pecuniary bounty from the 
government. He lived to the advanced age of ninety-three 
years, eight months, and twenty-four days, and died May 8th,- 
iS22."t 



ARTHUR ST. CLAIR, 

Major-Geiieral in the American Army, 

€en. St. Clair was a soldier from his youth. At an early 
age, wile the independent States were yet British colonies, he 
entered the royal American army, and was commissioned as an 
ensign. He was actively engaged, during the French war, in 
the army of Gen. Wolfe, and was in the battle carrying a pair 
of colors, in which that celebrated-commander was slain, on th^ 

* Wiihaios's Vermonti t Thacher's Journalj 



ARTHUR ST. CLAIR. 27-5 

jliains of Abraham. He was highly esteemed by the distin- 
guished commanders under whom he served, as a joung officer of 
merit, capable of obtaining a high grade of mditary reputation. 
"After the peace of '63, he sold out and entered into trade, 
for which the generosity of his naiure utterl)' disqualified him; 
he, of course, soon became dii<gusted with a profitless pursuit^ 
and having married, after several vicissitudes of fortune, he 
lotH'ed himself in Ligonier valley, west of the Alleghany 
inountain, and near the ancient route from Philadelphia to 
Pittsburgh. 

In this situation the American revolution found him, surround- 
ed by a rising family, in the enjoyment of ease and independ* 
ence, with the fairest prospect? of affluent fortune, the founda- 
tion of which had been already established by his intelligence^, 
industry, and enterprise. 

From this peaceful abode, these sweet domestic enjoyments^ 
and the flattering prospects which accompanied them, he waff 
drawn by the claims of a troubled country. A man known to 
have been a military officer, and distinguished for knowledge and 
integrity, could not, in those times, be concealed even by his 
favorite mountains, and therefore, without application or expect" 
ation on tiis part, he received the commission of a colonel in 
the month of December, 177 b, together with a letter from 
President Hancock, pressing him to repair immediately to Phil- 
adelpiiia. Heobey^id the summons, and took leave not only of 
his wife and children, but in effect of his fortune, to embark ia 
the cause of libert) and the United colonies. In six weeks he 
completed the levy of a regiment of 750 men ; six companies of 
which marched in season to join our troops before Quebec; he 
followed with the other four in May, and after the unlucky 
affair at Three Rivers, by his counsel to Gen. Sullivan at Sorelj. 
he saved the army we had in Canada."'* 

The active and persevering habits of St. Clair, and the milf- 
tary knowledge, as displayed by him during the Canadian cam- 
paign, brought him into high repute, and he was sebsequentl^y 
pronr.oted to the rank of major-general. On all occasions h& 

f WilJiison'a Memoirfj 



g7& ARTHUR ST. CLAIR. 

supported an Tionorable distinction, and shared largely in thar 
Contidence and friendship of the commander-in-chief. 

The misfortunes attending the early mihtary operations of the 
northern campaign of 1777, did not fail to bring reproach upon 
the characters of those who conducted it. The loss of Titon- 
deroga and Fort Independence, and the subsequent retreat of 
Geneial St. Clair,rast a gloom over the minds of patriotic men, 
and in their con-sequences gave rise to the malignant passions of 
the human heart, which were put in motion to depreciate the 
worth, impair the influence , and destroy tiie uselulness of Gen- 
erals Schuyler and St. Clair. It was proclaimed that they were 
traitors to their country, and acted in concert with ths enemy j 
and the ignorant and the credu'ous were led to believe that they 
had received an inmtense treasure in silver balls, hred by Bur- 
goyne into St. Clair's camp, and by his order picked up and 
transmitted to Schu} ler,at Fort George!! Extravagant as was 
•this tale, it was implicitly believed. 

At the time of the evacuation of Ticonderoga, by Sf. C];iir, 
which so much exasperated the people, Genera! Schu}ler was 
absent upon a different duty, and wat ;oially ignorant ot the fact, 
though the commanding officer in that district. Gen. St. Clair, 
in accordance with the opinion of a council of war, ordered the 
jnovementon his own responsibility, and thereby faved the siate 
of New York from Britisli domination, and his gallant arni\ irom 
capture. Slung with the injustice o( a charge against General 
Sciiu}lcr, foran r ct for whicli he alone was responsible, he mag- 
»animously wrote the following letter to the Hon. John Jaj,oii 
the subject:- — 

Moses''- Creek, Jvly 25, 1775. 
"Sir — General Schuyler was good enough to read to me a 
part of a letter he received last night from you. I cannot re- 
collect that any of my officers ever asked my reasons for leaving 
Ticonderoga, but le I have found the measure much decried, I 
have often expressed myself in this manner: — "That as to my- 
self I was perfectly easy; I was conscious of the uprightness and 
propriety of my conduct, and despised the vague censure of cin 



ARTHUR ST. CLAIR. 27*7 

■amnformed populace; but had no allusion to an order from 
Gen. Schu)^ler for iny justitication, because no such order ex- 
isted. 

" The calumny thrown on Gen. Schuyler, on account of that 
matter, has given me great uneasiness. I assure you, sir, there 
never was any thing more cruel and unjust ; for he knew nothing 
of the matter until it was over, more than you did at Kingston. 
Jt was done in consequence of a consultation with the other 
general officers, without the possibility of Gen. Schuyler's con- 
currence; and had the opinion of that council been contrary to 
what it was, it would nevertheless have taken place, because I 
knew it to be impossible to defend the post with our numbers, 

" In my letter to congress from Fort Edward, in which I gave 
them an account of the retreat, is this paragraph: — ' It was my 
original design to retreat to this place, that I might be betwixt 
Gen. Burgoyne and the inhabitants, and that the mililia might 
have something in this quarter to collect to. It is now effected, 
and the militia are coming in, so that 1 have the most sanguine 
hopes that the progress of the enemy will be checked, and I 
may haye the satisfaction to experience, that although I have 
lost a post, I have eventually saved a state*' 

'• Whether my conjecture is right, or not, is uncertain; but 
bad our army been made prisoners, which it certamly would 
have been, the state of New-York would have been much more 
exposed than at preseiit. 

" "I proposed to Gen. Schuyler, on my arrival at Fort Edward, 
to have sent a note to the printer, to assure the people he had 
no part in abandoning what they considered their strong holds; 
he thought it was not so proper at that time, but it is no more 
than what I owe to truth and to him, to declare, that he was to-; 
tally unacquainted with the matter; and I should be very glad 
that this letter, or any part of it you may think proper to conra- 
municate, may convince the unbelieving. Simple unbelief is 
easily and soon convinced, but when maUce or envy occasion it^ 
it is needless to attempt conviction. 

lam, sir, your very humble and ob't serv't. 

ARTHUR ST. CLAIR, 
Hon. John Jay. 



57 ff AT?THUR ST. CLATR. 

Congress, yielding to the personal prejudices and the popular 
t>utcry, produced by the evacuation of that post, they passed the 
following resolutions: 

" itesohed. That an inquiry be made into the reasons of the 
evacuafion of Ticonderoga and Mount Independence, and into 
the conduct of the general officers who were in the northern 
department at the time of the evacuation. 

^^ Resolved, That M;>jor-General St. Clair, who commanded at 
Ticonderoga and Mount Independence, forthwith repair to head- 
quarters." 

The conduct of congress towards this respectable, able, and 
faithful servant of the pubUc, was considered altogether unwar- 
rantable, and in the result, drew great and deserved odium on- 
its authors. 

After holding St. Clair in cruel suspense for more than a 
year, he wa> permitted to appear before a general court mar 
tial, which passed the following sentence of acquittal: 

Quaker Hill, Sept. 29, 1778. 
" The court having duly considertd the charges against Ma-r 
jor-General St. Clair, and the evidence, are unanimously of 
opinion, that he is not guilty of either of the ch*»rges preferred 
against him, and do uanimously acquit him of all and every of 
them, with the highest honor., 

B. LlNCOLN,Wl/o;. Gen. and Pres'h 

From this time. Gen, St. Clair continued in the seivice of his 
country until the close of the war. Soon after the establish- 
ment of the national government. Gen. St. Clair was appointed 
governor of the North West Territory. But he did not long 
€rijoy the calm and quielx>f civil hfe. The repeated successes 
of the Indians, on the western frontier, had emboldened them to 
repeat and extend their incursions to an alarming degree. 

" The frontiers were in a most deplorable situation. For 
their relief, congress sanctioned the raising of an additional re- 
giment; and the president was authorised to cause a body of 
two thoussnd men, under the denomination of levies, to be rais* 
<jd for six months, and to appoint a major-general, and ^ 



ARTHUR ST. CLAIR. 379. 

I>rigadier-getieral, to continue in command as long as he should 
think their services necessary. St. Clair, who was then gover- 
tior of the territory- north west of the Ohio, and as such, offi- 
cially the negotiator with the adjacent Indians, was appointed 
commander-in-chief of this new miUtary establishment. Though 
ever}' exertion was made to recruit and forward the troops, they 
were not assembled in the neighborhood of Fort Washington, 
lintil the month of September; nor was the establishment then 
completed. 

The object of the expedition was to destroy the Indian villa- 
ges on the Miami; to' expel the savages from that country; and 
to connect it with the Ohio by a chain of posts. The regulars, 
proceeding norlhwardl), from the Ohio, established, at proper 
intervals, two forts, one named Hamilton, and the other Jeffer- 
son, as places of deposit and security. These were garrisoned 
with a small force; and the main body of the army, about two 
thousand men, advanced towards the Indian settlements. As 
tTiey approached the enemy, al-jout sixty militia-men deserted, in 
a body. To prevent the mischiefs likely to result from so bad 
an example, Major Hamtrack was detached, with the first regi- 
ment, to pursue the deserters. The army was reduced, by this 
detachment, to about fourteen hundred effective men: but,nev^ 
ertheless, proceeded on their march, and encamped on elevated 
ground, about fifteen miles south of the Miami. The In- 
dians commenced an attack on the militia in front. These in 
stantly fled in disorder, and rushing into the camp, occasioned 
confusion among the regulars. The officers of the latter ex- 
erted themselves to restore order; but with very inconsidera- 
ble success. The Indians improved the advantages they had 
gained. They were seldom seen, but in the act of springing 
from one cover to another: for they fired from the ground, or 
under shelter of the woods. Advancing in this manner, close 
to the lines of their adversaries, and almost to the mouth of 
their field-pieces, they continued the contest with great firmness 
and intrepidity. 

Gen. St. Clair, though suffering under a painful disease, and 
iinable to mount or dismount a horse, without assistance, deliv- 



280 ARTHUR ST. CLAIR. 

ered his orders with judgment, and perfect self-possession. Thfi" 
troops had not been in tne service long enough to acquire dis- 
eipiine; and the want of it increased the dithculty of reducing 
them lo order after thev had been broken. Ttie officers, in 
their zeal to change the face of affairs, exposed themselves to 
imminent danger, ai.d fell in great numbers. Attempts were 
made to retrieve the fortune of the d.'} , by the use of the bay- 
enet. Col. Darke made a successiul charge on a part of the en- 
emy, and drove them four hundred yards; but they soon rallied. 
Id the mean time Gen. Butler was mortally wounded. Almost* 
all the artillerists were killed, and their guns seized bj the en- 
emy. Col. Darke again charged with the bayonet, and the ar- 
tillery was recovered. While the Indians were driven back in 
one point, they kept up their fire from every other, with fatal 
effect. Several corps charged the Indians with partial success; 
but no general impression was made upon them. 

To save the remnant of his army, was all (hat could be done 
by St. Clair. After some hours of sharp fighting, a retreat took 
place. The Indians pursued for about four miles, when their 
avidity for plunder called them back to the camp, to share the 
3poil. The vanquished troops fled about thirty miles, to Forf" 
Jefferson. There they met Maj. Hamtrack, with the first re^ 
giment; but this additional force would not warrant analtempi 
to turn about and face the victors. The wounded were left 
there, and the army retreated to Fort Washington. ' 

The loss in this defeat was great; and particularly so among 
the officers. Thirty-eight of these were killed on the field ; and 
five-hundred and ninety-three non-commissioned officers and 
privates were slain or missing. Twenty-one comniissioned offi- 
cers and upwards of one hundred privates were wounded. 
Among the dead was the gallant General Butler, who had re- 
peatedly distinguished himself in the war of the revolution. 
Several other br/>ve officers, who had successfully fought for the 
independence of their country, fell on this fatal day. Among 
the wounded, were Lieutenant-Colonels Gibson and Darke, 
Major Buflor, and Adjuta.'it Sargent, officers of distinguished 
<nerit. Meitiiur the number of the Indians engaged, nor their 



JOHN SULLIVAN. 28 i 

kss could be exactly ascertained. The former was supposed 
to be from one thousand to tifteen hundred, and the latter far 
short of what was sustained by St. Clair's army."* 

Sliortly a'^ter this unfortunate expedition, Gen. St. Clair re- 
signed his commission in the army and retired into private life, 
«nd thus remained until the close of his life, August 31st, 1818* 



JOHN SULLIVAN, 

Major-General in the American Army. 

General Sullivan was a native of New-Hampshire, wbere 
be resided before the revolution, and attained to a high degree 
of eminence in the profession of the law. He was a member 
of the first Congress in 1774, but on the commencement of hos- 
tilities, preferring a military commission, he relinquished the 
fairest prospect of fortune and fame, and appeared among the 
most ardent patriots and intrepid warriors. 

In 1775, he was appointed a brigadier-general, and imme» 
diately joined the army at Cambridge, and soon afteir obtained 
the command on Winter Hill. The next year he was ordered 
to Canada, and on the death of Gen. Thomas, the command of 
the aimy devolved on him. The situation of the army m that 
quarter was inexpressibly distressing; destitute of clothing, dis- 
pirited by defeat and constant fatigue, and a large proportion of 
the troops sick with the smallpox. By his great exertions and 
judicious management he meliorated the condition of the army, 
and obtained general applause. On his retiring from that com-' 
mand, July 12th, 1776, the field officers thus addressed him: 
"It is to you, sir, the public are indebted for the preservation 
of their property in Canada. It is to you we owe our safety 
thus far. Your humanity will call forth the silent tear, and the 
grateful ejaculation of (he sick. Your universal impartiality 
will force the applause of the wearied soldier." 

In August, 1776, he was promoted to the rank of major-gen- 
eral, and soon after was, with major-general Lord Stirling, cap- 
tured by the British in the battle on Long Island. Gea Sullivan 

* Ramsay's Uuited States. 
2Q 



P2 J^^N SULLIVAN. 

being parolecl, was sent bj? Gen. Howe with a message to con- 
gress, after which he returned to New- York. In September he 
was exchanged for Major-General Prftscott. We next tind him 
in command of the right division of our troops, in the famous 
battle at Trenton, and he acquiled himself honorably on that 
ever memorable day. 

In August, 1777, without the authority of congress or the 
commander-in-chief, he planned and executed an expeilition 
against the enemy on Staten Island. Though the enterprise 
-•wttS' conducted with prudence and success in part, it was said by 
some to have been less brilliant than might have been expected 
under his favorable circumstances; and as that act was deemed 
a bold assumption of responsibility, and reports to his prejudice 
being in circulation, a court of inquiry was ordered to investi- 
gate his conduct. The result was an honorable acquittal, and 
congress resolved that the result so honorable to Gen. Sullivan 
is highly pleasing to congress, and that the opinion of the court 
be published in justification of that injured officer. 

In the battles of Brandyv/ine and Germantown, in the autumn 
of 1777, Gen. Sullivan commanded a division, and in the latter 
conflict his two aids were killed, and his own conduct was so 
conspicuously brave, that Gen. Washington, in bis letter to con- 
gress, concludes with encomiums on the gallantry of General 
Sullivan, and the whole right wing of the army, who acted im- 
mediately under the eye of his Excellency. 

In August, 1778, Gen. Sullivan was sole commander of 
anexpedition to the island of Newport, in cooperation with the 
French fleet under the Count DVEstaing. The Marquis De La 
Fayette and General Greene vokmteered their sprvices on the 
occasion. The object of the expedition M'as defeated, in con- 
sequence of the French fleet being driven oiFhy a violent storm. 
By this ufo! tunatc event the enemy were encouraged to engage 
our army in battle, in which they suffered a repulse, and Grreral . 
Sullivan finally eflfected a safe retreat to the main. This retreat, 
so ably executed, without confu-;ion, or the loss of baggage, or 
Stores, increa-icd the military reputation of General Sullivan, 
and ledouads to bis honor as a skilful commander. 



JOHN SULLIVAN. 283 

The bloody tragedy acted at Wyoming, in 1778, had deter- 
mined the coinmandtr-in-chief, in 1779, to employ a large de- 
tachment from the continental army to penetrate into the heart 
of the Indian country, to chastise the hostile tribes and their 
white associates and adherents, for their cruel aggressions on 
the defenceless inhabitants. Tlie command of this expedition 
was committed to Major-General Sullivan, with express orders 
to destroy their settlements, to ruin their crops, and make such 
thorough devastations, as to render the country entirely unin- 
habitable for the present, and thus to compel the savages to re= 
move to a geater distance from our frontierSc 

Gen. Sullivan had under his command several brigadiers, and 
a well chosen army, to which were attached a number of friendly 
Indian warriors. With this force he penetrated about ninety 
miles through a horrid swampy wilderness and barren moun- 
tainous deserts, to Wyoming, on the Susquehanna River, thence 
by water to Tioga, and possessed himself of numerous towns 
and villages of the savages. 

During this hazardous expedition General Sullivan and his 
army encountered the most complicated obstacles, requiring the 
greatest fortitude and perseverence to surmount. He explored 
an extensive tract of country, and strictly executed the severe, 
but necessary orders he had received* A considerable number 
of Indians were slain, some were captured, their habitations 
were burnt, and their plantations of corn and vegetables laid 
waste in the most effectual manner. "Eighteen villages, a 
number of detached buildings, one hundred and sixty thousand 
bushels of corn, and those fruits and vegetables which conduce 
to the comfort and subsistence of man, were utterly destroyed. 
Five weeks were unremittingly employed in this work of devas- 
tation." 

On his return from the expedition, he and his army received 
the approbation of Congress. It is remarked on this expedition 
by the translation of M. Chastelleux's travels, an Englishman, 
then resident in the Ur iled States, that the instructions given 
by General Sullivan to his ofiicers, the order of march he pre- 
scribed to his troops, and the discipline he had the ability to 



284 



SETH WAT^NER. 



maintain, would have done honor to the most experienced an* 
cient or modern generals. 

At the close of the campaign of 1779. General Sullivan, in 
consequence ol impaired health, resigned his comaiission in the 
armvo Congress, in accepting his resignation passed a resolve, 
thanking him for his past services. Hi? mi'itarv (aknl? and 
bold spirit of enterprise were universally acknowledged. He 
was fond of display, and his personal appearance and digi.ified 
deportment commanded respect. After his ^-egignation, he re- 
sumed his professional pursuits at the bar, and was much dis- 
tinguished as a statesman, politician, and patriot. He acquired 
very considerable proficiency in general literature, and an ex- 
tensive knowledge of men and the world. He received fi om 
Harvard University a degree of Master of Arts, and from the 
University of Dartmouth a degree of Doctor of Laws. He was 
one of the convention who formed the state constitution for 
New-Hampshire, was chosen into the first council, and was 
afterwar^l elected chief magistrate in that sta,te, and held the 
office for three years. In September, 1789, he was appointed 
Judge of the District Court for the District of New-Hampshire» 
and continued in the office till his death, in 1795."* 



SETH WARNER, , 

Colonel in the American Army, 

"Among the persons who have performed important services 
to the state of Vermont, Col. Seth Warner deserves to be 
remembered with respect. He was born at Woodbury, in the 
colony of Connecticut, about the year 1 744, of honest and re- 
spectable parents. Without any other advantages for an edu- 
cation than were to be found in the common schools of the town, 
he was early distinguished by the solidity and extent of his 
understanding. About the year 1763, his parents purchased a 
tract of land in Bennington, and soon after removed to that 
town with their family. In the uncultivated state of the couu- 



* Thacher's Military Journal,. 



SETH WARNER, ' 285 

trj, in the fish, wilh vvhich the rivers and ponds were furnished, 
and in the game with which the woods ahounded, your.g War- 
ner found a variety of objects suited to his favorite inclinations 
and pursuits; and he soon became distinguished as a fortunate 
and indefatigable hunter. 

His father, Captain Benjamin Warner, had a strong inchnation 
to medical inquiries and pursuits; and agreeably to. the state 
of things in new settlements, had to look for many of his medi- 
cines in the natural virtues of the plants and roots that were 
indigenous to the country. His son Seth frequently attended 
hirn in these Botanical excursions, contracted something of his 
failier's taste for the business, and acquired more information of 
the nature and properties of the indigenous plants and vegetables, 
than any other man in the country. By this kind of knowledge 
he became useful to the families in the new settlements, and 
administered relief in many cases, where no other medical assist- 
ance could at that time he procured. By such visits and prac- 
tice he became known to most of the families on the west side 
of the Green Mountains; and was generally esteemed by them 
a man highly useful, both on account of his information and hu- 
manity. 

About the year 17G3, a scene began to open, which gave a 
new turn to his active and enterprising spirit. The lands on 
which the settlements were made, had been granted by the gov- 
ernors of New-Hampshire. The government of New- York 
claimed jurisdiction to the eastward as far as Connecticut River; 
denied the authority of the governor of New-Hampshire to 
make any grants to the west of Connecticut River; and an- 
nounced to the inhabitants, that they were within the territory 
of New- York, and had no legal title to the lands on which they 
had settled. The controversy became very serious between 
the two governments, and after some years spent in altercation, 
New- York procured a decision of George III. in their favor. 
This order was dated July 20, 1764, and declared " the western 
banks of the River Conned irut, from where it enters the pro- 
vince of Massachusetts bay, as far north as the 45th degree of 
northern latitude, to the boundary line between the said two , 



28G 



8ETH WARNER, 



provinces of New- Hampshire and New- York." No sooner wiw 
this decree procured, than the governor of New- York proceeded 
to make new grants of the lands which the settlers had before 
fairly bought of the crown, and which had been chartered to 
them in the king's name and authority, by the royal governor 
of New-Hampshire. All became a scene of disorder and dan- 
ger. The new patentees under New- York brought actions of 
cjectnftents against the settlers. The decisions of the courts at 
Albany were always in favor of the New- York patentees; and 
nothing remained for the inhabitants but to buy their lands over 
again, or give up the labors and earnings of their whole lives 
to the new claimants under titles from New- York. 

In this scene of oppression and distress, the settlers discov- 
ered the (irm and vigorous spirit of manhood. All that wafe^ 
left to them was either to yield up their whole property to a set 
of unfeeling land jobbers, or to defend themselves and property 
hy force. They wisely and virtuously chose the latter; and by 
a kind of common consent, Ethan Allen and Seth Warner 
became their leaders. No man's abilities and talents could 
have been better suited to this business than Warner's. When 
the authority of New- York proceeded with an armed force to 
attempt to execute their laws, Warner met them with a body of 
Green Mountain Boys, properly armed, full of resolution, and so 
formidable in numbers and courage, that the governor of New- 
York was obliged to give up this method of proceeding. When 
the sheriff came to extend his executions, and eject the settlers 
from their farms, Warner would not suffer him to proceed. 
Spies were employed to procure intelligence, and promote 
division among the people; when any of them were taken, War- 
ner caused them to be tried by some of the most discreet of the 
people ; and if declared guilty, to be tied to a tree and whipped. 

An officer came to take Warner by force; he considered it as 
an affair of open hostility, engaged, wounded, and disarmed the 
officer; but, with the honor and spirit of a soldier, spared tlie 
life of an enemy he had subdued. These services appeared in 
a very different light to the settlers, and to the government of 
New- York; the first considered him as an eminent patriot and 



SETn WARNER- 287 

hero, to the other he appeared as the first ofvillainsand rebels. 
To put an end to all further exertions, and to bring him to an 
exemplary punishment, the government of New- York, on Marcli 
9lh, 1774, passed an act of outlawry against him; and a procla- 
mation was issued by W. Tryon, governor of New- York, otTer- 
ing a reward o( fifty pound? to any person who should apprehend 
him. These proceedings of New-York were beheld by him with 
contempt; and tbey had no other effect upon the settlers, than 
to unite them more firmly in their opposition to that govern- 
ment, and in their attachment to their own patriotic leader 
thus wantonly proscribed. 

In services of so dangerous and important a nature, Warner 
was engaged from the year 1 765 to 1775. That year a scene of 
the highest magnitude and consequence opened upon the world. 
On the I9th of April, the American war was begun by the Bri- 
tish troops at Lexington. Happily for the country, it was com- 
menced with such circumstances of insolence and cruelty, as 
left no room for the people of America to doubt what was the 
course which they ought to pursue. The time was come, in 
which total subjection, or the horrors of war. must take place. 
All America preferred tlie latter; and the people of the New- 
Hampshire Grants immediately undertook to secure the British 
forts at Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Allen and Warner 
immediately eiigaged in the business. Allen took the command 
and Warner raised a body of excellent troops in the vicinity of 
Bennington, and both marched against Ticonderoga. They sur- 
prised and took that fortress on the morning of the tenth of May; 
and Warner was sent the same day with a detachment of the 
troops to secure Crown Point. He effected the business, ai^d 
secured the garrison, with all the warlike stores, for the use of 
the continent. 

The same year Warner received a coiiimission from congress 
to raise a regiment, to assist in 'he reduction of Canada. He 
engaged in the business with his usual spirit of activity; raised 
his regiment chiefl. among his old acquaintance and friends, the 
Green Mountain Boys, and joined <he army ui>df'r the command 
of General Montgomery. The Koaoiabie Samuel SafTordof 



098 ^ETH WARNER. 

Bennington was his lieutenant-colonel. Their regiment com 
<3ucted with great spirit, and acquired high applause, in th;* ac- 
tion at Longueil, in which the troops, designed for the relief of 
St. John's, were totally defeated and dispersed, chiefly by the 
troops under the command of Colonel Warner. The campaign 
ended about the 20th of November, in the course of which, Ti- 
conderoga. Crown Point, Chamblee, St. Johns, Montreal, and a 
fleet of eleven sail of vessels had been captured by the Ameri- 
can arms. No man in this campaign had acted with more spirit 
and enterprise than Colonel Warner. The weather was now" 
become severe, and Warner's men were too miserably clothed 
to bear a winter's campaign in the severe climate of Canada. 
They were accordingly now discharged by Montgomery, with 
particular marks of his respect, and the most affectionate thanks 
for their meritorious services. 

Warner returned with his men to New-Hampshire Grants, 
but his mind was more than ever engaged in the cause of his ' 
country. Montgomery, with a part of his army, pressed on to 
Quebec, and on December 31st was slain in an attempt to carry 
the city by storm. This event gave an alarm to the northern 
part of the colonies; and it became necessar} to raise a re-en- 
forcement to march to Quebec in the midst of winter. The 
difficulty of the business suited the genius and ardor of Warner's 
mind. He was at Woodbury, in Connecticut, when he. heard 
the news of Montgomery's defeat and death; he instantly re- 
paired to Bennington, raised a body of men, and marched in 
the midst of winter to join the American troops at Quebec. 
The campaign, during the winter, proved extremely distressing 
to the Americans: in want of comfortable clothing, barracks, 
and provisions, most of them were taken by the smallpox, and 
several died. At the opening of the spring, in May, 1776, a 
large body of British troops arrived at Quebec, to relieve the 
garrison. The American troops were forced to abandon the 
blockade, with circumstances of great distress and confusion, 
Warner chose the most difficult part of the business, remaining 
always with the rear, picking up the lame and diseased, assisting 
gind encouraging those whQ >Yere the most unable to take carr 



SETS WARNER. 289> 

of tht»reselves, and generally kept but a kw miles in advance 
of the British, who were rapidly pursuing the retreating; Ameri- 
cans from post to post. By steadily pursuing this conduct, he 
brought off most of the invalids; and with this corps of the 
intirmand diseased, he arrived at Ticonderoga a few days after 
the body of the army had t^lken possession of that ()ost. 

Highly approving his extraordinary exertions, the American 
congress, on July 5th, 177G, the day after they haddeclared 
independence, resolved to raise a regiment out of the troops 
which had served with reputation in Canada. Warner was 
appointed colonel; Safford lieutenant-colonel of this regiment; 
and most of the other officers were persons who had been dis- 
tinguished by their opposition to the claims and proceedings of 
New- York. By this appointment he v\ as again placed in a situ- 
ation perfectly agreeable to his inclination and genius; and in 
conformity to his orders, he repaired to Ticonderoga, where he 
remained till the close of tlie campaign. 

On January 16, 1777, the convention of the New Hampshire 
Grants declared the whole district to be a sovereign and inde- 
pendant state, to be known and distinguished ever after by the 
name of Vermont. The committee of safety in New- York were 
then sitting, and on January 20th, they announced the trans^:c- 
tion to congress, complaining in high terms of the conduct of 
Vermont, censuring it as a dangerous revolt and opposition to 
lawful authority, and at the same time remonstrating against 
llie proceedings of congress in appointing Warner to the com- 
mand of a regiment independent of the legislature, and within 
the bounds of that state; "especially, said they, as this Colonel 
Warner hath been constantly and invariably opposed to the 
legislature of this state, and hath been, on that account, pro- 
claimed an outlaw by the late government thereof. It is abso- 
lutely necessary to recall the commissions given to Col. Wariier 
and the officers under him, as nothing else will do us ju'^lice." 
No measures were taken by congress at that time, either to inter- 
fere in the civil contest between the two states, or to remove the 
colonel from his command. Anxious to effect this purpose, the 
convention of New-York wrote further on the subject, on March 

37 



290 



SETH WARNER. 



1st, and among other things declared, " that there was not the 
least probabihty that Col. Warner could raise such a nunnber of I 
men as would be an object of public concern/' Congress still 
declined to dismiss so valuable an otiicer Irom their service. 
On June 23d, congress was obliged to take up the controversy 
between New- York and Vermont; but instead of pn.'Ctecling 
to disband the Colonel's regiment, on June 30th, the) resolved 
"that the reason which induct d congress to form that corps, 
was, that many officers of ditferent states who had served in 
Canada, and-alleged that tliey could soon raise a regmient, but 
were liien unprovided for, might be reinstated in the service of 
the United States." Nothing can give us a more just idea of 
the sentiments which the American congress entertained ot ihe 
patriotic and military virtues of the colonel, than tlieir refusmg 
to give him up to the repeated solicilaiions and demands of so 
respectable and powerful a slate as that of New-Yoik. 

The American army stationed at Ticonderoga were forced to 
abandon that fortress, on July G, 1777, in a very precipitate and 
iriegular manner. The colonel with his regiment retreated 
along the western part of Vermont, through the towns of 
Orwell, Sudbury, and Hubardton. At the last of these towns, 
the advanced corps of the British army overtook the rear of the 
American troops, on the morning of the 7th of July. The 
American army, all but part of three regiments, were gone for- 
ward; these were part of Hale's, Francis's, and Warner's regi- 
ments. The enemy attacked them with superior numbers, and 
ihe highest prospect of success. Francis and Warner opposed 
them with great spirit and vigor; and no officers or troops could 
have discovered more courage and tirmness than they displayed 
through the whole action. Large re-enforcements of the enemy 
arriving, it became impossible to make any effectual opposition. 
Francis fell in a most honorable discharge of his duty. Hale 
surrendered with his regiment. Surrounded on every side by 
the enemy, but calm and undaunted, Col. Warner fought his 
way through all opposition, brought off the troops that refused 
to capitulate with Hale, checked the enemy in their pursuit, and 
contrary to all expectations, arrived safe with his troops at Mao- 



SETH WARNER. 291 

Chester. To the northward of that town the whole country 
was deserted. The colonel determined to make a stand at that 
place; encouraged by his example and firm less, a body of the 
militia soon jonied him; and he was once more in a situation 
to protect the inliabitants, harass the enemy, and break up the 
advanced parties. 

On the I6th of August, the vicinity of Beimington became 
the seat of a memorable battle. Colonel Baum nad been des- 
pa<ch"(J by General Burgoyne to attack the American troops 
and destroy the magiiziues at Bennington. General Stark, who 
co.nmanded at that pl.tce, had intelligence of the approach of 
the enem} ; and sent orders on the morning of the 16th to Col. 
Warner at Manchester, to march immediately to his assistance. 
Iji the mean time, Stark with the troops which were assembled 
at Bennington, had attacked the enemy under CoJ. Baum, and 
after a severe action had captured the whole body. Just as the 
action was finished, intelligence was received that a large re-en^ 
forcemeiil of the enemy had arrived. Fatigued and exhausted 
hy so long and severe an- action. Stark was doubtful whether it 
was possible for his troops to enter immediately upon another 
b-itile with a fresh body of the enemy. At that critical moment 
IV ariKT arrived with his troops from IManchester. Mortified 
that he had not been in the action, and determined to have some 
part in the glory of the day, he urged Stark immediately to 
commence another action. Stark consented, and the (olonel 
instantly led on his men to battle. The Americans rallied from 
every par* of the field, and the second action became as fierce 
and decisive as the first. The enemy gave way in every direc= 
tion; great numbers of them were slain, and the rest saved 
themselves altogether by the darkness of the night. Stark 
ascribed the last victory very much to Colonels Warner and 
Herrick, and spoke in the highest terms of their superior 
information ar d activity, as that to which he principally owed 
hig success. The success at Bennington gave a decisive turn to 
the affairs of that campaign. Stark, Warner, and the other 
officers, with their troops, joined the army under Gen. Gates. 
Victory every where followed the attempts of the northerEfe 



292 ^^TH WAT? NEK. 

army; and the campaign terminated in the surrender of Biir- 
gojne and his whole army, at Saratoga, on October 1 7th, 
1777. 

The contest in the northern department being in a great mea- 
sure decided by the capture of Burgoyne, Warner had no far- 
ther opportunity to discover his prowess in defence of his be- 
loved state: but served occasionally at ditferent places on Hud- 
son River, as the circumstances of the war required, and always 
with reputation^ Despairing of success in the norlbern parts, 
the enemy carried the war into the southern states; and nt^ither 
Kew-York nor Vermont any longer remained the places of dis- 
tinguished enterprise. But such had been the fatigues and 
exertions of the colonel, that when he returned to hts family in 
Bennington, his constitution, naturally firm and vigorous, ap- 
peared to be worn down, and nature declined under a compli- 
cation of disorders, occasioned by the excessive labors and suffer- 
ings he had passed through. 

Most of those men who have been engaged with uncommon 
ardor in the cause of tlieir country, have been so swallowed 
up with the patriotic passion, as to nejjlect that attention to 
their private interests, which other men pursue as the ruling pas- 
sion. Thus it proved with Col. Warner: intent at first upon 
saving a state, and afterwards upon saving a country, his mmd 
was so entirely ettgaged in those pursuits, that he had not made 
that provision for his family, which to most of the politicians 
and land jobbers, was tlie ultimate end of all their measures 
and exertions. With a view the better to support his family he 
removed to Woodbury; -where in the year 1785, he ended aa 
active and useful life, in high estimation among his friends 
and countrymen. * 

His family had derived little or no estate from his sei vices. 
After his death they applied to the general assembly ot Vermont 
for a grant of land. The assembly, with a spirit' of justice and 
generosity, remembered the services of Col. Warner, took up 
the petition, and granted a valuable tract of land to his widovf 
and family: a measure highly honorable to the memory of Cok 
Warner and that assembly."* 

* Williams's Vermont. 



( 293 ) 

« 
JOSEPH WARREN, 

Major-General in the American Armj. 

^' Joseph Warren was born in Roxburj, near Boston, in the 
year 1741. His father was a respectable farmer in that place, 
who had held several municipal offices, to the acceptance of 
his fellow citizens. Joseph, with s(?veral of his brothers, was 
instructed in the elementary branches of Icnowledge, at the 
public grammar school of the town, which was distinguished 
for its successive instructors of superior attainments. In 1775, 
he entered college, where he sustained the character of a youth 
of talents, tine manners, and of a generous, independent deport- 
ment, united (o great personal courage and perseverance. An 
aiiecdoie will illustrate his fearlessness and determination ai that 
age, when character can hardly be said to be formed. Several 
students of Warren's class shut themselves in a room to arrange 
some college atTaiis, in a way which they knew was contrary 
to his wishes, and barred the door so effectually, that he could 
not, without great violence, force it: but he did not give over 
the attempt of getting amontj them ; for, perceiving that the win- 
dow of the room in which they were assembled was open, and 
near a spout which extended from the roof of the building to the 
ground, he went to the top of the house, slid down to the eaves, 
seized the spout, and when he had descended as far as the 
window, threw himself into the chamber among them. At 
that instant, the spout, which was decayed and weak, gave way 
and fell to the ground. He looked at it without emotion, said 
that it had served his purpose, and began to take his part in the 
business. A spectator of this feat and narrow escape, related 
this fact to me in the college yard, nearly half a century after- 
ward; and the impression it made on his mind was so strong, 
that he seemed to feel the same emotion as though it had hap- 
pened but an hour before. 

On leaving college in 1759, Warren turned his attention to 
j^he study of medicine, under the direction of Dr. Lloyd, an 



294 JOSEPH WARREN. 

eminent physician of that day, whose valuable life has been 
protracted almost to the present time. Warren was distin- 
guished very soon after he commenced practice; for when in 
1764, the smali-pox spread in Boston, he was among itie most 
successful in his method of treating that disease, which was 
then considered the most dreadful scourge of the human race; 
and the violence of which had baffled the efforts of the learned 
faculty of medicine frohi the time of its first appearance. From 
this moment he stood high among his brethren, and was the fa- 
vorite of the people; and what he gained in their good will he 
never lost. His personal appearance, his address, his courtesy, 
and his humanity, won the way to the hearts of all; and his 
knowledge and superiority of talents seciired the cojiquost. A. 
bright and lasting fame in his profession, with the attendant con- 
sequences, wealth and influence, were within !iis reach, and 
rear at hand: but the calls of a distracted country were para- 
mount to everj, consideration of his own interests, and he enter- 
ed the vortex of politics, never to return to the peaceful course 
of professioi.al labor. 

The change in public opinion had been gradually preparing 
the min'ls of most men for a revolution. Tiiis was not openly 
avowed; amelioration of treatment for the present, and assur- 
ances of kindness in future, were all that the colonies asked 
from Great Britain — but these they did not receive. The 
mother country mistook the spirit of her children, and used' 
threats where kindness would have been the best policy. Whea 
Britain declared her rights to direct, govern, and tax us in any 
form, and at all times, the colonies reasoned, remonstrated, and 
treated for a while; and when these means did not answer, 
they defied and nisisted. The political writers of the province 
had been active and busy, but they were generally screened by 
fictitious names, or sent their productions anonymously into the 
world: but the time had arrived, when speakers of nerve and 
boldness were wanted to raise their voices against oppression in 
every shape. Warren possessed first-rate qualitiesfor an orator, 
and had early declared in the strongest terms his political senti- 
ments, which were somewhat in advance of public opinion; for 



JOSEPH WARREN. 395 

he held as tyranny all taxation, which could he innposed by the 
British parliament upon the colonies. In times of danger, the 
people are sa2;aciousi, and cling to those who best can serve 
them; and every eye was on him ii; every emergency; for he 
had not only the firmness and derision they wished for in a lead- 
er, but was prudent and wary in all his plans. His first object 
was to enlighten the people; and then he felt sure of engaging 
their feelings in the general cause. He knew when once they 
began, it would be impossible to tread back — independence on- 
ly would satisfy the country. 

With an intention of directing public sentiment, without ap- 
pearing to be too active, he met frequently with a considerable 
number of substantial mechanics, and others in the middling 
classes of society, who were busy in politics. This crisis re- 
quired such a man as they found him to be, one who could 
discern the signs of the times, and mould the ductile materials 
to his will, and at the same time seem only to follow in the path 
of others. His letter to Barnard, which attracted the notice of 
government, had been written several years before, in 1768; 
but in Some form or other he was constantly enlightening the 
people by his pen: but it is now diflBcult, and of no great impor- 
tance to trace him in the papers of that period. The public 
was not then always ri^ht in designating the authors of politi- 
cal essays. In the different situations in which he was called to 
act, he assumed as many characters as fable has ever given to the 
tutelar god of his profession, and like him, in every one of them 
he retained the wisdom to guide, and the power to charm. At 
one time he might be found restraining the impetuosity, and 
bridling the fury of those hot-headed politicians, who felt more 
than they reasoned, and dared to do more than became men. 
Such was his versatility, that he turned from these lectures of 
caution and prudence, to asserting and defending the most bold 
and undisguised principles of liberty, and defying in their very 
teeth the agents of the crown. Twice he was elected to de- 
liver the oration on the 5th of March, in commemoration of the 
massacre; and his orations are among the most distinguished, 
produced by that splendid list of speakers who addressed their 



296 JOSEPH VVARTIEN, 

fellow-citizens on this subject, so interesting to them all. In 
these productions, generally, '.he immediate causes of this event 
were overlooked, and the remote ones alone were discussed. 
Here they were on safe ground; for tyranny, in its incipient 
stages, has no excus'e from opposition; but in its march, it gen- 
erally finds some plausible arguments for its proceedings, drawn 
from the very resistance it natiirally produces. These occasions 
gave the orators a fine field for remark, and a fair opportunity 
for effect. The great orators of antiquity, in their speeches, 
attempted only to rouse the people to retain what they pos- 
sessed. Invective, entreaty, and pride, had their effect in 
assisting those mighty masters to influence the people. They 
were ashamed to lose what their fathers left them, won by their 
blood, and so long preserved by their wisdom, fheir virtues, and 
their courage. Our statesmen had a harder task to perform: 
for they were compelled to call on the people to gain what they 
had never enjoyed — an independent rank and standing among 
the nations of the world. 

His next oration was delivered March 6th, 1775. It was at 
his own solicitation that he was appointed to this duty a srccond 
time. The fact is illustrative of his character, and worthy of 
remembrance. Some British oflicers of the army then in Bos- 
ton, had publicly declared that it should be at the price of the 
life of any man to speak of the event of March 5lh, 1770, on 
that anniversary. Warren's soul took fire at such a threat, so 
openly made, and he wished for the honor of braving it. This 
was readily granted; for at such a time a man would probably 
find but (ew rivals. Many who would spurn the thought of 
personal fear, might be apprehensive that they would be so far 
disconcerted as to forget their discourse. It is easier to fight 
bravely, than to think cleaily or correctly in danger. Passion 
sometimes nerves the arm to fight, but disturbs the regular cur- 
rent of thought. The day came, and the weather was remark- 
ably fine. The Old South Meeting house was crowded at an 
earlv hour. The Biitish officers occupied the aisles, the flight 
of steps to the pulpit, and several of them were within it. It 
was not precisely known whether this was accident or design. 



JOSEPH WARREN. 237 

The orator, with the assistance of his friends, made his entrance 
at the pulpit window by a ladder. The officers seeing his cool- 
ness and intrepidity, naade way for him to advance and address 
the audience. An awful stillness preceded his exordium. Each 
man felt the palpitations of his own heart, and saw the pale, but 
determined face of his neighbor. The speaker began his ora- 
tion in a firm tone of voice and proceeded with great energy 
and pathos. Warren and his friends were prepared to chastise 
contumely, prevent disgrace, and avenge an attempt at assassi- 
«nation. 

The scene was sublime, A patriot, in whom the flush of youth 
and the grace and dignity of manhood were combined, stood 
armed in the sanctuary of God, to animate and encourage the 
sons of liberty, and to hurl defiance at their oppressors. The 
orator commenced with the early history of the country, descri- 
bed the tenure by which we held our liberties and property, 
the affection we had constantly shown the parent country, and 
boldly told them how, and by whom these blessings of life had 
been violated. There was in this appeal to Britain — in this 
description of sufifering, agony, and horror, a calm and high- 
souled defiance which must have chilled the blood of every 
sensible foe. Such another hour has seldom happened in the 
Jiistory of man, and is not surpassed in the records of nations.. 
The thunder of Demosthenes rolled at a distance from Philip 
and his host — and Tully poured the fiercest torrent of his 
invective when Cataline was at aj distance, and his dagger no 
longer to be feared: but Warren's speech was made to proud 
oppressors, resting on their arms, whose errand it vs^as to over- 
awe, and whose business it was to fight. 

If the deed of Brutus deserved to be commemorated by his- 
tory, poetry, painting, and sculpture, should not this instance of 
patriotism and bravery be held in lasting remembrance? If he 

" That struck the foremost man of all this world,'' 

was hailed as the first of freemen, what honors are not due to 
him, who, undismayed, bearded the British lion, to show the 
world what his countrymen dared to do in the cause oi liberty?. 

38 



29^6 JOSEPH WARRliN. 

If the statue of Brutus was placed among those of the got!*^ 
who were the preservers of Roman freedom, should not that of 
Warren fill a loftv niche in the temple reared to perpetuate the 
remembrance of our birth as a nation? 

If independence was not at first openly avowed by our leading 
men at that time, the hope of attaining it was fondly cherished, 
and the exertions of the patriots pointed to this end. The wise 
knew that the storm which the political Prosperos were raising, 
would pass away in blood. With these impressions on his mind, 
Warren for several years was preparing himself by study and 
observation, to take a conspicuous rank in the military arrange- 
ments which he knew must ensue. 

On the 18th of April, 1775, by his agents in Boston, he dis- 
covered the design of the British comman<ier to seize or destroy 
our few stores at Concord. He instantly despatched several 
confidential messengers to Lexington. The late venerable pa- 
triot, Paul Revere, was one of them. This gentleman has given 
a very interesting account of the difficulties he encountered in 
the discharge of this duty. The alarm was given, and the 
militia, burning with resentment, were, at daybreak on the 19th, 
on the road to repel insult and aggression. The drama was 
opened about sunrise, within a few yards of the house of God, 
in Lexington. Warren hastened to the field of action, in the 
full ardor of his soul, and shared the dangers of the day. 
While pressing on the enemy, a musket-ball took off a lock of 
his hair close to his ear. The lock was rolled and pinned, a'ifter 
the fashion of that day, and considerable force must have been 
necessary to have cut it away. The people were delighted 
with his cool, collected bravery, and already considered him as 
a leader, whose gallantry they were to admire, and in whose 
talents they were to confide. On the 14th of June, 1775, the 
provincial congress of Massachusetts made him a major-general 
of their forces, but previous to the date of his commission, he 
h:id been unceasing in his exertions to maintain order and enforce 
discipline among the troops, which had hastily assembled at 
CambEidge, after the battle of Lexington. He mingled in the 
ranks aii<l by every method and argument, strove to inspire 



JOSEPH WARREN, 



239 



tbem with confidence, and succeeded in a most wonderful 
manner, in imparting to them a portion of the flame which 
glowed in his own breast. At such a crisis, genius receives i(s 
birthright — the homage of inferior minds, who, for selt-preser^ 
vation, are wilHng to be directed. Previous to receiving (he 
appointment of major-general, he had been requested to take 
the office of physician-general to the army, but he chose (o he 
where wounds were to be made, rather than where li ey 
were to be healed. Yet he lent his aid and advice to the medi- 
cal department of the army, and was of great service to them 
in their organization and arrangements. 

He was at this time president of the provincial cofigress, 
having been elected the preceding } ear, a member from the 
town of Boston. In this body he distovered his extraordinary 
powers of mind, and his peculiar fitness for responsible offices 
at such a juncture. Cautious in proposing measures, he was asr 
siduous in pursuirg what he thought, after mature deliberation, 
to be right, and never counted the probable cost of a measr 
ure, when he had decided that it was necessary to be taken. 
When this congress, which was sitting at Watertown, adjourn,- 
cd for the day, he mounted his horse and hastened to the camp. 
Every day ' he bought golden opinions of all sorts of men;' 
and when the troops were called to act on Breed's Hill, he had 
so often been among them, that his person was known to most 
of the soldiers. 

Several respectable historians have fallen into some errors in 
describing the battle in which he fell, by giving the command of 
the troops on that da) to Warren, when he was only a volunteer 
in the fight. He did not arrive on the battle-ground until the 
enemy had commenced their movements for the attack. A^ 
soon as he made his appearance in the field, the veteran com» 
mander of the day. Colonel Prescott, desired to act under his 
directions, but Warren declined taking any other part than that 
of a volunteer, and added that he came to learn the art of war 
from an experienced soldier, whose orders he should be happy 
to obey. In the battle he was armed with a musket, and stood 
in the ranks, now and then changing his place to encourage .hi? 



30<y . JCfSEPH WARREN. 

fellow soldiers by words and by example. He undoubtedlf ;, 
from the state of hostilities, expected soon to ac in his higb 
military capacity and it was indispensable, according lo hi? 
views, that he should share the dan2:ers of the field as a common 
soldier, with his leUow citizens, that his reputation for bravery 
might be put beyond the possibility of suspicion. The wisdom 
of such a course would never have been doubted, if he had re- 
turned in safety from the fight. In such a struggle for inde^ 
pendence, the ordinary rules of prudence and caution could 
not govern those who were building up their names for future 
usefulness by present exertion. Some maxims drawn from the 
republican writers of antiquity were worn as their mottoes. 
Some precepts descriptive of the charms of liberty, were ever on 
iheir tongues, and some classical model of Greek, or Roman pa- 
triotism, was constantly in their minds. Instances of great men 
mixing in the rank of common soldiers, were to be found in an- 
cient times, when men fought for their altars and their homes. 
The cases were parallel, and the examples were imposing. 
When the battle was decided, and our people fled, Warren was 
one of the last who left the breastwork, and was slain within a 
few yards of it as he was slowly retiring. He probably felt 
mortified at the event of the day, but had he known how dear- 
ly the victory was purchased, and how little honor was gained 
by those who won it, his heart would have been at rest. Like 
the band of Leonidas, the vanquished have received by the judg-- 
ment of nations, from which there is no appeal, the imperisha- 
ble laurels of victors. His death brought a sickness to the 
heart of the community, and the people mourned his faij. not 
with the convulsive agony of a betrothed virgin over the bleed- 
ing corpse of her lover, but with the pride of the Sparlau moth- 
er, who, in the intensity of her grief, smiled to see that the 
wounds whence life had flown, were on the breast of her son — 
and was satisfied that he had died in defence of his country. 
The worth of the victim, and the horror of the sacrifice, gave 
a higher value to our liberties, and produced a more fixed de- 
termination to preserve them. 

The battle of Bunker Hill has often been described, and of 
late, its minntest detail given to the public, but never was the 



JOSEPH WARREN. 30| 

jnilitary, moral, and political character of that great event, 
more forcibly drawn, than in the following extract from the 
North American Review, for July, 1818: 

" The incidents and the result of the battle itself, were most 
important, and indeed, most wonderful. As a mere battle, feW 
surpass it in whatever engages and interests the attention. It 
was fought on a conspicuous eminence, in the immediate neigh- 
borhood of a populous city ; and consequently in the view of 
thousands of spectators. The attacking army moved over a 
sheet of water to the assault. The operations and movements 
were of course all visible, and all distinct. Those who looked 
on from the houses and heights of Boston, had a fuller view of 
every important operation and event, than can ordinarily be had 
of any battle, or that can possibly be had of such as are fought 
on a more extended ground, or by detachments of troops acting 
in different places, and at different time; , and in some measure 
independently of each other. When the British columns were 
advancing to the attack, the flames of Charlestown, (tire(^ as is 
generally supposed, by a shell,) began to ascend. The specta- 
toss far outnumbering both armies, thronged and crowded on 
every height and every point which afforded a view of the 
scene, themselves constituting a very important part of it. 

" The troops of the two armies seemed like so many combat- 
ants in an amphitheatre. The manner in which they should 
acquit themselves, was to be judged ofj not as in other case? of 
military engagements, by reports and future histoiy, hut by a 
vast and anxious assembly already on the spot, and waiting 
with unspeakable concern and emotion, the- progress of the day„ 
" In other battles the recolJrcfion of wives and children has 
been used as an excitement to aniniate the warrior's breast and 
nerve his arm. Here was r.ot a m«.!re recollection, but an actu- 
al presence of them and other dear connexions, hanging on the 
skirts of the battle, anxious and agitated, feeling almost as if 
wounded themselves by every blow of the enemy, and putting 
forth, as it were, their own strength, and all the energy of their 
own throbbing bosoms, into every gallant effort of their warrin|^ 
/riends. 



302 JQSfiPII WARREN. 

" But there was a more compFeheosive and vastly more im^ 
portant view of that day's, contest, than has been mentioned,-^* 
a view, indeed, which ordinary eyes, bent intently on what was 
immediately before them, did not embrace, but which was per- 
ceived in its full extent and expansion, by minds of a higher or- 
der. Those naen «rho were at the head of the colonial coun- 
cils, who had been engaged for years in the previous stages of 
the quarrel with England, and who had been accustomed to look 
forward to the future, were well apprised of the magnitude of 
the events likely to hang on the business of that day. They saw 
in it not only a battle, but the beginning of a civil war, of un- 
measured extent and uncertain issue. All America and all Eng- 
land were like to be deeply concerned in the consequences. 
The individuals themselves, who knew full well what agency 
they had had, in bringing affairs to this crisis, had need of all 
their courage; — not that disregard of personal safety, in which 
the vulgar suppose true courage to consist, but that high and 
fixed^moral sentiment, that steady and decided purpose, which 
enables men to pursue a distant end, with a full view of tlie diffi- 
culties and dangers before them, and with a conviction that, be- 
fore they arrive at the proposed end, should they ever reach 
it, they must pass through evil report as well as good report, 
and be liable to obloquy as well as to defeat. 

" Spirits that fear nothing else, fear disgrace; and this danger 
i"S necessarily encountered by those who engage in civil war. 
Unsuccessful resistance is not only ruin to its authors, but is 
esteemed, and necessarily so, by the laws of all countries, treas- 
onable. This is the case, at least till resistance becomes so 
general and formidable, as to assume the form of regular war. 
But who can tell, when resistance commences, whether it will 
attain even to that degree of success? Some of those persons 
who signed the Declaration of Independence in 1776, described 
themselves as signing it, " as with halters about their necks." 
If there were grounds for this remark in 1776, when the cause 
had become so much more general, how much greater was the 
hazard, when the battle of Bunker Hill was fought? 

" These considerations constituted, to enlarged and liberai 



JOSEPH WARREN. 30o 

Tmn<fe, the moral sublimity of the occasion; white to the out- 
ward senses, the movement of armies, the roar of artillery, the 
brilliancy of the reflection of a summer's sun from the bur- 
nished armour of the British columns, and the flames of a burn- 
ing town, made up a scefie of extraordinary grandeur." 

This tminence has become sacred ground. It contains in its 
bosom the ashes of the brave who died fighting to defend their 
altars and their homes. Strangers from all countries visit this 
spot, for it is associated in their memories with Marathon and 
Platas, and all the mighty struggles of determined freemen. 
Our citizens love to wander over this field — the aged to awake 
recollections, and the youthful to excite heroic emotions. The 
battle ground is now all plainly to be seen — the spirit of modern 
improvement, which would stop the streams of Helicon to turn 
a mill, and cause to be felled the trees of Paradise to make a 
rafter, has yet spared this hallowed height. 

If " the days of chivalry be gone forever," and the high and 
enthusiastic feelings of generosity and magnanimity be not so 
widely ditTused as in more heroic ages, yet it cannot be denied 
but that there have been, and still are, individuals, whose bosoms 
are warmed with a spirit as glowing and etherial as ever swelled 
the heart of "mailed knight," who, in the ecstacies of love, re- 
ligion, and martial glory, joined the war-cry on the plains of 
Palestine, or proved his steel on the infidel foe. The history of 
every revolution is interspersed with brilliant episodes of indi- 
vidual prowess. The pages of our own history, when fully 
written out, will sparkle profusely with these gems of romantic 
Talor. 

The calmness and indifference of the veteran " in clouds of 
dust and seas of blood," can only be acquired by long acquaint- 
ance with the trade of death; but the heights of Charleston will 
bear eternal te^imony how suddenly, in the cause of freedom 
the peaceful citizen can become the invincible warrior — stung 
by oppression he springs forward from his tranquil pursuits, un- 
daunted by opposition, and undismayed by danger, to fight even 
10 death for the defence of his rights. Parents, wives, children, 
and country, all the hallowed properties of existence, are to 



304 JOSEPH WARREN. 

bim the talisman that takes fear from his heart, and nerves hi* 
arm to victory. 

In the requiem over those who have fallen in the cause of 
their country, vrhich 

" Time with his own eternal lips shall sing," 

the praises of Warren shall be distinctly heard. The blood of 
those patriots who liave fallen in the defence of Republics, has 
often "cried from the ground" against the ingratitude of the 
country for which it was shed. No monument was reared to 
their fame, no record of their virtues written; no fostering hand 
extended to their offspring — but they and their deeds were ne- 
glected and forgotten. Toward Warren there was no ingrati- 
tude — our country is free from this stain. Congress were the 
guardians of his honor, and remembered that his children were 
unprotected orphans. Within a year after his death, congress 
passed the following resolutions: — 

" That a monument be erected to the memory of General 
Warren, in the town of Boston, with the following inscription: 

IN HONOR OF 

JOSEPH WARREN, 

Major-General of Massachusetts Bay. 

He devoted his life to the 

liberties of his country, 

and in bravely defending them, 

fell an early victim in the 

BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL, 

June 17, 1775. 

The Congress of the United States, 

as an acknowledgement of his 

services and distingdished 

merit, have erected this 

monument to his - 

memory. 

It was resolved likewise, 'That the eldest son of General 

Warren should be educated from that time at the t xptrse of 

the United States.' On the first of July, 1780, congress 




PELEG WADSWORTH. 305 

recognising these former resolutions, further resolved, 'That it 
should be recommended to the executive of Masfachusetts Bay, 
to make provision for the maintenance and education of liis 
three younger children. And that congress v/ould defray the 
axpense to the nmount of the half-pay of a major-general, to 
commence at the time of his death, and continue till the young- 
est of liie children should be of age.' The part of the resolu- 
tions relating to the education of the children, was carried into 
effect, accordingly. 7^he monument is not yet erected, but it is 
not too late. The shade of Warren will not repine at this 
neglect, while the ashes of Washington repose without grave- 
stone or epitaph," * 



PEL EG WADS WORTH, 

General of the Massachusetts Militia' 

"^'' The following is an abstract of an interesting; narrative ta- 
:ken from the travels of the late Dr. Dwight: 

'After the failure of the expedition against the British garri» 
-eon at Penobscot, General Peleg Wadsworth was a^ppoinled in 
the spring of 1780, to the command of a party of state troops 
in Camden, in the district of Maine. At the expiration of the 
period for which the troops were engaged, in February follow- 
ing, General Wadsworth dismissed his troops, retaining six sol- 
diers only as his guard, and he was making preparations to depart 
from the place. A ncigiiboring inhabitant communicated hia 
situation to the British commander at Penobscot, and a party of 
twenty-five soldiers, commanded by Lieutenant Stockton, was 
sent to make him a prisoner. They embarked in a small 
schooner, and landing within four miles of the general's quar- 
ter's, they were concealed at the house of one Snow, a metho- 
dist preacher, professedly a friend to him, but really a traitor, 
till 1 1 p'clock in tlie evening, where they made their arrange- 
ments for the attack on the general's quarter?. The part;- 

'•' * Biographical Sketches , 
39 



506 PELEG WADSWORTH. 

Pushed suddenly on the sentinel, who gave the alarm, and OTiC 
of his comrades instantly opened the door of the kitchen, and 
the enemy were so near as to enter with the sentinel. The la- 
dy of the general, and her friend. Miss Fenno, of Boston, were ih 
the house at the time; and Mrs. Wadsworth escaped from the 
room of her husband into that of Miss Fenno. The assailants 
eoon became masters of the whole house, except the room where 
the General was, and which was strongly barred, and they kept 
up a constant firing of musketry into the windows and doors, ex- 
cept into those of the ladies' room. Gen. Wadsworth was provid- 
ed with a pair of pistols, a blunderbuss, and a fusee, which he 
employed with great dexterity, being determined to defend 
himself to the last moment. With his pistols, which he dis- 
charged several times, he defended the windows of his room, 
and a door which opened into the kitchen. His blunderbipss 
he snapped several times, but unfortunately it missed fire; he 
then seized his fusee, which he discharged on some who were 
breaking through one of the windows, and obliged them to flee. 
He next defended himself with his bayonet, till he received a 
ball through his left arm, when he surrendered, which termina- 
led the contest. The firing, however, did not cea^e from the 
kitchen, till the general unbarred the door, when the soldiers 
rushed into the room; and one of them, who had been badlf 
wounded, pointing his musket at his breast, exclaimed, with an 
oath, * you have taken my life, and I will take yours/ But 
Lieutenant Stockton turned the musket and saved his life. 
The commanding officer now applauded the general for his 
admirable defence, and assisted in putting on his clothes, saying 
'you see we are in a critical situation: you must excuse haste.* 
Mrs. Wadsworth threw a blanket over him, and Miss Fenno 
applied a hadkerchief closely around his wpunded arm. In 
this condition, though much exhausted, he, with a wounded 
American soldier, was directed to march on foot, while two Brit- 
ish wounded soldiers were mounted on a horse taken from the 
general's barn. They departed in great haste. When they 
had proceeded about a mile, they met at a final! house a num- 
ber of people who had collected, and who inquired if they had 



PELEG WADSWORTH. 307 

taken General Wadsworth. They said no, and added that they 
must leave a wounded man in their care; and if they paid prop- 
er attention to him, they should be compensated ; but if not, 
they would burn down their house; but the man appeared to be 
dying. General Wadsworth was now mounted on the horse, 
behind the other wounded soldier, and was warned that his 
safety depended on his silence. Having crossed over a frozen 
mill-pond, about a mile in length, they were met by some of 
their party, who had been left behind. At this place they found 
the British privateer which brought the party from the fort: 
the captain, on being told that he must return there with the. 
prisoner and the party, and seeing some of his men wounded, 
becamd. outrageous, and damned the general for a rebel, de- 
manded how he dared to fire upon the king's troops, and order- 
ed him to help launch the boat, or he would put his hanger 
through his body. The general replied that he was a prisoner, 
and badly wounded, and could not assist in launching the boat. 
Lieutenant Stockton, on hearing of this abusive treatment, in a 
manner honorable to himself, told the captain that the prisoner 
was a gentleman, had made a brave defence, and was to be 
treated accordingly, and added that his conduct should be rep- 
resented to General Campbell. After this, the captain treated 
the prisoner with great civility, and afforded him every comfort 
in his power- General Wadsworth had left the ladies in the 
bouse, not a window of which escaped destruction. The doors 
were broken down, and two of the rooms were set on fire, the 
floors covered with blood, and on one of them lay a brave old 
soldier, dangerously wounded, begging for death, that he might 
be relieved from misery. The anxiety and distress of Mrs. 
Wadsworth was inexpressible, and that of the general was 
greatly increased by the uncertainty in his mind respecting the 
fate of his little son, only live years old, who had been exposed 
to every danger by the firing into the house; but he had the 
happiness afterward to hear of his safety. Having arrived at 
the British post, the capture of General Wadsworth was soon 
announced, and the shore thronged with spectators, to see the 
man who, through the preceeding year, had disappointed all the 



308 PELEG WADSWORTH. 

designs of the British in Ihat quarter; and loud shouts Tveflff 
heard from ihe rabble which covered (he shore; but when he 
arrived at the fort, and was conducted into the officer's guard' 
room, he was treated with poliieness. General Campbell, the 
commandant of the British garrison, sent his compliments to 
him, and a surgeon to dress his wounds; assuring him that his 
situation should be made comfortable. The nest morning, Gen. 
Campbell invited him ta breakfast, and at table paid him many 
compliments on the defence he had made, observing, however, 
that he had exposed himself in a decree not perfectly justihable. 
General VVadsworth replied, that from the manner of the aUack 
he had no reason to suspect anv design of takir^g him alive, and 
that he intended therefore to sell his liio as dearly as possible. 
* But sir,' says General Campbell, ' 1 understand that the cap- 
tain of the privateer treated you very ill; I shall see that mat- 
ter set right.' He then informed the prisoner, that a room in 
tlie officers' barracks within the fort was prepared for him, and 
that he should send liis orderly sergeant daily to attend him to 
breakfast and dinner at his table. Having retired to his solita- 
ry department, and while his spirits were extremely depressed 
by a recollection of t!ie past, and by his present situation, he re- 
ceived from General Campbell several books of amusement, 
and soon after a visit from him, kindly endeavoring to cheer the 
spirits of his prisoner by conversation. Not long after, the 
officers of the party called, and among others the redoubtable 
captain of the privateer, who called to ask pardon for what had 
fallen from him when in a passion: adding that it was no.t in his 
nature to treat a gentleman prisoner ill; that tb.e unexpected 
disappointment of his cruise had thrown him off his guard, and 
he hoped that this v^'ould be deemed a sufficient apology. This 
General Wads worth accepted. At the hour of dining he wa8 
invited to the table of the commandant, where he met with all 
the principal officers of the garrison, and from whom he received 
. particular attention and politenci-?. General Wadsworth soon 
made application to the commandant foraflagof truce, by which 
means he could transmit a letter to the governor of Mas?achii- 
seits, and another to Mrs, Wadsworth: this was granted on the 



f EL£G WADSWORTH. 30Q 

tondition that the letter to the governor should be inspected . 
The flag was intrusted to Lieutenant Stockton, and on his re- 
turn, the general was relieved fionn all anxiety respecting hi? 
wife and family. General Campbell, and the otKcers of the 
garrison continued their civilities for some time, and endeavor- 
ed by books and personal visits, to render his situation as 
pleasant as circumstances would admit of. At the end of five 
■weeks, his wound being nearly healed, he requested of Genera] 
Campbell the customary privilege of a parole, and received in 
jeply, that his case had been reported to the commanding officer 
at New-York, and that no alteration could be made till orders 
were received from that quarter. In about two months, Mrs. 
Wadsworth and Miss Fenno arrived, and General Campbell 
and some of the officers contributed to render thoir visit ggree 
able to all concerned. About the same time orders were re- 
ceived from the commanding general at New-York, which were 
concealed from General Wadsworth; but he finally learnt that 
he was not to be paroled nor exchanged, but was to be sent to 
England as a rebel of too much consequence to be at liberty. 
Not long afterward Majpr Benjamin Burton, a brave and worthy 
man, who had served under General Wadsworth the preceding 
summer, was taken and brought into the fort, and lodged in the 
same room with Geiveral Wadsworth. He had been informed, 
that both himself and the general were to be sent, immediately 
after the return of a privateer, nov,f out on a cruise, either to 
New- York or Halifax, and thence to England. The prisoners 
immediately resolved to make a desperate attempt to effect their 
escape. They were confined in a grated room in the officer's 
barracks, within the fort. The walls of this fortress, exclusively 
of the depth of the ditch surrounding it, were twenty feet high, 
with fraising on the top, and chevaux-de-frise at the bottom. 
Two sentinels were always in the entry, and their door, the upper 
part of which was 6f glass, might be opened by these watchmen 
whenever they thought proper, and was actually opened at sea- 
sons of peculiar darkness and silence. At the exterior doors of 
the entries, sentinels were also stationed; as were others in the 
body of the fort, and at the quarters of Gen. Campbell- At the 



31Q PELEG WADSWORTH. 

guard-house, a strong guard was daily mounted. Several 8ei> 
iinels were stationed on the walls of the fort, and a complete line 
occupied them by night. Without the ditch, glacis and abattis, 
another complete set of soldiers patrolled through the night, 
also. The gate of the fort was shut at sunset, and a piquet 
guard was placed on or near the isthmus leading from the fort 
to the main land. 

The room in which they were confined, was railed with boards. 
One of these they determined to cut off, so as to make a hole 
large enough to pass through, and then to creep along till they 
should come to the next or middle entry; and then lower them* 
selves down into this entry by a blanket. If they should not be 
discovered, the passage to the walls of the fort was easy. In 
itie evening, after the sentinels had seen the prisoners retire to 
bed. General Wadsworth got up, and standing on a chair, at- 
tempted to cut with his knife the intended opening, but soon 
found it impracticable. The next day by giving a soldier a 
dollar, they procured a gimblet. With this instrument they 
proceededcd cautiously and as silently as possible to perforate, 
the board, and in order to conceal every appearance from their 
servants, and from the officers their visiters, they carefully 
covered the gimblet holes with chewed bread. At the end of 
three weeks their labors were so far completed that it only 
remained to cut with a knife the parts which were left to hold 
the piece in its place. When their preparations were finished, 
they learned that a privateer in which they were to embark was 
daily expected. In the morning of the ISth of June, a very 
severe storm of rain, with great darkness and almost incessant 
lightning came on. This the prisoners considered as the propi- 
tious moment. Having extinguished their lights, they began to 
cut the corners of the board, and in less tlian an hour the in- 
tended opening wa^s completed. The noise which the operation 
occasioned was drowned by the rain falling on the roof. Major 
Burton first ascended to the ceiling, and pressed himself through 
the opening. Gen. Waisworth next, having put the corner of 
his blanket through the hole and made it fast to a strong woodea 
akewer, {attempted to make his way through, standing on a chair 



PELEG WADS WORTH. 3U 

^low, but it was with extreme difficulty that he at lengtl; 
eti'ected it, and reached the middle entry. From this he passed 
through the door Which he found open, and made his way to the 
wall of the fort, and had to encounter the greatest difficulty 
before he could ascend to the top. He had now to creep along 
the top of the fort betwen the sentry boxes at the very moment 
when the relief was shifting sentinels, but the falling of heavy 
rain kept the sentinels within their boxes, and favored his 
escape. Having now fastened his blanket round a piquet at the 
top, he let himself down through the chevaux-de-frise to the 
ground, and in a manner astonishing to himself, made his way 
into the open field. Here he was obliged to grope his way 
amongrocks,stumps, and brush, in the df^rkness of the night, till 
he reached the cove ; happily the tide had ebbed and enabled him 
to cross the water about a mile in breadth, and not more than 
ihree feet deep. About two o'clock in the morning General 
Wadsworth found himself a mile and a h&lf from the fort, and 
he proceeded through a thick wood and brush to the Penobscot 
River, and after passing some distance along the shore, being 
seven miles from the fort, to his unspeakable joy he saw his 
friend Burton advancing towards him. Major Burton had been 
obliged to encounter in his course equal difficulties with his 
companion, and such were the incredible perils, dangers, and 
obstructions which they surmounted, that their escape may be 
considered almost miraculous. It was now necessary they 
should cross the Penobscot river, and very fortunately they 
discovered a canoe with oars on the shore suited to their pur- 
pose. While on the river they discovered a barge with a party 
of British from the fort in pursuit of them, but taking an 
oblique course, and plying their oars to the utmost, they happily 
eluded the eyes of their pursuers, and arrived safe on the west- 
ern shore. After having wandered in the wilderness for several 
<lays and nights, exposed to extreme fatigue and cold, and with 
no other food than a little dry bread and meat which they 
brought in their pockets from the fort, they reached the settle- 
ments on the River St. George, and no further difficulties at- 
tended their return to their respectiv^e families."* 

* Thacher's Military JowroaJ. 



- OI2) 

WILLIAM WASHINGTON, 

Colonel in the American Army. 

"' He was the eldest son of Bai!j Washington, Esq., of Stal- 
ford county, in the stafe of Virginia; ajjd belonged to a younger 
branch of the original Washington fajr.il}'. 

In the comnnencerrent of the war, and at an tidily period of 
iife,he had entered the army, as captain of a company of infan- 
try under the conmmand of General Mercer. In this corps, he 
liad acquired from actual service a practical knowledge of the 
profession of arms. 

He fought in the battle of Long Island; and in his retreat 
through New- Jersey, accompanied his great kinsman, cheerful 
under the gloom, coolly confronting the danger, and bearing, 
with exemplary fortitude and firmness the heavy misfortunes 
and privations of the time. 

In the successful attack on the British post at Trenton, Captt 
Washington acted a brilliant and most important part. Per- 
ceiving the enemy about to form a battery, and point it into a 
narrow street, against the advancing American column, he 
charged them, at the head of his company, drove them from 
their guns, and thus prevented certainly the clTusion of much 
olood, perhaps the repulse of the assailing party. In this act 
of heroism, he received a severe wound in the wrist- It is but 
j-ttstice to add, that on this occasion. Captain Washington wa£ 
ably and most gallantly supported by Lieutenant Monroe, late 
President of the United States, who also sustained a wound in 
ihe iiand. 

Shortly after this adventure, Washington was promoted to a 
majority in a regiment of horse. In this command he was very 
■actively engaged in the northern and middle stntcs; with various 
success, until the year 1780. Advanced to the rank of lieu- 
tenant-colonel, and placed at the head of a regiment of cavalry, 
composed of the remains of three that bad been reduced, by 
sickness and battle, he was then attached to the army under 
Gen. Lincolci, engaged in the defence of South-Cr.rolina. 



WILLIAM WASHINGTON. 313 

Jferc his service was various, and his course eventful ; marked 
l)y a few brilliant strokes of fortune, but checkered with two 
severe disasters. The first of these reverses, was at Monk's 
Corner, where he himself commanded ; the other, at Lenau's 
Ferry, where he was second in command to Col, White. 

Inured to an uncommon extent and variety of hard service, 
and sufficiently disciplined in the school of adversity. Colonel 
Washington, although a young man, was now a veteran in mili- 
tary experience. Added to this, he was somewhat accustomed 
to a warm climate, and had acquired from actual observation, 
considerable knowledge of that tract of country, which was to 
constitute in future, the theatre of war. 

Such was this officer, when at the head of a regiment *of cav- 
alry, he was attached to the army of General Greene, 

One of his partisan exploits, however, the result of a well 
conceived stratagem, must be succinctly narrated. 

Having learnt during a scouting excursion, that a large body 
of loyalists, commanded by Colonel Rudgley, was posted at 
Rudgley's mill, twelve miles from Camden, he determined o» 
attacking them. 

Approaching the enemy, he found them so secured in a large 
log barn, surrounded by abaltis, as to be perfectly safe from the 
operations of cavalry. 

Forbidden thus to attempt his object by direct attack, his 
tisual and favorite mode of warfare, he determiiied for once to 
have recourse to policy. 

Shaping, therefon , a pine log in imitation of a tield piece, 
mounting it on wheels, nv.d staining if with mud to make it lnok 
like iron, he brought it up in military style, and afTected to make 
arrangements to batter down ihe barn. 

To give the stratagem solemnity and effect, he despated a 
flag warning the garrison of the impendiiia destruction, and to 
prevent bloodshed, summoned them to submission. 

Notprepan^d to resist an iller). Colonel Rudgley obeyed the 
summons : and with a garrison of one hundred and three ranfe 
and file, surrendered at discretion, 

4© 



314 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

In the spring of 1782, Colonel Washington married Mrs. EN 
Hot, of Charleston, and established himself nt Sandy Hill, her 
ancestral seat. 

After the ronclusion of peace, he took no other concern in 
public affairs, than to appear occasionally in the legislature of 
South Carolinn. 

When General Washington accepted the command in chief 
of the armies of the United Spates, under the presidency of Mr. 
Adams, he selected as one of his staff, his kinsman Col. William 
Washington, with the rank of brigadier-general. Had other 
proof been wanting, this alone was sufficient to decide his 
military worth. 

In private life he was a man of unsullied honor, united to aw 
amiable temper, lively manners, a hospitable disposition, and 
a truly benevolent heart."* 



GEORGE WASIIXGTON. ESQ. 

Commander-in-Chief of the American Army. 
George Washington, Commander-in-Chief of the Amerlca» 
armv during the war with Great Britai<i, and first President of 
the United States, was the third son of Mr. Augustine Washing- 
ton, and was born at Bridges Creek in the county of Westmore- 
land, Virginia, February 22d, 1732. His great-grandfather 
had emigrated to that place from the north of England about 
the year 1657. At the age of ten years he lost his father, and 
the patrimonial estate descended to his elder brother, Mr. 
Lawrence Washington, who in the year 1740 had been engaged 
in the expedition against Carthag.)na. In honor of the British 
admiral who commanded the fleet, employed in tliat enterprize, 
the estate was called Mount Ver on. At the age of fifteen^ 
agreeably to the wishes of his brother, as well as to his own 
urgent request to enter into the British navy, the place of a 
midshipman in a vessel of war, then stationed on the coast of 
Virginia was obtained for him. Every thing was in readi- 
ness for his departure, when the fears of a timid and affectionate 

*Life of Greene. 




X> |ii X:- ( ',T!l U U ( \ h\ ^K\.^ I r 1 v( '/ L' ^^ 



4 
GEORGE WASHINGTGN. 31^: 

mother prevailed upon him to abandon his proposed career on 
the ocean, and were the means of retaining him upon the laud 
to be the future vindicator of his country's rights. All ibe ad- 
vantages of education, which lie enjoyed, wvere derived from a 
private tutor^ who instructed him in the English literature and 
the general principles of science, as well as in morality aud re- 
ligion. After his di^Jappointment with regard to entering the 
navy, he devoted much oi his time to the study of mathematics ; 
and in the practice of his profession as a surveyor, he had an 
opportunity of acquiring that information respecting the value 
of vacant lands, which afterwards greatly contributed to the in- 
crease of his private fortune. At the age of nineteen, when the 
militia of Virginia were to be trained for actual service, he was 
appointed an adjutant general with the rank of major. If wa& 
for a very short tin:>€ that he discharged the duties of his oflice. 
In the year 1753, the plan formed by France for connecting 
Canada with Louisiana by a line of posts, and thus of enclosing 
the British colonies, and of establisliing her influence over the 
numerous tribes of Indians on the frontiers, began to be de- 
veloped. In the prosecution of this design, possession had been 
taken of a tract of land, then beli^eved to be within the province 
of Virginia. Mr. Di n widdie, the lieutenant governor, being de- 
termined to remonstrate against the supposed encroachment, 
iind violation of the treaties between the two countries, des- 
patched Major Washington through the wilderness to the Ohio, 
to deliver a letter to the commanding ofiicer of the French, and 
also to explore the country. This trust of danger and fatigue 
he executed with great ability. He left Williamsburgh, Oct* 
31, 1753, the very day on which he received his commission, 
and at the frontier settlement of the English engaged guides to 
conduct him over the Alleghany mountains. After passing them 
he pursued his route to the Monongahela, examining the country 
with a military eye, and taking the most judicious means for se 
curing the friendship of the Indians. He selected the forks of 
the Monongahela and Alleghany rivers as a position, which 
ought to be immediately possessed and fortified. At this place 
the French very soon erected Fort du Quesne, which fell intc» 



^16 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

the hands of the English," in 1758, and was called t)y them Fort 
Pitt. Pursuing his .way up the Alleghany to French Creek, he 
found at a fort upon this streann llie commanding officer, to whom 
he delivered the lett*jr from Mr. Dinwiddle. On his return he 
encountered great difficulties and dangers. As the snow was 
de''j>,aiid the horses weak from fatigue, he left his attendants 
at tiie mouth of French Creek, and set out on foot, with his 
■ papers and provisions in his pack, accompanied onlj by his pilot, 
Mr. Gist. At a place upon the Alleghany, called Murdering- 
lown, they fell in with a hostile Indian, who was one of a party 
then lying in wait, and who tired upon them, not ten steps disr 
tant. They took him into custody and kept him until nine 
o'c'dck, and then let him go. To avoid the pursuit, which they 
presumed would be commenced in the morning, they travelled 
all night. On reaching the Monongahela, they hod a hard day's 
work to make a raft with a hatchet. Jo attempting to cross the 
rivtr to reach a trader's house, they were enclosed by masses of 
ice. In order to stop the rafr, Major Wasl.ington put down hi» 
setimg pole ; but the ice came with such force against it, as to 
jerk mm into the water. He saved himself by seiziog one of 
the raft loiis. With diflkulty they landed on an island, where 
they passed the night. The cold was so severe, that the pilot'& 
hands and feet were frozen. The next day they crossed the 
rivet upon the ire. Washinji;ton arrived at 'Villiamsburgh, Jan- 
U'lry 16, 1734. His journal, which evinced the solidity of his 
judgment and liis lortitude, was published. 

As the Frei'th seemed disposed to remain upon the Ohio, it 
wa- determined to raise a regiment of three hundred men to 
maintain the claims of the British crown. The command was. 
gi. (Ml to Ml. Fry, aid M;J«»r Washington, who was appointed 
lieutenant-colotiel, marched with two companies early in April, 
1754, in advance of the other troops. A few miles west of the 
Great Meadows, he surprised a French encampment in a dark, 
rain> night, and only one ntan escaped. Before the arrival of 
the two remaining companies, Mr. Fry died, and the command 
devolved on Colonel Washiriglon. Being joined by two other 
companies of regular troops from South Carolina and Wew 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 317 ^ 

York, after erecting a small stockade at the Great Meadows, he 
proceeded towards Fort du Quesne, i»'hich had been built but 
a short time, with the intention of dislodging the French. He 
had marched oily thirteen miles to the westermost fort of the 
Laurel Hill, before he received inibrmalion of the approach of 
the enem} with superior numbers, and was induced lo return to 
his stockade. He began a ditch around it, and called it Fort 
Necessity ; but tbe next day, July the tliird, he was attacked hy 
fifteen hundrod nuen. His own troops were only about four hun- 
dred' in number. The action commenced at ten in ihe morning 
and lasted until dark. A part of the Americans foug'.t within 
the fort, afid a part in the ditch tilled with mud'h'.d water. Col, 
Washington was himself on the outside of the fort during the 
whole day. The enemy fought under cover of tl)e trees and 
high grass. In the course of the night articles of capitulation 
were agreed upon. The garrison were allowed to retain their 
arms and baggage, and to march unmolested to the inhabited 
parts of Virginia. The loss of the Americans in killed and 
wounded was supposed to be about a hundred, and that of the 
enemy about two hundred. In a few months afterward, orders 
were received for settling the rank of officers, and those, who 
were commissioned by the king, being directed to take rank of 
the provincial officers, Colonel Washington indignantly resigned 
his commission. He now retired to Mount Vernon, that estate 
by the death of his brother, having devolved upon him. But in 
the spring of 1755, he accepted an invitation from Gen. Brad- 
dock to enter his family as a volunteer aid-de-camp, in his expe- 
dition to the Ohio. He proceeded with him to Will's Creek, 
afterwards called Fort Cumberland, in April, After the troops 
had marched a few miles from this place, he was seized with a 
raging fever ; but refusing to remain behind, he was conveyed 
in a covered wagon. By his advice, twelve hundred men were 
detached, in order, by a rapid movement, to reach Fort du 
Quesne before an expected reinforcement should be received 
at that place. These disencumbered troops were commanded 
by Braddock himself, and Colonel Washington, though still ex- 
iNrenoely ill, insisted upon proceeding with them. After they 



218 GEORGE WASHINGTON, 

arrived upon the Monongaliela, he advised the general to em, 
ploy the ranging companies of Virginia, to scour the woods and 
to prevent ambuscades ; but his advice was not followed. On 
the ninth of Jul}', when the Bimy was within seven miles of 
Fort du Quesne, the enemy commenced a sudden and furious 
attack, being concealed by the wood and high grass. In a short 
time Colonel AVashington was the only aid that was unwounded, 
and on him devolved the wliole duty of carrying the orders 
of the commander-in-chief. He was cool and fearless^. Though 
he had two horses killed under him, and four bails hroogh his 
coat, he escaped unhurt, while every other officer on horseback 
was either kilted or wounded. Dr. Craik, the physician, 
who attended him in his last sickness, was present in this battle^ 
and says, "' I expected every moment to see him fall. Nothing 
but the superintending care of Providence could have saved him 
from the fate of all around him." After an action of three hours, 
the troops gave way in all directions, and Colonel Washington 
and two others brought off Braddock, who had been mortally 
wounded. He attempted to rally the retreating troops ; but as 
he says himself, it was like endeavoring " to stop the wild bears 
of the mouM'ains." The conduct of the regular troops was 
most cowardly. The enemy were few in numbers and had no 
expectation of victory. 

In a sermon occasioned by this expedition, the Rev. Dr. Da- 
vies, of Hanover county, ihus prophetically expressed himself 
" as a remaikable instance of patriotism, I may point out to the 
public that heroic youth, Colonel Washington, whom I cannot 
but hope Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a man- 
ner for some important service to his country." For this pur- 
pose he was indeed preserved, and at the end of twenty years 
he began to render his country more important services, than 
the minister of Jesus could have anticipated. From 1755 to 
1758 he commanded a regiment, which was raised for the pro- 
tection of the frontiers, and during this period he was incessant- 
ly occupied in effcrfs to shield the exposed settlements from the 
incursions of the savages. His exertions were in a great de- 
gree ineffectual, in consequence of the errors and the pride ©i" 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 319 

government, and of the impossibility of guarding, with a fev** 
troops, an extended territory from an enemy, which was averse 
to open warfare. He, in the most earnest manner, recommend- 
ed offensive measures as the only method of giving complete 
protection to the scattered settlements. 

In the year 1738, to his great joy, it was determined to un- 
dertake another expedition against Fort du Quesne, and he 
engaged in it with zeal. Early in July the troops were assem- 
bled at Fort Cumberland ; and here, against all the remon- 
strances and arguments of Colonel Washington, Gen. Forbes 
resolved to open a new road to the Ohio, instead of taking the 
old route. Such was the predicted delay, occasioned by this 
measure, that in November it was resolved not to proceed fur- 
ther during that campaign. But intelligence of the weakness 
of the garrison induced an alteration of the plan of passing the 
winter in the wilderness. By slow marches the army was ena- 
bled, on the .25th of November, to reach Fort du Quesne, of 
which peaceable possession was taken, as the enemy on the 
preceding nightj after setting it on fire, had abandoned it, and 
proceeded down the Ohio. The works in this place were 
repaired, and its name was changed to that of Fort Pitt. The 
success of the expedition was to be attributed to the British fleet, 
which intercepted reinforcements, destined for Canada, and to 
events in the northern colonies. Tlie great object, which he 
had been anxious to effect, being now accomplished, and his 
health bsing enfeebled. Col. Washington resigned his commis- 
sion as commander-in-chief of all the troops raised in Virginia. 

Soon after his resignation he was married to the widow of 
Mr. Custis, a young lady, to whom he had been for some time 
strongly attached, and who to a large foitune and a fine person 
added those amiable accomplishments, which fill with silent 
felicity the scenes of domestic life. His attention for several 
years, was principally directed to the management of his estate, 
which had now become considerable. He had nine thousand 
acres under his own management. So great a part was culti- 
vated, that in one year he raised seven thousand bushels of 
wheat, and ten thousand of Indian corn. His slaves and other 



320 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

persons, employed by him, amounted to near a thousand ; atnJ 
the woollen andl^nen cloth necessary for their use was chiefly 
manufactured on the estate. He was at this period a respecta- 
ble member of the Legislature of Virginia, in which he took a 
decided part in opposition to the principle of taxation, asserted 
by the British Parlinment. He also acted as a judge of a county 
court. In 1774 he was elected a member of the first Congress 
and was placed on all those committees, whose duty it was to 
make arrangements for defence. In the following year, aftet 
the battle of Lexington, when it was determi'ied bv Congress to 
resort to arm^, Colonel Washinjrton was unanimously elected 
commander-in-chief of the army of the united colonies. All 
were satisfii'd as to his qualifications, and the delegates from 
New E, gland were particularly pleased with his election, as it 
would tend to unite the southern colonics cordially in the war. 
He accepted the appointment with diflidence, and expressed his 
intention of receiving no compensation for his services, and only 
a mere discharge of his expenses. He immediately repaired to 
Cambridge, in the neighborhood of Boston, yvhere he arrived oa 
the second of July. He formed the army into three divisions 
in order the more efiectually to enclose the enemy, intrusting the 
division atRoxbury, to Gen. Ward, the division on Prospect and 
Winter Hills to Gen. Lee, and commanding himself the centre 
at Cambridge. Here he had to struggle with great difficulties, 
with the want of ammunition, clothing, and magazines, defect 
©f arms and discipline, and the evil-! of short erdistments ; but 
instead of yielding to despondence he bent the whole force of 
his mind to overcome them. He soon made the alarming dis- 
covery, that there was only sufticient powder on hand to furnish 
the army with nine cartridges for each man. With the greatest 
caution to keep this facta secret, the utmost exerlioris were em- 
ployed to procure a supply. A vessel, which vvas despatched to 
Africa, obtained in exchange for New-England rum. all the gun- 
powder in the British factories ; and in the beginiiingof winter, 
Capt. Manly captured an ordnance brig, which furnished the 
American army with the precise articles, of which it was in the 
l^eatest want. In September, General Washington despatched 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 3121 

Arnold on an expedition against Quebec. In February, 1776, 
he proposed to a council of his officers to cross the ice and at- 
tack the enemy in Boston, but they unanimously disapproved of 
the daring measure. It was however soon resolved to take 
possesi^ion of the heights of Dorchester. This was done with- 
out discovery on the night of the fourth of March, and on the 
seventeenth the enemy found it necessary to evacuate the town. 
The recovery of Boston induced congress to pass a vote of 
thanks to Gen. Washinglon and his brave a"my. 

In 'he belief that the efforts of the British would be directed 
towards the Hudson, he hastened the army to New- York, where 
he himself arrived on the fourteenth of April. He made every 
exertion to fortify the city, and attention was paid to the forts 
in the Highlands. While he met the most embarrassing ditfi- 
culties, a plan was formed to assist the enemy in seizing his 
person, and some of his own guards engaged in the conspiracy ; 
but it was discovered, and some, who we'-e concerned in it, 
were executed. 

In the beginning of July, Gen. Howe landed his troops at 
Staten Island. His brother. Lord Howe, who commanded the 
fleet, soon arrived ; and as both were commissioners for restoring 
peace to the colonies, the latter addressed a letter upon the sub- 
ject to " George Washington. E.^q." but the General refused to 
receive it, as it did not acknowledge the public character, with 
which he was invested by congress, m which character only he 
could have any intercours with his lordship. Another letter 
was sent to " George Washington, &c. &,c. &c." This for the 
same reason was rejected. 

After the disastrous battle of Brooklyn, on the 27th of Au- 
gust, in which Stirling and Sullivan were taken prisoners, and 
of which he was only a spectator, he withdrew the troops from 
Long-Island, and in a few days he resolved to withdraw from 
New York. At Kipp's Bay, about three miles from the city, some 
works bad been thown up to oppose the enemy ; but, on their 
approach, the American troops fled with precipitation. Wash- 
ington rode towards the lines, and m^de every exertion to pre- 
vent the disgraceful flight. He drew his sword and threatened 

41 



322 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

to run the cowards through : he corked and snapped his pistols ; 
but it was all in vain. Such was the state of his mind, at this 
moment, that he turned his horse towards the advancing enemy, 
apparently with the intention of rushing upon death. His aids 
now seized the bridle of his horse and rescued him from de- 
struction. New-York was on the same day, September the 
fifteenth, evacuated. In October he retreated to the White 
Plains, where, on the twenty-eighth, a considerable action took 
place, in which the Americans were over-powered. After the 
loss of Forts Washington and Lee, he passed into New-Jersey 
in November, and was pursued by a numerous and triumphant 
enemy. His army did not amount to three thousand, and it was 
daily diminishing ; his men, as the winter commenced, were 
barefooted and almost naked, destitute of tents and utensils, 
with which to dress their scanty provisions ; and every circum- 
stance tended to fill the mind with despondence. But General 
Washington was undismayed and firm. He shewed himself to 
his enfeebled army with a serene and unembarrassed counte- 
nance, and they were inspired with the resolution of their com- 
mander. On the eighth of December he was obliged to cross 
the Delaware ; but he had the precaution to secure the boats 
for seventy miles upon the river. While the British were wait- 
ifig for the ice to afford them a passage, as his own army had 
been reinforced by several thousand men, he formed the resolu- 
tion of carrying the cantonments of the enemy by surprise. 
On the night of the twenty-fifth of December, he crossed the 
river nine miles above Trenton, in a storm of snow, mingled 
with hail and rain, with about two thousand and four hundred 
men. Two other detachments were unable to effect a passage. 
In the morning, precisely at eight o'clock, he surprised Trenton, 
and took a thousand Hessian prisoners, a thousand stand of arms, 
and six field pieces. Twenty of the enemy were killed. Of 
the Americans two privates were killed, and two frozen to death ; 
and one officer and three or four privates were wounded. On 
the same day he rccro^sed the Delaware with the fruits of his 
enterprise ; but in two or three days passed again into New- 
Jersey, and concentrated his forces, amounting to live thousand 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 323 

at Trenton. On the approach of a superiorenemy, under Corn- 
wa lis, January 2, 17^7, he drew np his men behind Assumpinck 
Creek. He expected an attack in the morning, which would 
probably result in a ruinous defeat. At this moment, when it 
was hazrirdout, if not impracticable to return into Pennsylvania, 
he formed the resolution of gettinginto the rear of the enemy, 
and thus stop them in their progress towards Poiladelphja. In 
the night he silently decamped, taking a circuitous rou*e through 
Allen's Town to Pricceton. — A sudden change of the weather 
to severe cold rendered tlie roads favorable for his march. About 
sunrise his van met a British detachment, on its way to join 
Corpwallis, and was defeated by it ; but as he came up he ex- 
posed himself to every danger, and gained a victory. With 
three hundred prisoners he then entered Princeton. 

During this march many of his soldiers were without shoes, 
and their feet left the marks of blood upon the frozei* ground. 
This hardship, and their want of repose, induced him to lead 
his army to a place of security on the road to Morristown. 
Cornwallis, in the morning, broke up his camp, and alarmed 
for his stores at Brunswick, urged the pursuit. Thus the mili- 
tary genius of the American commander, under the blessing of 
divine Providence, rescued Philadelphia from the threatened 
danger, obliged the enemy, which had overspread New Jersey, 
to return to the neighborhood of New- York, and revived the 
desponding spirit of his country. Having accomplisiied these 
objects, he retired to Morristown, where he caused his whole 
army to be inoculated for the small pox, and thus was freed from 
the apprehension of a calamity, which might impede his opera- 
tions during the next compaign. 

On the last of May he removed his army to Midd'ebrook, 
about ten miles from Brunswick, where he fortified him^eIf 
very strongly. An ineffectual attempt was made by Sir Will- 
iam Howe to draw him fr>m his position, by marching towards 
Philadelphia ; but after Howe's return to New- York, he moved 
towards the Hudson, in order to defend the passes in the moun- 
tams, in the expectation that a junction with Burgoyne, who 
was then upon the lakes, would be attempted. After the British 



324 ' GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

general sailed from New- York, and entered the Chesapeake, ia 
Augusi, General Washington marched immediately for the de- 
feace of Philadelphia. On the liih of September, he wag 
defeated at Brand} wine, with the loss of nine hundred in killed 
and wounded. A few days afterwards, as he was pursued, he 
turned upon the enemy, determined upon another engagement ; 
but a heavy rain so deranged the arms and ammunition, that he 
was under the necessity of again retreating. Pi.iladtlphia 
was entered by Comwallis on the twenty-sixth of September. 
On the fourth of October, the x4merican commander made a well 
planned attack upon the British camp at Germanto\\n ; but in 
consequence of the darkness of the morning and the imperfect 
discipline of his troops, it terminated in the loss of twelve hun- 
dred men, in killed, wounded, and prisoners. In December, he 
went into winter quarters at Valley Forge, on the west side of 
the Schuylkill, between twenty and thirty miles from Philadel- 
phia. Here his army was in the greatest distress for want of 
provisions, and he was reduced to the necessity of sending out 
parties to seize what they could tind. About the same time a 
combination, in which some members of congress were engaged, 
was formed to remove the commander-in chief, and to appoint 
in his place Ga'es, whose successes of kite had given him a high 
reputation. But the name of Washington was too dear to the 
great body of Americans, to admit of such a change. Not 
withstanding the discordant materials, of which his army was 
composed, there was something in his character, which enabled 
him to attach both his officers and soldiers so strongly to him, 
that no distress could weaken their affection, nor impair the 
veneration,in which he was generally held. Without this at- 
tachment to him, the army must have been dissolved. General 
Conway, who was concerned in this faction, being wounded in a 
duel with General Cadwalader, and thinking his wound mortal, 
wrote to General Washington, ' You are, in my eyes, the great 
and good man.' On the first of February, 1778, there were 
about four thousand men in camp, unfit for duty, for want of 
clothes. Of these scarcely a man had a pair of shoes. The 
hospitals also were filled with the sick. At this time, the enemy, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 32y 

if they had marched out of Iheir winter quarters, would easily 
have dispersed the American army. The apprehension of the 
approach of a French fleet inducing the British to concentrate 
their forces, when they evacuated Philadelphia on the seven- 
teenth of June, and marched towards New- York, Gen. Wash- 
ington followed them. Contrary to the advice of a council 
he engaged in the battle of Monmouth on the twenty-eighth ; 
the result of which made an impression favorable to the cause 
of America. He slept in his cloak on the field of battle, in- 
tending to renew the attack the next morning ; but at nidnight 
the British marched otf in such silence, as not to be discovered. 
Their loss in killed was about three hundred ; and that of the 
Americans sixty-nine. As the campaign now closed in the mid- 
dle states, the American army went into winter quarters, in the 
neighborhood of the Highlands upon the Hudson. Thus, after 
the vicissitudes of two years, both armies were brought back to 
the point from which they set out. During the year 1 779, Gen. 
Washington remained in the neighborhood of New York. In 
January, 1780, in a winter memorable for its severity, his utmost 
exertions were necessary to save the army from dissolution. 
The soldiers, in general, submitted with heroic patience to the 
want of provisions and clothes. At one time, they ate every 
kind of horse-food but hay. Their suiferings at length were so 
great, that in March, two of the Connecticut regiments muti- 
nied ; but the mutiny was suppressed, and the ring leaders se- 
cured. In September, the treachery of Arnold was detected. 
In the winter of 1781, such were again the privations of the 
army, that a part of the Pennsylvania line revolted, and marched 
home. Such, however, was still their patriotism, that they de- 
livered up some British emissaries to Gen. Wayne, who hanged 
them as spies. Committing the defence of the posts on the Hud- 
son to General Heath, General Washington in August marched 
with Count Rochambeau for the Chesapeake, to co-operate with 
the French fleet there. The siege of Yorktown commenced on 
the twenty-eighth of September, and on the nineteenth of Octo- 
ber, he reduced Cornwallis to the necessity of surrendering with 
upwards of seven thousand men, to the combined armies of 



32G GEOFGE WASHINGTON. 

America and France. The da) after the capitulation, he oiv 
deied thatthoe v^ ho were under arrest should be pardoned, 
and that divine service, in acicnowledgennent of the interposi- 
tion of Providence, should be performed in all the brigades and 
divisions This event filled the Americans with joy, and was 
the means of terminating the war. 

Few events of importance took place in 1782. In March, 
1783, he exhibited his characteristic firmness and decision, in 
opposing an attempt to produce a mutiny, by awonymous letters. 
His address to his officers on the occasion, displays in a remark- 
able degree his prudence, and the correctness of his judtiment. 
When he began to read it, he found himself in some degree em- 
barrassed, by the imperfection of his sight. Taking out his 
spectacles, he said, ' These eyes, my friends, have grown dim, 
and these locks white in the service of my country, yet I have 
never doubted her justice.' He only could have repressed the 
spirit that was breaking forth. On the nineteenth of April 
a cessation of hostilities was proclaimed in the American camp. 
In June, he addressed a letter to the governors of the several 
states, congratulating them on the result of the contest in the 
establishment of independence, and recommending an indisso- 
luble union of the states, under one federal head, a sacred 
regard to public justice, the adoption of a proper peace estab- 
lishment, and the prevalence of a friendly disposition among 
the people of the several states. It was with keen distress, as 
well as with pride and admiration, that he saw his brave and 
veteran soldiers, who had suffered so much, and who had borne 
the heat and burden of the war, returning peaceably to their 
homes, without a settlement of their accounts, or a farthing of 
money in their pockets. On the twenty-fifth of November, New- 
York was evacuated, and he entered it, accompanied by Gov. 
CUnton, and many respectable citizens. On the fourth of De- 
cember, he took his farewell of his brave comrades in arms. At 
noon the principal officers of the army assembled at Frances' 
tavern, and their beloved commander soon entered the room. 
His emotions were too strong to be concealed. Filling a glass 
with wine, he turned to them and said, ' With a heart full o/ 



GRORGE WASHINGTON. 327 

love and gratitude, I now take leave of you ; I most devoutly 
wisA, that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy, as 
your former ones have been glorious and honorable.' Having 
drunk, he added,' I cannot come to each of you to take my leave, 
but shall be obliged to you, if each of you will come and take 
me by the hand.' General Knox, being nearest, turned to him. 
Incapable of utterance. General Washington grasped his hand, 
and embraced him. In the same affectionate manner, he took 
his leave of each succeeding officer. In every eye was the tear 
of dignified sensibility, and not a word was articulated, to inter- 
rupt the silence and the tenderness of the scene. Ye men, who 
delight in blood, slaves of ambition ! when your work of car- 
nage was finished, could ye thus part with your companions in 
crime ? Leaving the room. General Washington passed through 
the corps of light-infantry, and walked to White-hall, where a 
barge waited (o carry him to Powles' Hook. The whole com- 
pany followed in mute procession, with dejected countenances. 
When he entered the barge, he turned to them, and waving his 
hat, bade them a silent adieu : receiving from them the same 
last, affectionate compliment. On the twenty-third of Decem- 
ber, he resigned his commission to congress, then assembled at 
Annapolis. He delivered a short address on the occasion, in 
which he said, ' I consider it an indispensable duty, to close this 
last solemn act of my official life, by commending the interests 
of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, and 
those who have the superintendence of them, to his holy keep- 
ing.' He then retired to Mount Vernon, to enjoy again the 
pleasures of domestic life. Here the expressions of the grati- 
tude of his countrymen, in affectionate addresses, poured in upon 
him, and he received every testimony of respect and veneration. 
In his retirement, however, he could not overlook the public 
interests. He was desirous of opening by water carriage;, a 
communication between the Atlantic and the western portions 
of onr country, in order to prevent the diversion of trade down 
the Mississippi, and to Canada ; from which he predicted con- 
sequences injurious to th<; union. Throngli his intlnence, two 
companies were formed for promoting inland navigation. The 



328 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

legislature of Virginia presented him with three hundred shares 
in them, which he appropriated to public uses. In the vear 
1786, he was convinced, with other statesmen, of the necessity 
of substituting a more vigorous general government in the place 
of the impotent articles of confederation. Still he was aware 
of the danger of running from one extreme to another. He 
exclaims in a letter to Mr. Jay, ' What astonishing changes a 
few years are capable of producing ! I am told that even res- 
pectable characters speak of a monarchical form of government 
without horror. From thinking proceeds speaking ; thence to 
acting is often but a single step. But how irrevocable, and 
tremendous ! What a triumph for our enemies to verify their 
predictions ! What a triumph for the advocate of despotism, 
to find that we are incapable of governing ourselves, and that 
systems, founded on the basis of equal liberty, are merely ideal 
and fallacious !' In the following year, he was persuaded to 
take a seat in the convention, which formed the present consti- 
tution of the United States ; and he presided in that body. In 
1781), he was unanimously elected the first president of the 
United States. It was with great reluctance thai he accepted 
this office. His feelings, as he said himself, were like those of 
a culprit, going to the place of execution. But the voice of a 
whole continent, the pressing recommendation of his particular 
friends, and the apprehension, that he should otherwise be con- 
sidered as unwilling to hazard his reputation in executing a 
system, which he had assisted in forming, determined him to 
accept the appointment. In April he left Mount Vernon to pro* 
ceed to New- York, and to enter on the duties of his high office. 
He every where received testimonies of respect and love. At 
Trenton, the gentler sex rewarded him for his successful enter- 
prise, and the protection which he afforded them twelve yearg 
before. On the bridge over the creek, which passes through 
the town was erected a triumphal arch, ornamented with lau- 
rels and flowers, and supported by thirteen pillars, each encir- 
cled with wreaths of evergreen. On the front of the arch was 
inscribed in large gilt letters^ 

THE DEFENDER OF THE MOTHERS WILL BE THE 
PROTECTOR OF THE DAUGHTERS. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 329 

At this place he was met by a party of matrons, leading their 
daughters who were dressed in white, and who with baskets of 
flowers in their hands, sung with exquisite sweetness the fol- 
lowing ode, written for the occasion : 

Welcome, mighty chief, once more 
Welcome to this grateful shore ; 
Now no mercenary foe 
Aims again the fatal blow, 
Aims at thee the fatal blow. 

Virgins fair and matrons grave. 
Those thy conquering arms did save, 
Build for thee triumphal bowers ; 
Strew, ye fair, his way with flowers, 
Strew your hero's way with flowers. 

At the last line the flowers were strewed before him. After 
receiving such proofs of affectionate attachment, he arrived at 
New- York, and was inaugurated first President of the United 
States on the thirteenth of April. In making the necessary ar- 
rangements of his household, he publicly announced, that nei- 
ther visits of business nor of ceremony would be expected on 
Sunday, as he wished to reserve that day sacredly to himself. 

At the close of his first term of four years he prepared a 
valedictory address to the American people, anxious to return 
again to the scenes of domestic life ; but the earnest entreatieg 
of his friends, and the peculiar situation of his country, induced 
him to be a candidate for a second election. During his ad- 
ministration of eight years, the labor of establishing (he differ- 
ent departments of a new government was accomplished ; and 
he exhibited the greatest firmness, wisdom and independence. 
He was an American, and he chose not to involve his country 
in the contests of Europe. He accordingly with the unani- 
mous advice of his cabinet, consisting of Messrs. Jefferson^ 
Hamilton, Knox and Randolph, issued a proclamation of neu- 
trality, April 22, I793j a few days after he heard of the com- 
mencement of the war between England and France. This 
measure contributed in a great degree, to the prosperity 
of America. Its adoption was the more honorable to 
the president, as the general sympathy was, in favor of the 
sister republic, against whom it was said Great Britain had 

^.3 



330 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

commenced the war for the sole purpose of imposing upon her 
a monarchical form of government. He preferred the peace 
and welfare of his country to the breath of popular applause^ 
Another act, in which he proved himself to he less regardful of 
thepul)hc partialities and prejudices, than of what he conceived 
to be for the public good, was the ratification of the British 
treaty. The English government had neglected to surrender 
the western posts, and by commercial restrictions, and in other 
ways, had evinced a hostile spirit towards this country. To 
avert the calamity of another war, Mr. Jay uas nominated as 
env<iy extraor iinary in April, 1794. In June, 1795, the treaty 
which Mr. Jay had made, was submitted to the senate, and was 
ratified by that body on the condition, that one article should 
be altered. While the president was deliberating up.on it, an 
incorrect copy of the instrument was made public by a senator, 
and the whole country was thrown into a state of extreme irri. 
tation. At this period, he, in August, conditionally ratified it, 
and in February, 1796, when it was returned from his Brittan- 
nic Majesty with the proposed alteration, he declared it to be 
the law of the land. After this transaction, the house of repre- 
sentatives requested him to lay before them the papers relating 
to the treaty, hut he, with great independence, refused to com- 
ply with their request, as they could have no claim to an inspec- 
tion of them, except upon a vote of impeachment, and as a com- 
pliance would establish a dangerous precedent. He had before 
this shown a disposition to maintain the authority vested in 
his office, by declining to afHx his signature to a bill which had 
passed both hou^s. 

As the period for a new election of a president of the United 
States approached, and after plain indications that the public 
voice would be in his favor, and when he probably would be 
chosen for the third time unanimously, he determined irrevo- 
cably to withdraw to the shades of private life. He published 
in September, 1796, his farewell address to the people of the 
United States, which ought to be engraven upon the hearts of 
his countrymen. > In the most earnest and affectionate manner 
be called upon them to cherish an immoveable attachment to the 



GEORGE WASHINGTON, 331 

ffational union, (o watch for its preservation with jealous anxietj 
to discountenance even the suggestion, that it could in any, 
event be abandoned, and indignantly to Irown upon the lirst 
dawning of every attennptto alienate any portion ot our country 
fronn the rest. Overgrown military establishments lie represent- 
ed as particularly hostile to republican liberty. While he recom- 
mended the most implicit obedience to the acts of the establish- 
ed government, and reprobated all obstructions to the execu- 
tion of the laws,all combinations and associations, under what- 
ever plausible character, with the real design to direct, controul, 
counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the 
Constituted authorities ; he wished also to guard against the spir- 
it of innovation upon the principles of the constitution. Aware 
that the energy of the system might be enfeebled by altera- 
tions, he thouglit that no change should be made without an 
evident necessity, and that in so extensive a country, as much 
vigoras is consistent with liberty, is indispensable. On the other 
hand, he pointed out the danger of real despotism by breaking 
down the partitions between the several departments of govern- 
ment, by destroying the reciprocal checks, and consolidating 
the different powers. Against the spirit of party, so pecu- 
liarly baneful in an elective government, he uttered his most 
solemn remonstrances, as well as against inveterate antipathies 
or passionate attachments in respect to foreign nations. While 
he tliought that the jealousy of a free people ought to be con^^ 
stantly and impartially awake against the insidious wiles of for- 
eign influence, he wished that good faith and justice should be 
observed toward all nations, and peace and harmony cultivated. 
In his opinion, honesty, no less in pufdic than in private affairs, 
is always the best policy. Providence, he believed, had con- 
nected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue. O her 
subjects to which he alluded, were the importance of credit, 
of economy, cf a reduction of the puhlie debt, at>d of literary 
institutions : above all he recommended religion and morality 
as indispensably necessary to poHtical prosperiiy. "Iti vai-i^" 
says he, " would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who 
should labor to subvert these great pillars ef human happiness,. 



332 GEORGE WASHINGTON, 

these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens." Be* 
queathing these counsels to his countr^^men, he continued in 
office till the fourth of March, 1797, when he attended the inau* 
guration of his successor, Mr. Adams, and with complacency 
saw him invested with the powers, which had for so long a time 
been exercised by himself. He then retired to Mount Vernon, 
giving to the world an example, most humiliating to its emperors 
and kings ; the example of a man voluntarily disrobing himself of 
the highest authority, and returning to private life with a char- 
acter, having upon it no stain of ambition, of covetousness, of 
profusion, of luxury, of oppression, or of injustice. 

It was now that the soldier, the statesman and the patriot, 
hoped to repose himself, after the toils of so many years. But 
he had not been long in retirement, before the outrages of Re- 
publican France induced our government ta raise an army, of 
which, in July, 1798, he was appointed commander-in-chief. 
Though he accepted the appointment, his services were not de» 
manded, and he himself did not believe that an invasion would 
take place. Pacific overiures were soon made by the French 
Directory : but he did not live to see the restoration of peace. 
On Friday, December 1 3, 1 799, while attending to some improve- 
ments upon his estate, he was exposed to a light rain, which 
wetted his neck and hair. Unapprehensive of danger, he passed 
the afternoon in his usual manner ; but at night he was seized 
with an inflammatory aifection of the windpipe. The disease 
commenced with a violent ague, accompanied with some pain^ 
and a sense of sfricture in the throat, a cough, and a difficult 
deglutition ; which were soon succeeded by fever, and a quick 
and laborious respiration. About twelve or fourteen ounces of 
blood were taken from him. In the morning, his family physi- 
cian. Doctor Craik, was sent for ; but the utmost exertions of 
medical skill were applied in vain. The appointed time of his 
death was near. Believing from the commencement of his 
complaint that it would be mortal, a few hours before his de- 
parture, after repeated efforts to be understood, he succeeded 
in expressing a desire that he might l)e permitted to die, without 
being disquieted by unavailing attempts to rescue hjm from 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 333 

bis fate. After it became impossible to get any thing down his 
throat, he undressed himself and went to bed, there to die. To 
his frie? d ai d phypiciai., who sat on his bed, and took his head 
on his lap, he said with difficulty, ' Doctor, I am dying, and have 
been dviug for a long time ; but lam not afraid to die.' Res- 
piration became more and more contracted and imperfect, until 
half past eleven on Saturday night, when, retaining the fuH 
possession of liis i'tellect, he expired without a struggle. 

Thus, on the fourteenth of December, 1799, in the sixty- 
eighth year of his age, died the fa'her of his country, " The 
man, first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his 
fedow citizens." This event spread a gloom over the country ; 
and the tears of America proclaimed the services and virtues of 
the hero and sage, and exhibited a people not insensible to his 
worth. The senate of the United States, in an address to the 
president on this melancholy occasion, indulged their patriotic 
pride, while they did not transgress the bounds of truth, in 
speaking of their WASHINGTON. ' Ancient and modern 
names,' said they, are diminished before him. Greatness and 
guilt have too often been allied ; but his fame is whiter than it 
is brilliant. The . destroyers of nations stood abashed at the 
majesty of his virtues. It reproved the intemperance of their 
ambition, and darkened the splendor of victory. The scene is 
closed, and we are no longer anxious lest misfortune should 
sully his glory ; he has travelled on to the end of his journey, 
and carried with him an increasing weight of honor ; he has 
deposited it safely where misfortune cannot tarnish it, where 
malice cannot blast it.' 

General Washington was rather above the common stature j 
his frame was robust and his constitution vigorous. His exte- 
rior created in the beholder the idea of strength united with 
minly gracefulness. His eyes were of a grey coloi, and his 
complexion light. His manners were ratlier reserved than free. 
His person and whole deportment exhibited an unaffected and 
indescribable dignity, unmingled with haughtiness, of which all 
who approached him, were sensible. The attachment of those 
who possessed his friendship, was ardent but always respectful- 



334 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

His temper was humane, benevolent and conciliatory ; but Iherr 
wasaqui(kncss in hissensibilify to any thing apparently offen- 
sive", lAiiicli experience had taught him lo watch and correct. 
lie mfulc no pretenti( ns to vivacity or wit. Judgment rather 
than genius constituted the most prominent feature of his char* 
acter. As a military man he was brave, enterpri:sing, and cau»- 
tious. At the head of a miliitiide, whom it was sometimes 
impossible to reduce to proper discipline before the exfjiration 
of their time of service, and having to straggle almost coniinu- 
aily with the want of supplies, he yet was able to contend with 
an adversary superior in numbers, well disciplined, and com- 
pletely equipped, and was the means of saving his country. 
The mca'^ure of his caiilion has by some been represented as 
too abundant ; but he sometimes formed a plan which his brave 
officers thought was too ar'venturou'j, and sometimes contrary to 
their advice he engaged in battle. If his name is not rendered 
illustriouis by splendid achievements, it is not to be attributed 
to the want of miliiary enterprize. He conducted the war with 
that consummate prudence and wisdom, which the situation of 
hiscountry and (he slate of his army demanded. He also pos- 
sessed a hrmnes'^ of resolution, which noithej^ dangers nor diffi- 
culties could sjiake. In his civil administration he exhibited 
repeated proofs of that practical good sense, of that sound judg- 
ment which is the most valuable quality of the human mind. 
More than once he put his whole popularity to hazard in pur- 
suing measures, which were dictated by a sense of duty, and 
which he thought would promote the welfare of his country. 
In speculation he was a real rcpul)lican, sincerely attached to 
the constitution of the United States, and to that system of equal 
political riglits, on which it is founded. Real liberty, bethought, 
was to be preserved only by preserving the autbiority of the 
laws, and maintaining the energy of government. Of incor- 
ruptible integrity, his ends were always upright, and the means 
which he employed, were, always pure. He was a politician, 
to whom wiles were abscdutely unknown. When any measure 
of importaace was proposed, he sought information, and was 
ready to hear without prejudice, whatever could be said in re- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 335 

iation to Ihe subject: he suspended his judgment till it xvas 
necessary to decide : but after his decision had been thus deli- 
berately made, it' was seldom shaken, and he \^as as active ajid 
persevering in execuHntr, as he had l>een cool in forming it. 
He possessed an innate and unassuming modesty, which adula- 
tion would have otFendcd, which the pliudits of niiMions could 
not betrav into indiscretion, and which was blended with a high 
sense of personal dignity, and a just consciousness of the respect 
which is due to station. 

With regard to the religious character of Gen. Washington, 
there hav(; been diflfere ii opinions. In the extracts from some 
of his letters which have been published by the historian of his 
life, the name of the Supreme Being is once or twice introduced 
in a manner, which in common conversation is deemed irreve- 
rent. It is also understood, that in a few instances during the 
war, particularly when he met General Lee retreating in the 
battle of Monmouth, his language was unguarded in this respect. 
It may not be impossible, that a good -man in a moment of ex- 
treme irritation should utter a profane expression ; but perhaps 
it is less possible, that such a man, when his passion has passed 
away, and his sober recollections have returned, should not re- 
pent bitterly of his irreverence to the name of God. On the 
other hand, Gen. Washington, when at the head of the army, 
issued public orders, calling upon his officers to discountenance 
the habit of profanity ; bespeaks in his writings of " the pure 
and benign light of revelation," and of the necessity of imita- 
ting " the charity, humility, and pacific temper of mind, which 
were the characteristics of the Divine Author of our blessed 
religion ;" he gratefully acknowledged the interpositions af Pro- 
vidence in favor of this country ; his life was upright and vir- 
tuous; he principally supported an episcopal church in the 
neighborhood of Mount Vernon, where he constantly attended 
public worship ; during the war he not unfrcquently rode ten of 
twelve miles from camp for the benefit of the institutions of 
religion ; and it is believed, that he every day had his hour of 
retirement from the world for the purpose of private devotion. 
General Washington was blessed with abundai\t wealth, and 



836 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

he was not ignorant of the pleasure of employingit for generous 
purposes. His style of living was dignified, though he main- 
tained the strictest economy. While he was in the army, he 
wrote to the superintendent of his estate in the following terms: 
" Let the hospitality of the house be kept up with regard to the 
poor. Let no one go hungry away. If any of this sort of peo- 
ple should be in want of corn, supply their necessi-ties, provided 
it does not encourage them in idleness. I have no objection to 
your giving my money in charity, when you thiidc it will be 
well-bestowed ; I mean that it is my desire, that it should be 
done. You are to consider, tbaf neither myself nor my wife are 
in the way to do these good offices." Thus was he beneficent, 
while at the same time he required an exact compliance with 
engagements. A pleasing proof of the generous spirit which 
governed him, is exhibited in his conduct towards the so;i of his 
friend the Marquis de La Fayette. The marquis, after fighting 
in this country for American liberty, had returned to France j 
but in the convulsions of the French revolution he was exileA 
and imprisoned in Germany. General Washington gave evi- 
dence of sincere attachment to the unhappy noblemen, not only 
by exerting all his influence to procure his release from confine- 
ment, but by extending his patronage to his son, who made his 
escape from France, and arrived with his tutor at Boston, in 
1795. As soon as he was informed of his arrival, he wrote to a 
friend requesting him to visit the young gentleman and make 
him acquainted with the relations between this country and 
France, which would prevent the president of the United 
States from publicly espousing his interest, but to assure him 
of his protection and support. He also directed his friend te 
draw upon him for money to defray all the expenses which 
young La Fayette might incur. Towards his slaves General 
Washington manifested the greatest care and kindness. Their 
servitude lay with weight upon his mind, and he directed in his 
will, that they should be emancipated on the decease of his 
wife. There were insuperable difficulties in the way of their 
receiving freedom previous to this event. On the death of Mrs. 
Washington, May 22d, 1802, the estate of Gen. Washington, a« 



ANTHONY WAYNE. 337 

he liad no children, was divided, according to his VjgU, among 
his as d her rehitions. It amounted, bj his own estimate, to more 
than five hundred thousand dollars."* 



ANTHONY WAYNE, 

Major-General in the American Army. 

*' Anthony Wayne, a major general in the American army, 
occupies a conspicuous station among the heroes and patriots 
of the American revolution. He was born in the yeaj- 174a, in 
Chester county, in the state, thencolony, of Pennsylvania. His 
father, who was a resppctal^le farmer, was many years a repre- 
sentative of the county of Chester, in the general assembly, 
before the revolution. His grand-father, who was distinguis-lied 
for his attachment to the principles of liberty, bore a captain's 
commission under King William, at the battle of the Boyne. 
Anthony Wayne succeeded his father as a representative for the 
county of Chester, in fhe ye^r 1773 ; and from his first appear- 
ance in public life, distinguii^hed himself as a firm and decided 
patriot. He opposed, with much ability, the unjust demands 
of the mother country, and in contiexio:i with some gentlemen 
of distinguished talents, was of maierial service in prepari g the 
way for the firm and decisive, part which Pennsylvania took in 
the general contest. 

In 1775, he was appointed to the command of a regiment, 
which his character enabh'd him to raise in a few weeks, in his 
native county. In the same year he was detached under Gen. 
Ti ompson into Canada. In the defeat which followed, in which 
Geii. Thompson was made a prisoner, Colonel Wayne, though 
wounded, displayed great gallantry and good conduct, in col- 
lecting and bringitig ofif the scattered and broken bodies of 
troops. 

In the campaign of 1776, he served under General Gates, at 
Ticonderoga, and was highly esteemed by that oflker for both 



Allen's Biographical Dictionary. 

43 



338 ANTHONY WAYNE. 

his }) rave ry and skill as an engineer. At the close of f^\it cnna- 
paign hr was appointed a brigadier-general. 

At the battle of Brand} wine, he behaved with hi? usual bra- 
verv, and for a long time opposed the progress of the enemy at 
Chad's Ford. In this action, the inferiority of the Americans 
in numbers, discipline and arms, gave them little chance of suc- 
cess ; but the peculiar situation of the public mind was sup- 
posed to require a battle to be risked : the ground was bravely 
disputed, and the action was not considered as decisive. The 
spirit of the troops was preserved by a belief that the loss of 
the enemy had equalled their own. As it was the intention of 
the American commander-in-chief to hazard another action on 
the (irst favorable opportunity that should offer, Gen. Wayne 
was detached with his division, to harass the enemy by every 
means in his power. The British troops were encamped at 
Tredyff'nn, and Gen. Wayne was stationed about three miles 
jn the rear of their left vving, near the Paoli tavern, and from 
the precautions he had taken, he considered himself secure, but 
about eleven o'clock, on the night of the 20th September, Mnj. 
General Gray, having driven in his pickets, suddenly attacked 
him with fixed bayonets. Wayne, unable to withstand the su- 
perior number of assailants, was obliged to retreat; but formed 
again at a small distanr-e, having lost about one hundred and 
fifty killed and wounded. As blame was attached by some of 
the officers of the army, fo Gen. Wayne, for allowing himself 
to be surprised in this maimer, he demanded a court martial, 
whicli, after exiiminiiig the necessary evidence, declared that he 
had done every thing to be expected from an active, brave, and 
vigilant officer, and acquitted him with honor. 

A neat marbk monument has been recently erected on the 
battle ground, to the memory of the gallant men who fell on the 
niglit of (lie 20th September, 1777. 

Shortly after was fought the battle of Germantown, in which 
he tjreatly signalized himself, by his spirited manner of leading 
his men into action. In this action, he had one hoi'-e shot under 
him, and another as he was mounting; a;!d at the fame instant, 
received slight wounds in the left foot and left hand. 



ANTHONY WAYNE. 339 

In all councils of war, General Wavne was distinguished for 
-supportinjy the most energetic and decisive measures. In the 
one previous to the battle of Monmouth, he and Gen. Cadwal- 
ader were the only officers decidedly in favor of attacking the 
British army. The American officers are said to have been in- 
fluenced by the opinions of the Europeans. The Baron De 
Steuben, and Generals Lee and Du Portail, whose military skill 
was in hi2,h estimation, had warmly opposed an engagement, as 
too hazardous. But General Washington, whose opinion was 
in favor of an engagement, made such disposition as would be 
most likely to lead to it. In that action, so honorable to the 
American arms. General Wayne was conspicuous in the ardor 
of his attack. General Washinglon, in his letter to congress, 
observes, "Were I to conclude my account of this day's trans- 
actions without expressing my obligations to the officers of the 
army in general, I should do injustice to their merit, and vio- 
lence to my own feelings. They seemed to vie with each other 
in manifesting their zeal and bravery. The catalogue of those 
who distinguished themselves, is too long to admit of particu- 
larizing individuals. I cannot, however, forbear mentioning 
Brigadier-General Wayne, whose good conduct and bravery, 
throughout the whole action, deserves particular commenda- 
tion."* 

"Among the many exploits of gallantry and prowess which 
shed a lustre on the fame of our revolutionary armv, the storm- 
ing of the fort at Stony-Point has always been considered one of 
the most brilliant. 

"To General Wayne, who commanded the light-infantry of 
the army, the execution of the plan was intrusted. Secrecy 
was deemed so much more essential to success than numbers, 
that it was thought unadvisable to add to the force already on 
the lines. One brigade was ordered to commence its march so 
as to reach the scene of action in time to cover the troops en- 
gaged in the attack, in case of any unlooked for disaster; and 
Major Lee, of the light-dragoons, who had been eminently use- 
ful in obtaining the intelligence which led to the enteprise, was 

* Americfin Biographical Dictionary. 



349 ANTHONY WAYNE. 

asporiatec* wiih G< nera] Wajne, as far as cavalry could be em- 
ployed i'! such a -ervice. 

Tii(' ' igntof Uie I5rh of July, 1779, was fixed on for the as- 
sault; and it beiiy; suspected tha' the garrison would probably 
be more on their guard cowards day, twelve was chosen for the 
hour. 

Siony-Point is a commanding hill, projecting far into the Hud- 
son, ^''hicil washes three-touiths oi its base; the remaining; fourth 
is i i a ;;reMt measure, covered by a deep marsh, comnneiicing 
near tiie river on the upper side, and continuing into it below. 
Over this marsh, there is only one crossing place. But at its 
ju rtion with the river is a eandy beach passable at low tide. 
O.) the summit of this hill was er^ctrd the forf, which was fur- 
nishpd with a sufficient number of heavy pieces of ordnance. 
S: \eral breastworks and strojig batteries were advanced in front 
of t^e principal work, and about halfway down the hill, were 
t>vo rows of ahaltis. The batteries were calculated to com- 
mand the beach, and the crossing place of the marsh, and to 
rake and enfilade any column which might be advancing from 
either of those points towards the fort. Iii addition to these 
defences, several vessels of war were stationed in the river, so 
as, in a considerable degree, to command the ground at the foot 
of the hill. 

The fort was garrisoned by about six hundred men, under 
the command oClieutetiant-celoriel Johnson. 

Ai nonnof the da> prf ceding the niyht of attack, th^ lighl- 
infantrx co.nmencpd Ihrir march from Sand\ beach, distant 
fourteen mih-s from Stony-Point, and passi'ig through an ex- 
cessively rugged ai'd mountainous country, arrived at)oui eight 
in (he afternoon at Spring S.eel's, one and a liaii miles (rom the 
fort, where tlie dispositi(;ns tor the assault were made. 

It was intended lo attack the works on the right and left 
flanks at the same instant. The regiment of Febiger, and of 
Meigss, with Miij. Hull's detachnnent, formed the riglit column, 
and Butler's reginu !t, with two companies under Mij. Muifiee, 
foimed the left. One hundred and fifty volunteers, ltd by 
lieutenant- colonel Fleury and Major Posey, constituted the van 



ANTHONY WAYNE. 341 

of the right; and one hundred volunteers under Major Stunrt, 
conriposf'd the van of the left. At half past eleven, the two col- 
umns moved on to the charge, the van of each with unloaded 
muskets and fixed hayonets. They were each preceded by a 
forlorn hope of twenty men, the one commanded by lieutenant 
Gibbon, and the other by lieutenant Knox, whose duly it was to 
remove the abattis and other ob^tructio's, in order to open a 
passage for the columns which followed close in the rear. 

Proper measures having been taken to secure every individu- 
al on the route, who could give intelligence of their approach, 
the Americai.s reached ihe marsh undiscovered. But unex- 
pected difficullies having been experienced in surmounting this 
and (ither obstructions in the wa^, the assault dtd not commence 
until twenty minutes after twelve. Both columns then ru'=hed 
forward, under a tremendous fire of musketry and ijrape shot. 
Surmountinc; every obstacle, they entered the works a* the point 
oftlie bayonet, and without having discharged a single piece, 
obtained complete possession of the post. 

The humanity displayed by the conquerors was not less con- 
spicuous, nor less honorable, than their courage. Not a si/igle 
individual suffered after resistance had ceased. 

All the troops engaged in this perilous service manifested a 
degree of ardor and impetuosity, which proved them to be ca- 
pable of the most difficult eriterprises; and all distinguished them- 
selves w^iose situation enabled them to do so. Colcnel Flfury 
was the first to enter the fort and strike the British standard. 
Major Posey mounted the works almost at the same instant, 
and wast;»e first to give the watch-word — 'The fort's our own.' 
Lieutenants Gibbon and Knox performed the service alb.ltcd to 
tht m, with a degree of intrepi-iity which could not be surpassed. 
Out of twenty men who constituted the party of the Ibrmer, 
seventeen were killed or wounded. 

The loss sustained by the garrison was not considerable. 
The return made by lieutenant colonel Johnson, represented 
their dead at only twenty, including one captain, and their 
wounded, at six officers, and sixty-eight privates. The return 
made by General Wayne states their dead at sixty-three, inclo- 



342 ANTHONY WAYNE. 

ding two ofticers. This difference may be accounted for, hy 
supposing, that among those colonel Johnson supposed to be 
mij^sing, there were many killed. The prisoners amounted to 
five hundred and forty-three, among whom were one li, tenant- 
colonel, four captains, and twenty suhaltern officers. The mili- 
tary stores taken in the fort were also considerable. 

The loss sustained by the assailants was by no means propor- 
tioned to the apparent danger of ihe enterprise. Tiie killed 
and wounded did not exceed one hundred men. Gen. Wayne 
himself, who marched at the head of Febiger's regiment in the 
right column, received a slight wound in the head, whicii stunned 
him for a time, but did not compel him to leave the column. 
Being supported by his aids, he entered the fort with the rcgi- 
Tne^t. Lieutenant-colonel Hay was also among the wounded."* 

The intrepidity, joined with humanity, its noblest companion, 
displayed on that occasion, by General Wayne and his brave 
followers, cannot be too higlily esteemed nor too frequently 
commemorated. 

General Orders for the Attack. 

The troops will march at — o'clock, and move by the right, 
making a halt at the creek, or run, on this side, next Clement's; 
every offic^-r and non-commissioned officer will remain with, and 
be answerable for every man in liis platonn; no soldier to be 
permitted to quit his ranks on any pretext whatever, until a 
gr'nernl halt is made, and then to be attended by one of the 
officers of the platoon. 

When the head of the troops arrive in the rear of the hill. 
Colonel Febiger will form his regiment into a solid column of 
a half platoon in front as fast as they come up. Colonel Meiggs 
will form nexi in Colonel Febiger's rear, and Major Hull in the 
rear of Meiggs', vhich will form the right column. 

Colonel Buller will form a column on the left of Febiger. and 
Major Murphy in his rear. Every officer and soldier will then 
fix a piece of white paper in the most conspicuous part of hig 
hat or cap, as a mark to distinguish them from the enemy. 

* Marshall's Life of Washington; 



ANTHONY WAYNE. 343 

At the word march colonel Fleury will take charge of one 
lumdred and fifty deternnined and picked men, properly office rd, 
with arms unloaded, placin<r their whole dependence on fixed 
bayonet?, who will move about twenty paces in front of the right 
column, and enter the sally port; he is to detach an officer and 
twenty men a little in front, whose business will be to secure the 
sentries, and remove the abafttis and obstructions for the column 
to pass through. The column will follow close in the rear with 
shouldered muskets, led by Col. Febiger and General Wayne 
in person: — when the works are forced, and tv t befre, the vic- 
torious troops as they enter will give the watchword 

with repealed and loud voices, and drive the enemy from their 
works and guns, which will favor the pass of the whole troops; 
should the enemy refuse to surrender, or attempt to make their 
escape by water or otherwise, effectual means must be used to 
effect the former and prevent the latter. 

Colonel Butler will move by the route (2,) preceded by one 
hundred chosen men with fixed bayonets, properly officered, at 
the distance of twenty yards in front of the column, which will 
follow under Colonel Butler, with shouldered muskets. These 
hundred will also detach a proper officer and twenty men a litlle 
in front to remove the obstructions; as soon as they gain t'le 
works they will also give and continue the watchword, which 
will prevent confusion and mistake. 

If any soldier presume to take his musket from his shoulder 
or to fire, or begin the battle until ordered by his proper officer, 
he shall be instantly put to death by the officer next him ; for (he 
misconduct of one man is not to put the whole troops in danger 
or disorder, and he be suffered to pass with his life. 

After the troops begin to advance to the works, the strictest 
silence must be observed, and the closest attention paid to the 
commands of the officers. 

The general has the fullest confidence in the bravery and 
fortitude of the corps that he has the happiness to command — 
the distinguished honor conferred oneveryofficerand soldier who 
has been drafted in this corps by his excellency General Wash- 
ington, the credit of the states they respectively belong to, aad 



344 ANTHONY WAYNE, 

thoir own reputations, will be such powerful motives for each 
man to distinguish himself, that the general cannot have the 
least doubt of a glorious victory; and he hereby most solemnly 
enjrages to reward the first man that enters the works with five 
hundred dolhirs and immediate promotion, to the second four 
hundred dollars, to the tiiird three liundrcd dollars, to the fourth 
two hundred dollars, and to the fifth one hundred dollars; and 
will represent the conduct of every oflicer and soldier, who 
distintiuishes himself in this action, in the most favorable point 
of view to his Excellency, whose greatest pleasure is in reward- 
ing merit. 

But should there be any soldier so lost to every feeling of 
honor, as to attempt to retreat one single foot, or skulk in the 
face of danger, the officer next to him is immediately to put 
him to death, that he may ro longer disgrace the name of a 
soldier, or the corps or state he belongs to. 

As General Wayne is determined to share the darger of the 
night — so he wishes to participate in the glory of the day in 
common with his fellow-soldiers."* 

"Immediately after the surrender of S+ony-Point, General 

Wayne transmitted to the commander-in-chief, the following 

laconic letter. — 

« Stony-Point. July 16. 1779. 
2 o'clock, A. M. 

^^ Dear General — The fort and garrison, with Col. Johnson, 
are i urs; our officers and men behaved like men determined to 
be free. Yours most sinceiely, 

" Anthony Wayne. 

" General Washington." 

In the campaign of 1781, in which Lord Cornwallis, and a 
British artny were obliged to sunei'der prisoners of war, he 
1 ^ bore a conspicuous pait. His presence of miiid never faih^d 
him in the most critical situations. Of this lie gave an eminent 
example on the James river. Having been deceived by some 
false information, into a belief that the British arnjy had 
passed the river, leaving but tiie rearguard behind, he hastened 



*' Analectic Magazine. 












g^^.A.-„ ,. .:ZiSr.iii^M ^^. 




-^•T'DJRMIIf© ©1 STOII'lElt:^ FCfDIITT . 



ANTHONY WAYNE, 345 

. to attack the latter before it should also have effected its passage; 
but on pushing through a morass and wood, instead of the rear- 
guard, he found the whole British army drawn up close to nim. 
His situation did not admit of a moment"'s deliberation, Cori- 
ceiving the boldest to be the safest measure, he immediately 
led his small detachment, not exceeding 800 men, to the charge, 
and after a shot t but very smart and rlo-e firing, in which he 
lost 118 of his men, he succeeded in bringing off tiie rest under 
cover of the wood. Lord Cornwallis, suspecting the attack to 
be a feint, in order to draw him into an ambu>cade, would not 
permit his troops to pursue. 

The enemy having made a considerable head in Georgia, 
Wayne was despached by Genercd Washington to take com- 
mand of the forces in that state, and, after some sanguinarv en- 
gagements, succeeded in establisliing security and order. For 
his services in that state, the legislature presented him with a 
valuable farm. 

On the peace, which followed shortly after, he retired to 
private life: but in 1798, we find him a member of the Penn- 
sylvania convention, and one of those in favor of the present 
federal constitution of the United States. 

In the year 1792, he was appointed to succeed General St. 
Clair, who had resigned the command of the army engaged 
aganist the Indians on our western frontier. Wayne formed an 
encampment at Pittsburgh, and such exemplary discipline was 
introduced among the new troops, that, on their advance into 
the Indian country, they appeared like veterans. 

The Indians had collected in great numbers, and it was ne- 
cessary not only to rout them, but to occupy their country by 
a chain of posts, that should, for the future, check their preda- 
tory incursions. Pursuing this regular and systematic mode of 
advance, the autumn of 1793 found General Wayne with his 
army at a post in the wilderness, called Greenville, about six 
miles in advance of Fort JefTersoo, where he determined to en- 
camp for the winter, in order to make the necessary arrange- 
ments for opening the campaign to effect early in the following 
spring. After fortifying his camp, he took possession of th^ 

44 



346 ANTHONY WAYNE. 

ground on which the Americans had been defeated in 1791* 
which he fortified also, and called the work Fort Recovery. 
Here he piously collected, and, with the honors of war, interred 
the bones of the unfortunate although gallant victinns of the 4th 
of November, 1791. The situation of the army, menacing the 
Indian villages, effectually prevented any attack on the white 
settlements. The impossibility of procuring the necessary sup- 
plies prevented the march of the troops till the summer. On 
the 8th of August, the army arrived at the junction of the rivers 
Au Glaize and Miami of the lakes, where they erected works 
for the protection of the stores. About thirty miles from this 
place the British hnd formed a post, in the vicinity of which the 
Indians had assembled their whole force. On the 1 5th the army 
again advanced down the Miami, and on the 18th arrived at the 
Rapids. On the following day they erected some works for the ^ 
protection of the baggage. The situation of the enemy was 
reconnoitered, and they were found posted in a thick wood, in 
the rear of the British fort. On the 20lh, the army advanced 
to the attack. The Miami covered the right flank, and on the 
left were the mounted volunteers, commanded by Gen. Todd. 
After marching about tive miles. Major Price, who led the ad- 
vance, received so heavy a fire from the Indians, who were sta- 
tioned behind the trees, that he was compelled to fall back. 
The enemy had occupied a wood in the front of the British 
fort, which, from the quantity of fallen timber, could not be 
entered by the horse. The legion was immediately ordered to 
advance with trailed arms, and roused them from their covert j 
the cavalry under Captain Campbell, were directed to pass be- 
tween the Indians and the river, wiiile the volunteers, led by 
General Scott, made a circuit to turn their flank. So rapid, J,'| 
however, was the charge of the legion, that before the rest of 
the army could get into action, the enemy were completely 
routed, and driven through the woods for more than two miles, 
and the troops halted within gun-shot of the British fort. All 
the Indians' houses and cornfields were destroyed. In this de- 
cii^ive action, the whole loss of General Wayne's arm}', in killed 
and wounded, amounted only to one hundred and seven men. 



OTHO H. WILLIAMS. 347 

As hostilities continued on the part of the Indians, their whole 
country was laid waste, and forts established, which effectually 
prevenled their return. 

The success of this engagement destroyed the enemy's pow- 
er; and, in the following year. General Wayne concluded a 
definitive treaty of peace with them. 

A life of peril and glory was terminated in December, 1796. 
He had shielded his country from the murderous tomahawk of 
the savage. He had established her boundaries. He had 
forced her enemies to sue for her protection. He beheld her 
triumphant, rich in arts and potent in arms. What more could 
his patriotic spirit wish to see? He died in a hut on Presque 
Isle, aged about fifty-one years, and was buried on the shore of 
Lake Erie. 

A few years since his bones were taken up by his son, Isaac 
Wayne, Esq. and entombed in his native county: and by direc- 
tion of the Pennsylvania State Society of the Cincinnati, an 
elegant monument was erected. It is to he seen within the 
cemetery of St. David's Church, situated in Chester county. 
It is constructed of white marble, of the most correct symmetry 
and beauty."* 



OTHO H. WILLIAMS, 

Brigadier-General in the American Army. 

" This gentleman was formed for eminence in any station. 
His talents were of a high order, and his attainments various 
and extensive. Possessing a person of uncommon symmetry, 
and peculiarly distinguished by the elegance of his manners, 
he would have graced, alike, a court or a camp. 

Rich in that species of military science which is acquired by 
experience, and a correct, systematic, and severe disciplinarian, 
General Greene confided to him the important trust of adjutant- 
general to the southern army. The services which, in this and 

*■ American Biographical Dictionary. 



348 OTHO H. WILLIAMS. 

other capacities, he rendered to that division of the Americart 
forc<*, i: the course oi their toilsome and peiiious operations, 
were beyond all praise. 

He Wri> born in the county of Prirce George, in the year 
1748, and received, during his youth, but a slender ediication,- 
T. is he ?o much improved by subsequent study, that few men 
had a finer taste or a more cultiva»ed intellect. 

He commenced his miJitarj' career, as lieutenant of a rifle 
compan}, in 1775; aid, if the course of the iollowing year, 
was promoted to the rank of a Major in a rifle regiment. 

In this corps he very honorably istinguished himself in the 
defence of Fort Washington, on York Island, when assaulted by 
Sir William Howe; and, on the surrender of that post, became 
a prisoner. 

Having suffered much by clos' confinement, during his cap- 
tivitv, he was exchanged for Major Ackland, after the capture 
of Burgoyne, and immediately rejoined the standard of his 
country. 

Being now promoted to the rank of colonel of a regiment of 
infantry, he was detached, under the Baron De Kalb, to the 
army of the south. 

General Gates having been appointed to the command of this 
division of the American forces, he was present with that officer, 
at his defeat before Camden; and during the action manifested 
great valor and skill, in directing and leading the operations 
against the enemy, while resistance was practicable; and an 
equal degree of self possession and address, in conducting the 
troops from thetield, when compelled to retreat. 

But as an officer, his valor and skill in battle were among the 
lowest of his qualifications. His penetration and sagacity, uni- 
ted to a profound judgment, and a capacious mind, rendered him 
in the cabinet, particularly valuable. 

Hence he was one of General Greene's favorite counsellors, 
during the whole of his southern campaigns. Nor did any thing 
ever occur, either through neglect or mistake, to impair the 
confidence thus reposed in him. In no inconsiderable degree, 
he was to Greene, what that officer had been to General Wash- 



OTHO H. WILLLIAMS. 34^ 

ington, his strongest hope in all emergencies, where great policy 
and add: ess «"ere required. 

This was clearly manifested, by the post assigned to him by 
Genf ml Greene, during his celebrated retreat through North 
Carcdina. 

In that great and memorable movement, on which the fate of 
the south was staked, to Williams was* confided the commai d of 
the rear-guard, which was literally the shield and rampart of 
the army. Had he relaxed, but for a moment, in his vigilance 
and exertion, or been guilty of a single imprudent act, ruin must 
have ensued. 

Nor was his command much less momentous, when, recrossing 
the Dan, Greene again advanced on the enemj. Still in the 
post of danger and honor, he now, in the van of the army, com- 
manded the same corps with which he had previously moved in 
the rear. 

A military friend, who knew him well, has giipn the follow- 
ing summary of his character: 

' He possessed that range of mind, although self-educated, 
which entitled him to the highest military station, and was ac- 
tuated by true courage, which can refuse, as well as give battle. 
Soaring far above the reach of vulgar praise, he singly aimed 
at promoting the common weal, satisfied with the consciousness 
of doirsg right, and desirijig only that share of applause, which 
was justly his own. 

There was a loftiness and libera'ity in his character, which, 
forbade resort to intrigue and hypocrisy in the accomplishment 
of his views, and rejected the contemptible practice of dispa- 
raging others to exalt himself. 

In the field of battle he was self-possessed, intelligent and 
ardent ; in camp, circumspect, atlentive,and systematic ; in coun- 
cil, sincere, deep, and persipicuous. During the campaigns of 
General Greene, he was uniformly one of his few advisers, and 
held his unchanged confidence. Nor was he less esteemed by 
his brother officers, or less respected by his soldiery.' 

Shortly before the close of the war, he was promoted to the 
rank of brigadier-general."* 

*ltife of Greene. 



(350> 



^ BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

The Traitor. 



" Benenict Arnold, a major-general in the American army 
during the revolutionary war, and infamous for deserting the 
cause of his country, was early chosen captain of a volimteer 
company in New-Haven, Connecticut, where he lived. After 
hearing of the battle of Lexington, he immediately marched 
with his company, for the American head- quarters, and reached 
Cambridge, April 29, 1775. 

He immediatf-ly waited on the Massachusetts committee of 
safety, and informed them of the defenceless state of Ticonde- 
roga. The committee appointed him a colonel, and commis- 
sioned him to raise four hundred men, and to take that fortress. 
He proceeded directly to Vermont, and when he arrived at 
Castleton, was attended by one servant only. Here he joined 
Colonel Allen, and on the tenth of May, the fortress was taken. 

In the fall of 1775, he was sent by the commander-in-chief 
to penetrate through the wilderness of the District of Maine, 
into Canada. On the 16th of September, he commenced his 
march, with about one thousand men, consisting of N. Efigland 
infantry, some volunteers, a company of artillery, and three 
companies of riflemen. One division was obliged to return, or 
it would have perished by hunger. After sustaining almost 
incredible hardships, he in six weeks arrived at Point Levi, op- 
posite to Quebec. The appearance of an army emerging from 
the wilderness, threw the city into the greatest consternation. 
In this moment of surprise, Arnold might probably have become 
master of the place; but the small craft and boats in the river 
were removed out of his reach. 

It seems that his approach was not altogether unexpected. 
He had imprudently, a number of days before, sent forward a 
letter to a friend, by an Indian, who betrayed him. A delay of 
several days, on account of the difficulty of passing the river, 
was inevitable: and the critical moment was lost. 



BENEDICT ARNOLD. 351 

On the 14th of November, he crossed the St. Lawrence in 
the night; and ascending the precipice which Wolfe had climbed 
before him, formed his small corps on the height, near the mem- 
orable Plains of Abraham. With only about seven hundred 
men, one-third of whose muskets had been rendered useless in 
their march through the wilderness, success could not be ex- 
pected. After parading some days on the heights near the 
town, and sending two flags to summon the inhabitants, he re- 
tired to Point aux Trembles, twenty miles above Quebec, and 
there awaited the arrival of Montgomery, who joined him on 
the first of December. The city was immediately besieged, 
but the best measures had been taken for its defence. On the 
morning of the last day of the year, an assault was made on the 
one side of the city, by Montgomery, who was killed. At the 
same time, Colonel Arnold, at the head of about three hundred 
and fifty men, made a desperate attack on the opposite side. 
Advancing with the utmost intrepidity along the St. Charles, 
through a narrow path, exposed to an incessant fire of grape- 
shot and inusketry as he approached the first barrier, he re- 
ceived a musketball in the leg, which shattered the bone; and 
he was carried off to the camp. Though the attack was un- 
successful, the blockade of Quebec was continued till May, 
1776; wdien the army, which was in no condition to risk an 
assault, was removed to a more defensible position. Arnold 
was compelled to relinquish one post after another, till the I8th 
©f June, when he quitted Canada. After this period he exhi- 
bited great bravery in the command of the American fleet on 
Lake Champlain. 

In August, 1777, he relieved Fort Schuyler under the com- 
mand of Colonel Gansevoor', which w^as invested by Coloicl 
St. Leger, with an army of from fifteen to eigiiteen liundrtd 
men. In the battle near S ilhvater, September the nineteenth, 
he conducted himself with his usual int'epidity: beiog engaged 
ineessantlv, for four hours. In the action of October the 7fh, 
after the British had been driven into their lines, Arnold prosed 
forward, and, under a tremendous fire, assaulted their works 
from iigiit to left. The iutrejicljuitiul& wexe at leugtii forced. 



332 BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

and with a few men he actually entered the works; but his 
horse being killed, and he himself badly wounded in the leg, 
he found it necessary to withdraw, and as it was now almost 
dark, to desist from the attack. 

Being rendered unfit for active service, in consequence of his 
wound, after the recovery of Philadelphia, he was appointed to 
the command of the American garrison. When he entered the 
city, he made the house of Governor Penn, the best house in 
the city, his head quarters. This he furnished in a very costly 
manner, and lived far beyond his income. He had wasted the 
plunder, which he had seized at Montreal, in his retreat from 
Canada; and at Philadelphia he was determined to make new 
acquisitions. He laid his hands on every thing in the city, 
which could be considered as the property of those who were 
unfriendly to the cause of his country. He was charged with 
oppression, extortion, and enormous charges upon the public^ 
in his accounts; and with applying the public money and pro- 
perty to his own private use. Such was his conduct, that he 
drew upon himself the odium of the inhabitants, not only of the 
city, but of the province in general. He was engaged in trad- 
ing speculations, and had shares in several privateers; but was 
unsuccessful. 

From the judgment of the commissioners, who had been ap- 
pointed to inspect his accounts, and who had rejected above half 
the amount of his demands, he appealed to Congress ; and they 
appointed a committee of their own body to examine and settle 
the business. The committee confirmfd the report of the com- 
missioners, and thought they had ;illowed him more than he had 
any right to expect or demand. By these disappointments he 
became irritated, and he gave full scope to his resentment. 
His invectives against congress were not less violent, than 
those which he had before thrown out against the commis- 
sioners. He was, however, soon obliged to abide the judgment 
of a court-martial, upon the charges exhibited against him by 
the executive of Pennsylvania ; and he was subjected to the mor- 
tification of receiving a reprimand from Washington. His trial 
commenced in June, 1778, but such were the delays occasioned 






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BENEDICT ARNOLD. 353 

by the movements of the army, that it was not concluded until 
the 26th day of January, 177 . — The sentence of a reprimand 
was approved by congress, and was soon afterward carried into 
execution. 

Such was the humiliation, to which General Arnold was re- 
duced, in consequence of yielding fo the temptations of pride 
and vanity, and indulging himself in the pleasures of a sumptu- 
ous table and expensive equipage. 

From this time, probably, his proud «pirit revolted from the 
cau*e of America. He returned his eyes to West Point as an 
acquisition which would give value to treason, while its loss 
would inflict a mortal wound on his former friends. He ad- 
dressed himself to the delegation of New- York, in which state 
his reputation was peculiarly high ; and a member of congress 
from this state, recommended him to Washington for the service 
which he desired. But this request could not be immediately 
complied with. The same application to tiie commander-in- 
chief was made not long afterwards through General Schuyler. 
Washington observed, that, as there was a prospect of an active 
campaign, he should be gratified with the aid of General 
Arnold in the tield, but intimated at the same time, that he 
should receive the appointment requested if it should be more 
pleasing to him. 

Arnold, without discovering much solicitude, repaired to camp 
in the beginning of August, and renewed in person, the solici- 
tations which had been before indirectly made. He was now 
offered the command of the left wing of the army, which was 
advancing against New- York, but he declined it under the pre- 
text, that in consequence of his wounds, he was unable to per- 
form the active duties of the field. Without a suspicion of his 
patriotism, he was invested with the command of West Point. 
Previously to his soliciting this station, he had, in a letter to 
Colonel Robin>on, signified his change of principles and his 
wish to restore himself to the favor of his prince, by some sig- 
nal proof of his repentance. This letter opened to him a cor- 
respondence with Sir Henry Clinton, the object of which was to 

45 



354 ' BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

concert the means of putting the important post, which he com- 
manded, into the possession of the British general. 

His plan, it is believed, was to have drawn the greater part of 
his army without the works, under the pretext of fighting the 
enemy in the defiles, and to have left unguarded a designated 
pass, through which the assailants might securely approach and 
surprise the fortress. His troops he intended to place, so that 
they would be compelled to surrender, or be cut in pieces. But 
just as his scheme was ripe for execution, the wise Disposer of 
events, who so often and so remarkably interposed in favor of 
the American cause, blasted his designs. 

Major Andre, afljutant-general of the British army, was se- 
lected as the person, to whom the maturing of Arnold's treason, 
and the arrangements for its execution should be committed* 
A correspondence was, for some time, carried on between them 
under a mercantile disguise, and the feigned names of Gustavus 
and Anderson; and a( length, to facilitate their communications, 
the Valture sloop of war moved up the North River and took 
a station convenient tor the purpose, but not so near as to excite 
suspicion. An interview was agreed on, and in the night of 
St-ptember the 21st, 1780, he was taken in a boat, which was 
despatched for the purpose, and carried to the beach without 
the posts of both armies, under a pass for John Anderson. He 
met General Arnold at the house of a Mr. Smith. While the 
conference was yet unfinished, daylight approached; and to 
avoid the danger of discovery, it was proposed, that he should 
remain concealed till the succeeding night. He is understood 
to have refused to be carried within the American posts, but the 
promise made him by Arnold, to ref'pect this objection, was not 
observed. He was carried within them contrary to his wishes 
and against his knowledge. He continued with Arnold the 
succeeding day, and when on the following night, he proposed 
to return to the Vulture, the boatmen refused to carry him, 
because she had, during the day, shifted her station, in conse- 
quence of a gun having been moved to the shore and brought 
to bear upon her. This embarrassing circumstance reduced 



BFNEDICT ARNOLD. ^55 

him to the npcessityof endeavoring to reach New- York by land. 
Yielding with reluctance to the urgent rtpresentations of Ar. 
nold, he laid aside his regimentals, which he had hitherlo worn 
under a surtont, and pui on a plain suit of clothe>>, and ?eceiving 
a pass from the American general authorizing him, under the 
feigned name of John Anderson, to proceed on the public 
service, to the White Plains, or lower if he thought proper, he 
set out on his return. He had passed all the guards and posts 
on the road without suspicion, and was proceeding lo New- 
York, in perfect security, when, on the 23d ofSeptember, on© 
of three miUtia-men, who were employed with others in scouting 
parties between the lines of the two armies, springing suddenly 
from his covert into the road, seized the reins of his bridle and 
stopped his horse. Instead of producing his pass, Andre, with 
a want of self-possession, which can be attributed only to a kind 
Providence, asked the man hastily, where he belonged ; and 
being answered, 'to below,' replied immediately, 'and so do I.' 
He then declared himself to be a British officer, on urgent busi- 
ness, and begged that he might not be detained. The other 
two militia-men coming up at this moment, he discovered his 
mistake; but it was too late to repair it. He offered a purse of 
gold and a valuable watch, to which he added the most tempting 
promises of ample reward and permanent provision from the 
government, if they would permit him to escape, but his offers 
were rejected without hesitation. 

The militia-men, whose names were John Paulding, David 
Wllhams, and Isaac Van Wert, proceeded to search him. They 
found concealed in his boots, exact returns, in Arnold's hand- 
writing, of the state of the forces, ordnance, and defences at 
West Point and its dependencies; critical remarks on the works, 
and an estimate of the men ordinarily employed in them, with 
other interesting papers. Andre was carried before lieutenant- 
colonel Jameson, the officer commanding the scouling parties on 
the lines, and, regardless of himself, and only anxious for the 
safety of Arnold, he still maintained the character which he 
had assumed, and requested Jameson to inform his comman<ling 
officer that Anderson was taken. An express was accordingly 



35G BENRDICT AHNOLD. 

despatched, and the traitor, thus becoming acquainted with his 
dan«jer, escaped. 

IVI'ijor Andre, after his detection, was permitted to send a 
messajije to Arnold, to give him notice of his danger, and t!ie 
traitor found opportunity to escape on board the Vuhure, on 
the 25th of September, 1780, a few hours before the return of 
Wasliington, who had been absent on a journey to Hartford, 
Connecticut. It is supposed, however, that he would not l»ave 
escaped, had not an express to the commander-in-chief, with 
an account of the capture of Andre, missed him by taking a 
different road from the one which he travelled."* 

Arnold, on tiie very day of his escape, wrote the following 

letter to Washington: 

" On board the Vulture, 
Sept. 25, 1780. 

"Sir — The heart which is conscious of its own rectitude 
cannot attempt to palliate a step which the world may censure 
as wrong; I have ever acted from a principle of love to my 
country, since the commencement of the present unhappy 
contest between Great Britain and the colonies ; the same 
principle of love to my country actuates my present conduct, 
however it may appear inconsistent to the world, who very 
seldom judge right of any man's actions. 

" I have no favor to ask for myself. I have too often expe- 
rienced the ingratitude of my country to attempt it; but from 
the known humanity of your Excellency, I am induced to ask 
your protection for Mrs. Arnold, from every insult or injury that 
the mistaken vengeance of my country may expose her to. It 
ougi>t to fall only on me : she is as good and as innocent as an angel, 
and is incapable of doing wrong. I beg she may be permitted 
to return to her friends in Philadelphia, or to come to me 
as she may choose ; from your Excellency I have no fears 
on her account, but she may suffer from the mistaken fury 
of the country. 

" I have to reouest that the enclosed letter may be delivered 
to Mrs. Arnold, and she permitted to write to me. 

* American Biographical Dictionary. 



BENEDICT AFNOLD. 357 

"I have also to ask that my clothes and baggage, which are 
of hftle consequence, may be sent to me; if required, their 
value shall be paid in money. 

" I have the honor to be, &c. 

" B. ARNOLD. 

" His excellency. General Washington. 

" N. B. In justice to the gentlemen of my family. Colonel 
Varrick, and Major Franks, I think mys-elf in honor bound to 
declare that they as well as Joshua Smith, Esq. (who I know 
are suspected) aie totally ignorant of any transactions of mine, 
which they had reason to believe were injurious to the pubUc." 

Mrs. Arnold was conveyed to her husband at New-York, and 
his clothes and baggage, for which he had written, were trans- 
mitted to him. 

*' The folloimng is a concise description of the figures exhibited 
and paraded through the streets of the city of Philadelphia^ two or 
three days after the affair : 

" A stage raised on the body of a cart, on which was an ef- 
figy of General j^rno/c/ sitting; this was dressed in regimentals, 
had two faces, emblematical of his traitorous conduct, a mask 
in his left hand, and a letter in his right from Beelzebub, telling 
him that he had done all the mischief he could do, and now he 
must hang himself. 

At the back of the General was a figure of the devil, dressed 
in black robes, shaking a purse of money at the General's left 
ear, and in his right hand a pitchfork, ready to drive him into 
hell, as the reward due to the many crimes which his thirst of 
gold had made him commit. 

In the front of the stage, and before General Arnold, was 
placed a large lanthorn of transparent paper, with the conse- 
quences of his crimes thus delineated, i. e. on one part General 
Arnold on his knees before the devil, who is pulling him into 
the flames — a label from the General's mouth with these words: 
*My dear sir, I have served you faithfully;' to which the devil 
replies, ' And I'll reward you.' On another side, two figures 
haiigiijg, inscribed, 'The Traitor's Reward,' and wrote ujider- 
neath, ' The Adjutant-General of the British Army, and Joe 



358 BENEDICT ARNOLD, 

Smith; the first hanged as a spy, and the other as a traitor to 
his country.' And on tli€ front of the lanthorn was wrote the 
following: 

^^Major-General Benedict Arnold,, late commander of the fort 
West Point, The crime oj this man is high treason. 

He has deserted the important post, West Pointy on Hudson's 
River,- committed to his charge by his Excellency the comman- 
der-in-chief, and is gone off to the enemy at New- York. 

His design to have given up this fortress to our enemies has 
been discovered by the goodness of the Omniscient Creator who 
has not only prevented him from carrying it into execution, but 
has thrown into our hands Andre^ the Adjutant-General of their 
army, who was detected in the infamous character of a spy. 

The treachery of the ungrateful general is held up to public 
view for the exposition of infamy; and to proclaim with joyful 
acclamation, another instance of the interposition of a bounte- 
ous Providence. 

The effigy of this ingrate is therefore hanged, (for want of 
his body,) as a a traitor to his native country, and a betmyer of 
the laws of honor." 

The procession began about four o'clock, in the following 
order: 

Several gentlemen mounted on horseback. 

A line of continental officers. 

Sundry gentlemen in a line. 

A guard of the city infantry. 

Just before the cart, drums and fifes playing the 
Rogue's March. 

Guards on each side. 

The procession was attended with a numerous concourse of 
people, who, after expressing their abhorrence of the treason 
and the traitor, committed him to the flames, and left both the 
effigy and the original to sink into ashes and obli\ion."* 

" During the exertions which were made to rescue Andre 
from the destruction which threatened him, Arnold had the har- 
dihood to interpose. He appealed to the humanity of the com- 

* Niks' Revolutioo. 



BENEDICT ARNOLD. 339 

mander-in-chief, and then sought to intimidate him, by stating 
the situation of many of the principal characters of South Car- 
oHna, who had forfeited their Hves,buthad hitherto been spared 
through the clemency of the British General. This clemency, 
he said, could no longer in justice, be extended to them, should 
Major Andre suffer. 

Arnold was made a brigadier-general in the British service; 
which rank he preserved throughout the war. Yet he must 
have been held in contempt and detestation by the generous 
and honorable. It was impossible for men of this description, 
even when acting with him, to forget that he was a traitor, first 
the slave of his rage, then purchased with gold, and finally se- 
cured by the blood of one of the most accomplished officers in 
the British army. One would suppose that his mind could not 
have been much at ease; but he had proceeded so far in vice, 
that perhaps his reflections gave him but little trouble. ' 1 am 
mistaken,' says Washington, in a private letter, ^ifat this time, 
Arnold is undergoing the torments of a mental hell. He wants 
feelitig. From some traits of his character, which have lately 
come to my knowledge, he seems to have been so hacknied in 
crime, so lost to all sense of honor and shame, that while his 
faculties still enable him to continue his sordid pursuits, there 
will be no time for remorse.' 

Arnold found it necessary to make some exertions to secure 
the attachment of his new friends. With the hope of alluring 
many of the discontented to his standard, he published an ad- 
dress to the inhabitants of America, in which he endeavored to 
justify his conduct. He had encountered the dangers of the 
field, he said, from apprehension that the rights of his country 
were in danger. He had acquiesced in the declaration of in- 
dependence, though he thought it precipitate. But the rejec- 
tion of the overtures made by Great Britain in 1778, and the 
French alliance, had opened his eyes to the ambitious views of 
those, who would sacrifice the happiness of their country to 
their own aggrandisement, and had made him a confirmed roy- 
alist. He artfully mingled assertions, that the principal mera- 
bcrs of congress held the people in sovereign qontempt. 



360 BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

This was followed in about a fortnight by a proclamation, ad- 
dressed ' to the officers and soldiers of the continental army, 
who have the real interests of their country at heart, and who 
are determined to be no longer tlie tools and dupes of congress, 
or of France.' To induce the American officers and soldiers 
to desert the cause which they had embraced, he represented 
that the corps of cavalry and infantry which he was authorized 
to raise, would be upon the same footing with the other troops in 
the British service ; that he should with pleasure advance those 
whose valour he had witnessed; and that the private men who 
joined him should receive a bounty of three guineas each, be- 
sides payment, at the full value, for horses, arms, and accoutre- 
ments. His object was the peace, liberty and safety of America. 
* You are promised liberty,' he exclaims, 'but is there an indi- 
vidual in the enjoyment of it saving your oppressors? Who 
among you dare to speak or write what he thinks against the 
tyranny which has robbed you ofyour property, imprisons your 
persons, drags you to the field of battle, and is daily deluging 
your country with blood?' 'What,' he exclaims again, 'is 
America now but a land of widows, orphans, and beggars? As 
to you, who have been soldiers in the continental army, can you 
at this day want evidence, that the funds of your country are. 
exhausted, or that the managers have applied them to their pri- 
vate uses. In either case you surely can no longer continue in 
their service with honor or advantage. Yet you have hither- 
to been their supporters in that cruelty, which, with equal indif- 
ference to yours, as well as to the labor and blood of others, i& 
devouring a country, that from the moment you quit their col-f 
ors, will be redeemed from their tyranny.' 

These proclamations did not produce the effect designed, and 
in all the hardships, sufferings, and irritations of the war, Arnold 
remains the solitary instance of an American officer, who aban- 
doned the side first embraced in the contest, and turned his sword 
upon his former companions in arms. 

He was soon depatched by Sir Henry Clinton, to make a 
diversion in Virginia. With about seventeen hundred men, 
he arrived in the Chesapeake, in January, 1781, and being 



BENEDICT ARNOLD. 361 

supported by such a naval force as was suited to the nature of 
the service, lie committed extensive ravages on the rivers, and 
along the unprotected coasts. It is said that, while on this ex- 
pedition, Arnold inquired of an American captain whom he had 
taken prisoner, what the Americans would do with him if he 
should fall into their hands. The captain at first aecHned giv- 
ing him an answer, but upon being repeatedly urged to it, he 
said, ' Why, sir, if I must answer your question, you must ex- 
cuse my teUing you the plain truth: if my countrymen should 
catch you, I beheve they would first cut offthat lame ieg, which 
was wounded in the cause of freedom and vir:ue, and bury it 
with the honors of war, and afterwards hang the remainder of 
your body on gibbets..' The reader will recollect that the cap- 
tain alluded to the wound Arnold received in one of his legs at 
the attack upon Quebec, in 1776." 

The return of General Arnold to New-York from Virginia, 
did not tix him in a state of inactivity. He was sent on an en- 
terprise against New-London, with a sufficient land and marine 
force. — The embarkation having passed over from Long-Island 
shore in the night, the troops were landed in two detachments 
on each side of the harbor, at ten o'clock in the morning of the 
6th of September; that on the Groton side being commanded 
by Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre, and that on New-London side by 
the general, who met no great trouble. Fort Trumbull and 
the redoubt, which were intended to cover the harbor and town, 
not being tenable, were evacuated as he approached, and the 
few men in them crossed the river to Fort Griswold, on Groton 
Hil!. Arnold proceeded to the town without being otherwise 
opposed than by the scattered fire of small parties that had has- 
tily collected. Orders were sent by the general to Eyre for 
attacking Fort Griswold, that so the possession of it might pre- 
vent the escape of the American shipping. The militia, to the 
amount of one hundred and fifty-seven, collected for its defence, 
but so hastily as not to be fully furnished with fire arms and 
other weapons. As the assailants approached, a firing com- 
menced, and the ftag-staflT was soon shot down, from whence 
the neighboring spectators inferred that the place had surren- 

46 



36& BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

dered, till the continuance of the firing convinced them to the 
contrary. The garrison defended themselves with the greaiest 
resolution and hravery: Eyre was wounded near the works, and 
]VJajor Montgomery was killed immedia'eh after, so that the 
command devolved on Major Bloomfield, The British at one 
time staggered; but the fort being out of repair, could not be 
maintained by a handful of men against so superior a number 
as that which assaulted it. After an action of about forty 
minutes, the resolution of the royal troops carried the place by 
the point of the bayonet. The Americans had not more than 
half a dozen killed before the enemy entered the fort, when a 
severe execution took place, though resistance ceased. The 
British officer inquired, on his entering the fort, who command- 
ed? Colonel Ledyard answered — 'I did, sir, but you do now,' 
and presented him his sword. The colonel was immediately 
run through and killed. The slain w ere seventy-three: the 
wounded be' ween thirty and forty, and about fort}' were carried 
off prisoners. Soon after reducing the fort, the soldiers loaded 
a wagon with wounded, as said, by order of their ofticers, and 
set the wagon off from the top of the hill, which is long and very 
steep; the wagon went a considerable distance with great forcej 
till it was suddenly stopped by an apple tree, which gave the 
faint and bleeding men so terrible a shock that part of them died 
instantly. About fifteen ves^^els, with the effects of the inhabi- 
tants, retreated up the river, notwithstanding the reduction of 
the fort, and four others remained in the harbor unhurt; a num- 
ber w^ere burnt by the fire communicating from the stores when 
in flamr's. Sixty dwelling houses aid eighiy-four stores were 
burned, including those on b6th sides of the harbor and in New- 
Lond( n. The burning of the town was intentional and not 
accidental. The loss that the Americans sustained in this de- 
struction was very great; for there were large quantities of 
naval stores, of European goods, of East and West India com- 
modities, and of provisions in the several stores. The British 
had two commissioned officers and forty-six privates killed ; 
eight officers, (some of whom are since dead) with one hundred 
and <'''irty-?ive non-commissioned and privates wounded."* 

^ Niles' ReToltttion, 



BENEDICT ARNOLD. 363 

" From the conclusion of the war till his death, Gen. Arnold 
resided chiefly in England. He died in Gloucester place, Lon- 
don, June 14, 1801. — His character presents litOe to be com- 
mended. His daring courage may excite admiration; but it 
was a courage without reflection and without principle. He 
fought bravely for his country; and he bled in her cause; but 
his country owed him no returns of gratitude, for his subsequent 
conduct proved, that he had no honest regard to her interests, 
bu' was governed by selfish considerations. His progress from 
self-indulgence to treason, was easy and rapid. He was vain 
and luxurious, and to gratify his giddy desires, he must. resort 
to meanness, dishonesty, and extortion. These vices brought 
with them disgrace; and the contempt into which he fell, awa- 
kened a spirit of revenge, and left him to the unrestrained in- 
fluence of his cupidity and passion. Thus from the high fame 
to which his bravery had elevated him, he descended into in- 
famy. Thus too, he furnished new evidence of the infatuation 
of the human mind, in attaching such value to the reputation of 
a soldier, which may be obtained while the heart is unsound, 
and every moral sentiment is entirely depraved."*^ 

* American Biographical Dictionary. 



BIOGRAPHY 

OF 

REVOLUTIONARY NAVAL OFFICERS. 



JOHN PAUL JONES, 

Commodore in Uic American Navy. 

•' The following interesting narrative is translated from a 
French manuscript, written by himself. While we condemn 
the author for his egotism, we must make great allowances, on 
that account, for the splendid success that attended his enter- 
prises, and estimate hi'; vanity by the reasons he had to be vain. 
Few even, perhaps, circumstanced as Paul Jones was, would 
have praised themselves less than he has done in this sketch j 
which possesses the singular meril of being substantially cor- 
rect in all its parts, so far as we are informed of the matter."* 

At the commencement of the American war (during the year 
1775) I was employed to fit out a little squadron, which the 
congress had placed under Commodore Hopkins, who was ap- 
pointed to the command of all the armed vessels appertaining 
to America; and I hoisted, with my own hands, the American 
flag, on board the Alfred, which was then displayed for the tirst 
time. 

I at the same time acquainted Mr. Hewes, a member of con- 
gress, and my particular friend, with a project for seizing on the 
Island of St. Helena, by means of our little squadron, which 
would have infallibly rendered us masters of part of the home- 
ward-bound East India fleet; and as the congress, at that time, 
proposed lo appropriate two-thirds of the prizes to itself, they 
would have thus been furnished with the means of carrying on 

* Niles' Kegister. 



JOHN PAUL JONES. 365 

the war during several jears; but an event of a more pressing 
nature prevented this sciieme from being carried intotxt ( ulion* 

The cruelties and vexations at that time exerci?eu b) Dun- 
more, in Virginia, determined the congress to detach the squad- 
ron against him; but Mr, Hopkins displayed neither zeal nor 
talents upon this occasion, and lost so much time that his squad- 
ron was frozen in the Delaware. 

After a delay of two months, the squadron was at length dis- 
engaged, and set sail for New-Providence, the principal of the 
Bahama Islands. There we found a large quantity of artillery, 
mortars, and other implements of warfare, of which we stood 
greatly in want in America; and I liad the good fortune to ren- 
der myself extremely useful to the Commodore, who was but 
little acquainted with military operations. It was to me he was 
indebted for the plan adopted by him when the squadron came 
in sie;ht of New-Providence, and I also undertook to moor the 
squadron in a proper birth to execute our enterprise. 

On our return from New-Providence we took two armed ves- 
sel^, one of which was loaded with bombs, and fell in, near 
Riiode-Island, with an English man of war, called the Glasgow, 
carrying twenty-four guns; but, notwithstanding our superiority, 
both in point of force and sailing, the commander-in-chief suffer- 
ed her to escape, after having lost many men killed and wound- 
ed, both on board the Alfred and the Cabot. 

The squadron now entered the port of New-London, in Con- 
necticut; and Hopkins, on receiving intelligence that the Eng- 
lish frigates had been driven from Newport, took advantage of 
the darkness of the nights to repair to Rhode-Island. 

A council of war having dismissed the captain of the Provi-^ 
dence, one of the ships of the squadron, the Commodore gave 
me orders in writing to take the command of her, and to escort 
some troops that were proceeding from Rhode-Island to New- 
York, with a view of serving under General Washington. Af- 
ter this, I received instructions to escort a convoy of artillery 
from Rhode-Island to New-York, for the defence of which ii was 
destined. On this occasion I had two different engagement? with 
the Cerberus frigate; the first for the protection of the vessels 



360 John paul jones. 

\inder my command, and the second for the preservation of a 
vessel from St. Domingo, laden with naval stores? for the congress. 
In the course of my service between Boston and New-York, I 
had also many actions with ships of war under the command of 
Lord Howe; but on these, as on former occasions, I was enabled 
to preserve my convoy, and I at length arrived safe in the Dela- 
ware, August 1, 1776. 

On the 8th of the same month the president of the congress 
presented me in person, with the commission of captain in the 
marine of the United States; this was the first granted by con- 
gress since the declaration of independence, which took place 
on the 4th of July of that same year. 

Orders had been given for the construction of thirteen 
frigates; but, as none of them were yet ready, I proceeded to 
sea alone, on board the Providence, which was a vessel of but 
small force, as she .carried no more than seventy men, and 
twelve small cannon. When in the neighborhood of Bermudas, 
we fell in with the Solebay, and her convoy, from Charleston; 
she was a thirty-two gun frigate, and formed part of the 
squadron under Admiral Parker. 1 was of course desirous to 
avoid an engagement with such superior force; but, as my offi- 
cers and men insisted that it was the Jamaica fleet, as it was 
necessary to command by means of persuasion at this epoch of 
the war, the result was a serious engagement during six hours, 
which, toward the close, was carried on within pistol shot. A 
desperate manoeuvre was the sole resource left me; I attempted 
this, it succeeded, and I was fortunate enough to disengage my- 
self. 

A short time after this, I took several prizes, and then sailed 
towards the coast of Nova Scotia, on purpose to destroy the 
whale and cod fisheries in that neighborhood. When near Sable 
Island, we fell in with the Milford frigate, carrying thirty-two 
guns, with which it was impossible to avoid an engagement. 
A cannonade accordingly took place, from ten o'clock in the 
morning until sunset; but the engagement was neither so close 
nor so hot as that with the Solebay, and I at length escaped by 
passing through the flats, and entered a little harbor next day, 
where I destroyed the fishery and vessel^. 



JOHN PAUL JONES. 367 

AfterthisT set sail for He Madame, where I made two descents, 
at the same time destroying the fisheries, and burning all the 
vessels I could not carry away with me. Having accomplished 
this, I returned to Rhode-Island, after an absence of six weeks 
and five days from the Delaware; during this interval 1 had 
taken sixteen prizes, without including those destroyed. 

The commander-in-chief, who had remained all this time 
in harbor, now adopted a plan proposed by me, and which 
consisted, 

1. In the destruction of the enemy's fisheries at He Royale; 
and 

2. Of restoring to liberty more than three hundred Ameri- 
can prisoners detained there in the coal mines. Three vessels 
were destined for this service, the Alfred, the Hampden, and 
the Providence ; but the Hampden having received considerable 
damage in consequence of running on a rock, could not accom- 
pany me. I, however, embarked on board the Alfred, and 
taking the Providence by way of consort, I set sail, and on 
the 2d of November, 1776, made a prize of a vessel from Liver- 
pool, and soon after, the Mellish, a large armed vessel, having 
two British naval officers on board, and a captain belonging 
to the land service, with a company of soldiers. This ship 
was carrying ten thousand complete sets of uniform to Canada, 
for the army posted there under the orders of generals Carleton 
and Burgoyne. 

The Providence having now left the Alfred during the night 
without the least pretext whatever, I remained alone, and that 
too during the stormy season, on the enemy's coast; but notwith- 
standing this, and that I was also greatly embarrassed with my 
prisoners, I resolved not to renounce my project. I accordingly 
effected a descent, destroyed a transport of great value, and 
also burned the magazines and buildings destined for the whale 
and cod fishery. 

In addition to this, I took three transports, and a vessel laden 
with ling and furs, near He Royale; these prizes were escorted 
by the Flora frigate, which happened to be at a small distance, 
bat which was concealed from us by a fog. Having talceo a 



368 ^^^^^ PAUL JONES. 

privateer from Liverpool, mounting sixteen guns, in the course 
of next day, I instantly returned with my prizes, toward t^^e 
United States; but when in the latitude of Boston, lell in with 
the Milford frigate, which I unwillingly engaged* Toward 
niiiht, however, I placed the Alfred between the enem) and my 
prizes, and having given the necessary instructions to the latter, 
to make for the nearest port, I changed my course, set up lights, 
and by (his stratagt m saved the vessels I had captured, as the 
frigate continued in chaise of me. Next day I myself was for- 
tunate enough to escape, after a very serious action, which was 
not terminated until dark, and even then in consequence of a 
hard gale of wind. 

Having returned to Boston, December 10, 1776, the intelli- 
gence of the uniforms taken on board the Mellish, reanimated 
the courage of the army under Gen. Washington, which at that 
period happened to be almost destitute ot clothing. Let me 
add also, that this unexpected succour contributed not a little 
to the success of the aflfair at Trenton against the Hessians, 
which took plice immediately after my arrival. 

1 now paid out of my own purse the wages due to the crews 
of the Alfred and the Providence, and lent the rest of my money 
to the congress. That assembly transmitted me orders from 
Philadelphia, on the 5th of February, to undertake a secret 
expedition of great importance, the design of which was, to lay 
the Island of St. Christopher, and the north side of Jamaica, 
under contribution; after which we were to attack Pensacola. 
The project was first conceived by me, and then communicated 
to Mr. Morris, afterward minister of finance: But such was the 
jealousy of Hopkins, the commander-in-chief, that it was never 
carried into execution. He was,however, soon after suspended 
and then dismissed from the service. 

The season being now too far advanced for the execution of 
the scheme in the West Indies, myself and crew received orders 
to remove on board thr Ampbytrite, a French vessel destined 
to sail from Portsmouth, Ncw-Hampsbire, to France, whence 
we were to prig's into HoHnnd and t;ike possession of the Iridienne, 
a large frigate, constructing there for the congress; some 



JOHN PAUL JONES. 3^ 

<aifficulties however ensued, and I was ordered to prepare the 
Ranger, a vessel mounting eighteen guns. 

When General Burgo>ne and his army were obliged to sur- 
render at Saratoga, it was I who was the first obliged to carry 
this interesting intelligence to Nanfes, whither I arrived on the 
2d of December, 1777. In the course of my voyage, I took 
two prizes, forming a part of a convoy from the Mediterranean, 
Bnder the protection of the Invincible, a seventy-four gun ship, 
under the guns of which one of them was taken. 

In the month of January, 1778, I repaired to Paris, to make 
the necessary arrangements with the American ministers, rela- 
tive to (he equipment of the Indienne; but, as the recent intel- 
ligence relative to the capture of Burgoyne had determined 
the court of France to recognise the Independence of America^ 
by means of a treaty of alliance, and as the English amba-sador 
at the Hague,' in consequence of obtaining possession of the 
papers of an American agent, found that the Indienne was the 
property of congress, I acquiesced in the opinion of the Ame- 
rican ministers; and it was determined to cede the property to 
his most Christian majesty, this beijig the most likely method of 
preserving the property. 

I then returned on board the Ranger, and as I had received 
information from America, relative to the force and stations of 
the English fleet in that quarter, I immediat('l_y transmitted a 
letter to Mr. Deane, one of the American ministers at Paris, 
communicating a plan of an expedition witli a squadron often 
sail of the hne, a few frigates, and a small body of land forces, 
with a view of completely destroying the enemy's naval power 
acting against the United Sates. Thisscheme was not adopted 
un^il it was too late, and then it of course became imprac- 
ticable. 

In the mean time I took several American vessels under mf 
«onvoy, from Nantes, to the bay of Quiberon, where M. La 
Motte Piquet was lying at anchor with six sail of the line, a^ 
few frigates, and several merchantmen, vhich he was to take 
under his protection to the westward of Cape Finisierre. M. 
de La Fayette was on board this lieet, which was provided 

47 



370 JOHN "PAUL JONES. 

with clothing, ammunition, and military stores for America. 1 
reached the hay, February 13, 1778, and sent to demand of the 
admiral, if he would return my salute; ard thip compHment was 
immediately agreed toby that brave officer, although neither he 
nor I knew at that period, that a treaiy of alliance had been 
signed between France and America seven days before. This 
was the first salute received by the American flag from any 
power, and occasioned much dispute in the Ei'tili^h parliament. 

1 now set sail from the bay of Quiberon to Bre?t, but did not 
enter the road ; on the contrary, I anchored at Cammeret, wl.ere 
I was detained bv contrary winds until the Frei'ch ambass-ador 
at the court of St. Jame-, had announced the treaty lately 
concluded between his most Cliristian majesty and the United 
States. V'- 

On this, I immediately sailed into Brest water, arid «aluted 
the Count D'OrviUiers, who returned the sulutV, and ie(ei\ed 
me with all the honors due to an admiral, on board tiis flag-ship 
La Bretagne. 

In the month of February, 1776, the parliament of England 
had authorized George 111. to treat all the Americans taken at 
sea, with arms in ther hands, as traitors, pirates, and felons; 
this, more than any other circumstance, rendered me the de- 
clared eneitiy of Great Britain. From the very commencement 
of the war, an exchange of prisoners had taken place between 
General Washington and the commanders ofthe enemy's army; 
notwithstanding the haughty conduct of Great Britaiii,she was 
obliged to submit to this arrargement, and coi sidrr the Ameri- 
can soldiers, as prisoners of war. It was, however, an atrocious 
crime to act against her by sea; and England, on this occasion, 
perpetrated anew, all the cruelties on America which she had 
lavished on Scotland in 1745. A ferocious and vindictive peo- 
ple would have rejoiced to have seen the American sailors cut 
down from the gibbet while yet alive, their breast opened with 
a knife, and their yel palpitating hearts thrown into the flames! 
If they did not dare to attempt this, they, however, shut up a 
number of citizens of the United States in the English prisons 
during live whole years, where they suffered all the horrors 



JOHN PAUL JONESi 371 

proceeding; from cold, liunger, and every sort of mal-treatment. 
Some of t^iese unfortunaies were sold on the coast of Africa, 
while others, were transported to the West-Indies. The firm* 
nesji with which these martyrs of liberty supportedtheir hard 
lot, is wholly unexiimpled; for they preferred every kind of 
pefjfcution (o serving on board the English navy. 

Ihdiijifantat the harbarous treatment experienced by the 
America»!S, I determined io iridke a grand elFort in their behalf 
with a view of stopping the barbarous proceedings of the 
English in Europe, as well as on the western continent; in the 
latter of which they set fire to their houses, destroyed their 
property, and burned and destroyed whole towns. I accord- 
ing! v determined, by way of retaliation, to effect a descent 
upon some part of England, with a view of destroying the 
shipping. It was also mv intention to make some person of 
distinction prisoner, whom I resolved to detain as a hostage for 
the sccurits of, and in order to exchange with, tiie American 
prisoner>iii E igluid. 

Admira*! D'Orvillier-, to whom I communicated this project, 
off' rf^d to procure f)r me a captain's commission in the French 
m irine, ihit, in case I met with any disaster, I might claim the 
protectioa of his most Christian majesty: but however advanta- 
geous this was, I determined to decline the acceptance; because 
in the first place, I »vas not authorized by congress to change 
my flag; and, in the second, such a conduct might have render- 
ed my attachment to America suspected. 

I accordingly sailed from Brest, and advanced towards Ireland, 
neglecting the capture of a number of vessels within my reach, 
as 1 did not wish to diminish the strength of my crew. Near 
to tVie entrance into Carrickfergus, I however, seized on a 
fishing-boat, manned with six persons, who proved lo be pilots. 
The Drake, a twenty-gun ship, happened to be then on the road, 
and even within sight; 1 imagined it possible to obtain possession 
of her by surprise during the night. With this view, I immedi- 
ately gave orders for making the necessary preparations; but the 
mate, who had drank too much brandy, did cot let go the anchor 
according to orders, which prevented the Ranger from nmning 



;J7J JCHN PAUL JONES. 

foul of the Drake, according to my intentions. As I had reasons 
to beheve, thai my appearance had not hitherto given any alarnn, 
I deemed it prudent to cut my cable and return into St. George's 
channel. I remained there, buffeted about by the winds, during 
three days, until the weather having become more favorable, 
I determined a second time to attempt a descent; this project, 
however, greatly alarmed my lieutenants; they were poor, they 
said, and their object was gain, not honor: they accordingly 
excited disobedience among the ship's company, by persuading 
them that they had a right lo determinf, whether the measures 
adopted by me were well concerted or not. 

I happened to be at this period within sight of Whitehaven, 
in Cumberland, at the mouth of the Solway Frith. Tiiis is a 
considerable harbor, in which there were then about 400 sail, 
some of them vessels of 250 tons burthen; and I had deter- 
mined to take advantage of the ebb tide, when the shipping 
was dry, to destroy them. To effect this, it was necessary to land 
about midnight, with a party of determined men, and seize on a 
fort and battery, which defended the port. My two lieutenants, 
being averse to the enterprise, and yet beiner unwilliig to dis- 
cover their true motives, feigned illness. On this I determined 
to take the command in person, and, witli much difKculty, pre- 
vailed on thirty volunteers to follow me. 

With this handful of men, and two snail boats, I quitted the 
Ranger, at eleven o'clock at night, and rowed towards the har- 
bor, but, it being farther otf than we imagined, and the tide 
against us, day broke before we had elFected a landing. 

I now sent the smallest of the boats towards the northern side 
of the harbor to set tire to the vessels, while I myself advanced 
with the other to the south, to take possession of the fort and 
battery, the first of which was taken by assault, I mvself being 
the first to enter it through one of the embrasures. We then 
nailed up the thirty-six cannon mounted on the batteries, and 
advanced towards the south, with a view of burning all the ves- 
sels, when to my infinite astonishment, I beheld the othec boat 
i!«<:urnlng, without having done any thing. 



JOHN PAUL JONES. 373 

On this I deemed it best to unite my forces, with a view of 
effecting, at least, some part of our entorpiise. In short we set 
fire to some of the vessels, and it soon burned with great fierce- 
ness, and began to communicate; but as it was now eight o'clock 
in iho morning, and the inhabitants began to approach near us 
in crovYds, I could no longer defer my retreat, vv!)ich \va* made 
in good order. On my return on board the Ranger, the wind be- 
ing favi)rat)le, I «et sail for the coast of Scotland. It was my in- 
tention to take the Ead of Selkirk pri«;oner, and detain his lord- 
ship as a hostage, in conformity to the project already mention- 
ed. It was with this vi'^w about noon ot the same day Handed 
on that nobleman's estate, with two officers and a few men. In 
the courseof mv progress, I fell in with some of the inhabitants, 
who, taking me for an Englishman, observed, that Lord Selkirk 
was then in London, but that her ladyship and several other la- 
dies were at the castle. 

On this. I determined to return: but such moderate conduct 
was not conformable to the wishes of my people, who were dis- 
posed to pillage, burn and destroy every thing in imitation of 
the conduct of the English towards the Americans. Although 
I was not disposed to copy such horrid proceedings, more espe- 
cially when a lady was in question, it was yet necessary to recur 
to such means as should satisfy their cupidity, and at the same 
time provide for Lady Selkirk's safety. It immediately appear- 
ed to me, to be the most proper mode to give orders to the two 
officers to repair to the castle with the men, who were to remain 
on the outside underarms, while they themselves entered alone. 
They were then instructed to enter, and demand the family 
plate, in a polite manner, acceptitg whatever was offered them, 
and then to return, without making any further inquiries, or at- 
tempting to search for more. 

I was punctually obeyed; the plate was delivered. Lady Sel- 
kirk herself observed to the officers, that she was exceedingly 
sensible of my moderation; she even intimated a wish to repair 
to the shore, ahhouirh a mile distant from her residence, in order 
to invite me to dinner; but the officers wi)uld not allow her U^ 
dyship to take so much trouble. 



™' 



S74 JOHN PAUL JONES. 



Next day, April 4, 1778, I prepared to return to Canickfer- 
gus, to attack the Drake in open day; but the lieutenants were 
averse to the proji^>ct, and the crew of the Ranger became so 
mutinous, that I ran no small risk of being either killed or 
thrown info the sea; and but two days before, I was on the point 
of being abandoned and left ashore at Whitehaven. 

In the mean time, the captain of the Drake sloop of war, hav- 
ing been informed of our descent upon Whitehaven, prepared 
to aitack us; and, while every thmg was^ettiiig ready, he des- 
patched an officer on board his boat, with a spy-glass, in order 
to reconnoitre the Ranger.. On this, I immediately ma:?ked my 
guns, kept my men out of sight, and disguised the vessel in such 
a manner as to resemble a merchantman; in consequence of this 
the crew of the boat were deceived and taken. This trifling 
s-uccess produced the etf^-ct of enchantment on my sailors, who 
were no longer averse to giving her battle. 

The Drake having fired some cannon to recall her boat, hoist- 
ed her anchor, and came out attended by a number of yachts 
and pleasure-boats, with ladies and gentlemen o^i board: but 
when the engagement became serious, they thought proper to 
withdraw to a respectful distance. 

No sooner did tiie enemy make his appearance, th;in J lay to, 
determined not to e!»gage until she came within pi>tol siiot. 
The engagement was accordingly sustained with great vivncity 
on both sides, during an hour and five minutes, when the cap- 
tain and lieutenant beitig both mortall} wounded, the English flag 
was !owered,and I took possession of her. I regretted greatly the 
death of these brave men, and committed them to tbe ocean with 
all the honors due to their valor. I, at the same time, dismissed 
the six fishermen, whom I have before mentioned, wliose loss I 
repaired, and whose services I recompensed out of my own purse. 

Tiie Drake was greatly d-imaged in her masts and tackling, 
and lost forty men either killed or wounded during the action. 
I liad also taken several other prizes; buf, as my complement 
of men had only amounted to one hu:idred and twenty tltree, 
I retained no more than two of them, which arrived in safety 
at Brest, where I myself anchored with the Ranger and Drake, 



JOHN PAUL JONES. 375 

«n the 7th of May, after an absence of twenty-eight days, du- 
ring which I had taken upwards of two hundred prisoners. 
This expedition was of great dis^service to Great Britain, as she 
was not onlyobUged to fortify her ports, but also to permit the 
arming of the Irish vohinteers, as Lord Mountmorris demon- 
strated in a speech in parliament. 

At the time I had been obliged to permit my people to take 
Lady Sf^lkirk's plate, I determined to redeem it out of my own 
funds the moment itsiiould be sold, and restore it to the family. 
Accordingly on my arrival at Brest, I instantly despatched a most 
pathetic letter to her ladyship, in which I detailed the motives 
of my expedition, and the cruel necessity 1 was under, in conse- 
queiice of the conduct of the English in America, to inflict the 
punishment of retaliation. This was sent open to the post- 
master-general, that it might he shown to tha king of England 
and his ministers, and the court of St. James was at length 
obliged to renounce the sanguinary act of its parliament, and 
exchange those very Americans whom they called traitors, pi- 
rates and felons, against the prisonersof war, whom I had taken 
and carried to France. 

"Ranger, Brest, 8th May, 1778. 

"Madam — It cannot be too much lamented, that in the pro- 
fession of arms, the officer of hner feeling, and of real sensi- 
bility, should be under the necessity of winking at any action 
of persons under his command, which his heart cannot approve; 
but the reflection is doubly severe, when he finds himself obli- 
ged, in appearance, to countenance such action by authority. 

This hard case was mine, when, on the 3d of April lasf, I 
landed on St. Mary's Isle. Knowing Lord Selkirk's interest 
with his king, I wished to make him the happy instrument of 
alleviating the horrors of hopeless captivity, when the brave 
are overpowered and made prisoners of war. It was perhaps 
fortunate for you madam, that he was from home, for it was my 
intention to have taken him on board the Ranger, and to have 
detained him, until, throuejh his means, a general and fair ex- 
change of prisoners, as well in Europe as in America, had been 
effected. 



376 JOHN PAUL JONES. 

"Whenlwasinrormed,b) some men whomi met at the landings 
that his lordship was absent, I walked back to my boat, deter- 
mined to leave the island. B} the way, ijowever, some oflicers 
who were with me, could nol forbear expressing their discon- 
tent, observing, that in America no delicacy was shown by the 
English, who took away all sorts of moveable property, setting 
fire not only to towns, and to tiie houses of rich, without dis- 
tinction, but iiot even sparing tiie wretched hanlets, and milk- 
cows of the poor and helpless, at the approach of an inclement 
winter. That party had been with me as volunteers the same 
morning at Whitehaven ; some complaisance, therefore, was their 
due. I had but a moment to think how 1 might gratify them, 
and at the same time, do your ladyship the least injury. I 
charged the two officers to permit none of the seamen to enter 
the house, or to hurt any tiling about it; to treat you, mad;;m, 
■with the utmost respect; to accept of the plate which was of- 
fered; and to come away without making a search, or demand- 
ing any thing else. 1 am induced to believe that 1 was puiic- 
tuallv obeyed, since 1 am inf(irmed that the plate which they 
brought away is far short of the quantity which is expressed iw 
the inventory which accompanied it. I have gratitied mymen^ 
and when the plate is sold I shall become the purchaser, and 
will gratify my 0W1I feelings ^hy restoring it to you by such con- 
Te}aiice as you shall please to direct. 

" Had the earl been on board the following evening, he would 
have seen the awful pomp and dreadful carnage of a sea en- 
gagement; both affording ample subject for the pencil, as well 
as melancholy reflection for the contemplative mind. Human- 
it} starts back at such scenes ofhorror, and cannot but execrate 
the vile promoters of this detested war: — 

For they^ 'twas they^ unsheathed the ruthless blade, 
And Heaven shall ask the havoc it has made. 

"The British ship of war Drake, mounting twenty guns, with 
more than her full complement of officers a-.d me.", besides a 
number of volunteers, came out from Carrickfergu«, in order 
to a; tack and take the continenlal ship of war Ranger, of 
eighteen guns, and short of her complement of officers and 



JOHN PAUL JONES, q7^ 

fflfin; the ships met, and Uie advanfaj^e was disputed with great 
foiMtude on each side for an hour and five minutes, when the 
gallant commai;der of the Drake fell, and victory declared in 
favor of the Ranger. His amiable lieutenant lay mortally 
wounded, besides near forty of the inferior otficers. and crew 
killed and wounded. A melancholy demonstration of the un- 
certainty of human prospects. I buried them in a spacious 
grave, with the honors due to tUe memory of the brave. 

" Though I have drawn my sword in the preseni generous 
struggle for the rights of man, yet I am in arms merely as an 
Amf-rican, nor am I in pursuit of riches. My fortune is liberal 
enough, having no wife nor family, and havirsg lived long enough 
to know that riches cannot ensure happiness, I profess myself a 
citizon of the world, totally unfettered by the little mean distinc- 
tions of climate or o( country, which diminish the benevolence 
of the heart, and set bounds to philanthropy. Before tl;is war 
began, I had, at an early time of life, withdrawn trom the sea- 
service, it) favor of 'calm contemplation and poetic eu^t .' I 
have sacrificed, not only my favorite scheme of life, Lu( the 
softer affections of the hearty rnd my [)roFpects of domestic hap- 
piness, ^nd I am ready to sacrifice my life, al?-o, with cheertul- 
ness, if that forfeiture would restore peace and good will am<<iig 
mankind. 

'• As the feelings of your gentle bosom carnot, in that respect, 
but be congenial with mine, let me entreat you, mad;im, to use 
your soft persuasive arts with yourhusbard, toeide^vor (osiop 
this cruel and destructive war, in which Britain never can suc- 
ceed. Heaven can ne\er countenance the barbarous ai d nu- 
manly practices of the Britons it. America, which savages x^ould 
blush at, and which, if not discotlinued, will «;oon be le fil- 
iated in Britain by a justly enraged people. Should \ou fail in 
this, (for I am persuaded you will attempt it — and who ca- rehist 
the power of such an advoca'e?) your endeavors to effect a ^en- 
eral exchange of prisoners will l)e an act of humanity, which 
will atford you golden feelings on a death-bed. 

*' I hope this cruel coniest will s^oon be closed; but should it 
Gontiuue, I wage no war with the fair! 1 acknowledge their 

48 



G78 



JOHN PAUL JONB&. 



power, and bend before it with profound submission' Let not, 
therefore, the amiable Countess of Selkirk regard me as an n- 
emy; I am ambitious of her esteem arid friendship, and would 
do any thing, consistent with my duly, to merit it. 

"The honor of a line from your hand, in answei to this, will 
lay me under a very singular obligation; and if I can render 
you any acceptable service, in France or elsewhere, I hope you 
see into my character so far as to command me without the least 
grain of reserve. I wish to know, exactly the behaviour of my 
people, as lam determined to punish them if they have exceeded 
their liberty. 

" I have tl>e honor to be, with much esteem and profound re- 
spect, madam, your most obedient and most humble servant, 

"PAUL JONES. 

" To the Right Hon. the Countess of > 
Selkirk, St. Mary's Isle, Scotland." 5 

During the course of the war, I found it impossible to restore 
the plate belonging to the Selkirk family ; I however, purchased 
it at a great price, and at length founc' means to send it by land 
fromL'Orient to Calais, by means of M. de Calonne, who trans- 
mitted me a very flatlerirg letter on the occasion; in short. I at 
length received a very flattering letter from the Earl of Selkirk, 
acknowledging the receipt of it. 

I had no sooner arrived at Brest, than Admiral the Count 
D'Orvilliers transmitted an account of my expedition to the 
minister of the marine, in consequence of which it was intima- 
ted to Dr. Franklin, that his majesty was desirous that 1 should 
repair to Versailles, as he was resolved to employ me on a secret 
expediiion, for which purpose he would give me the Indienne^ 
with some other frigates, with troops, &c. for the puipose oi ef- 
fec'iiig a descent I was instantly informed of this by the am- 
bassador, u ho observed to me at the same time, that this must be 
CO i^'drred as a profound secret, it beinu" of so important a nature, 
tha jt line! beej. deemed proper to withhold a conin.ut icalioii of 
it even to '- colleat'nes. 

M «le Sartine r^ci ived me with the most distiitmshed polife- 
ntsb, making me, at th« same lime, the most flattering prosoises; 



JOHK PAUL JONES. 379 

and the Prince de Nassau was s»ini into Holland to give instruc- 
tions for the necessary arrangements for arming and equipping 
the frigate intended for me. But, in a short time after tJiis, 
hostilities took place between France and En^and in conse- 
quence of the action with La Belle Poule. This not a Uttle 
embarrassed the Minister of the Marine, and the difiiculljr was 
not dimiaisbed by the intelligence brought by the prince, who 
asserted that the Dutch would not permit tiie Indienne to be 
equipped. 

As M. de Sartine had written to the three American minis.- 
ters, and obtained their consent for my remaining in Europe, I 
offered to serve on board the grand fleet; I also communi- 
cated several plans for cripling the power of England, such as 
that of destroying her trade and settlements on the coast of 
Africa, and in Hudson's Bay; of annihilating their fisheries in 
Newfoundland; intercepting their East and West India, and 
above all, the Baltic fleet, which was escorted by a single fri- 
gate, as I learned by certain information from England. The 
minister adopted the last of these plans; and I accordingly re- 
paired to Brest, to take the command of one of the frigates of 
that port, with two others, and a cutter, &c. then at St. Maloes; 
but 1 found on my arrival, that the admiral had appointed a 
French officer to the vessel in question; and as there was not a 
single moment to be lost, the senior officer of the frigate at St. 
Maloes was despatched against the Baltic fleet, which he miss- 
ed by not steering sufficiently near to the coast of England to in- 
tercept it. 

Being greatly disgusted with a series of delays, that ensued 
during nine months, I at length repaired to Versailles, with an 
intention of returning to Amt^rica, if I should not immediately 
obtain a command: for I recollected the saying of Old Richard, 
* If you wish that your aflairs^ should be prosperous, superintend 
them in person,' &c. This induced me to promise, that if the 
minister should at length comply with my request, I should call 
my own ship, 'Old Richard.' 

Accordingly, on obtaining Le Duras, until a better vessel 
could be procured, I called her .' «» - . jghe was a very 



,380 JOHN' PAUL J0NF9. 

sm.ill and a very old and infirm vohscI, that had made four voya« 
ges to the Easi I dits. A>- proper guns could t;ot he procured 

al L'Orient, where the lay, I repaired first to Bor- 

dtaux, and then to Angouleme, where I made a contract for 
such as I wanted. On my return, I found that the Marquis de 
la Favette, who had returned from America, was desirous to 
join me in the expedition, it being intended that he sliould rom- 
nuind a body of land forces, he having obtained the king's com- 
mand for tliat purpose. 

While the necessary arrangements were making at court, a 
naval commissary purchased ai Nanles, a merchantman, c.lled 
La PaVds. of thirty-two eight pnund<^rs, and a brijj called La 
Vengeance, of twelve three poundeis; but neither of them was 
calculated for war: to these was added Le Cerf^ a very fii et ut- 
teibi'loncin}; to the royal t^avy,carryii:geij{hteeii t iue pom ders; 
witli the Alliance, a new frigate, belonging to the United States: 
but as the gui s had not as yet arrived from Aigouleme, The 
Good Mm Richard was armed from an old liattery of twelve 
pounders; aid as the expedition was intended againsl the ene- 
my's pod-, 1 mounted six old eighteen pounders in the gunroom, 
so that she might in some measure he called a forty gun ship. 
As it was found impossible to procure a sufficient number of 
Ame ican sailors, I determined to supply the deficiency by en- 
rolling Fniflish ores, who happened to be prisoners of war in 
France: and in a»idilion <o these, a certain number of peasants 
was levied; so that we may be said to have had as bad a crew 
a> " as ev' shipped on boa id any vessel. I was given to uider- 
stf-nd, however, that the chosen body of troops^ under the command 
of the Marquis de la Fayette, would serve as a guarantee for 
ti- irs^ood c<^: duct; but no sooner was the little squadron ready, 
than I received a letter from the Marquis, intimating that, the 
o j c; f the expedition having been divulged at Paris, the king 
had issued orders to prevent the embarkation of the troops, in 
CO q f! ce of which he had joined his regiment. 

Thus the project, which was no less than that of putting Li- 
verpool, the sef M'l 'own in England, under contribution, failed, 
in consequence of having been indiscreetly communicated t« 

% * ■St * ■>(■ * 



JOHN PAUL JONES. 381 

lought also to remark, that,HCCordiiig to the first arraneeme-'t, 
my lilile >quadroH wastohave beenjoitifd by two fire ships, and 
five hundred men of Walsh's Irish regiment; but the minister 
did not keep his word; for he neither procured for me ttie fire- 
ships nor the soldiers; so that it became impossible for me to 
fulfil the plan I had concerted, although it was still more impor- 
tant than that of seizing on Liverpool. 

I now received orders to escort a fleet of transports and mer- 
chantmen from L'Orient, destined for different ports between 
that and Bordeaux; and after that I was to chase a vay the 
English cruizers from the Bay of Biscay, and then to return for 
further orders. 

After executing this commission, on my representing how 
necessary it was to make a diversion in favor of the Count D'- 
Orvilliers, then cruising in the Channel, with six<y-six ships of 
the line, I received a corte blanche during six weeks, without any 
other restriction than that of repairing to the Texel, by the first 
of October. By this time, I received intimation from Eiglmd, 
that eight East Indiamen were soon expected on the coast of Ire- 
land, near to Limerick. This was an object of great attention; 
and as there were two privateers at Port L'Orient, read} for sea, 
Lie Monsieur^ of forty guns, and Le Granville^ of fourteen, the 
captains of which offered to place themselv-s under my orders, 
I accepted the proposition. But the French commissar}, who 
superintended the naval department, acted with great impro- 
prieiy on this, as well as on many former occasions. 

The little squadron at le^^gth set sail from the road ofGroavs, 
on the 14lh of August, 1779; hut we had no sooner proceeded 
to the north of the mouth of the Channel, than Le Momiexir and 
Le Grnnville abandoned me during the night, and Le Ccrf soon 
after imitated their conduct. I Was extremely anxious to cruize 
for a forti'ight in the latitude of Limerick; but the captain of the 
Alliance, after objecting to this, also left me during the night; 
and as I had now with me only the Pallas and the Vengeance, I 
Was obliged to renoun.ce my original intentions. 

I took two prizes on the coast of Ireland; and, within sight 
of Scotland, came up and seized two privateers, of twenty-two 



1 



382 JOWN PAUL JONES. 

gufis each, which, with a brig;iritine, I sent to Bergen, in Nor* 
wav, according to the orders I had received from Dr. Fraiildin» 
Tl« -e prizes, however, were restored to the English by the king 
of Denmark. 

When I entered the North Sea, I captured several vessels, 
and learned by my prisoners, as well as by the new^^papers, that 
the capital of Scotland and the port of Leilh were left totally 
defenceless. I also understood, at the same time, that my infor- 
mation relative to the eight Indiamen was correct; they having 
entered Limerick three days after I had been obliged to leave 
the neighborhood of that port. 

As there was only a twenty gun ship and two cutlers in Leith 
Road, 1 df-emed it practicable to lay those two places under con- , 
tri'>ution. I bad indeed no other force to execute this project I 
than the Richard, the Pallas, and the Vengeance; but 1 well 
knew, that in order to perform a brilliant action^ it is not always 
necessary to p^>ssess great means. I therefore held out the 
prospect of great booty to the captains under my command; 
and, as to myself. 1 was satisfied with the idea of making a di- 
version in favor of the Count D'Orvilliers, who was then in the 
Channel. 

I now distributed red clothes to my men, and put some of 
them on boaid tbe prizes, so as to give them the appearance of 
transports full of troops. All thenecessarv arrangements were 
also taken to carry the enterpiise into execution; but, about a 
quarter of an hour before the descent was to have bees made, 
a sudden tempest arose, a- d drove me out of the Forth, or 
Edinburgh Frith, and so violent was the storm, that one of mj 
priz(!S was lost. 

T is did pot, however, deter me^ notwithstanding the smali- 
ness of mv forces, from forminj* different enterprises of a similar 
nature: bu' I could not induce the captains of the Pallas and 
Vengeance to second my views; I was therefore obliged to 
cont^^nt myself by spreading alarm on the coast, and destroying 
thes'.ipping, which 1 did as far as Hull. 

Oil the mor ling of the twenty-third of September, while I 
was cruizing in the latitude of FJamborough Head, which 1 had 



JOHN PAUL JONES.. Q&3 

appoinled as a place of rendezvous for my little squadron, and 
Where 1 hoped to be rejoined by the Alliance aiid Lc Cerf, fuid 
also to fall in with the Baltic fleet; this convoy accordingly ap- 
peared, at a time when I had been abandoned by several of my 
consorts, had lost two boats, with their crews, who had run awaj 
on the coast of Ireland, and when a third, with eighteen men on 
board, was in chase of a merchantman to the windward, leaving 
me with a scanty crew, and only a single lieutenant and some 
inferior officers on board. 

It was about two o'clock in the afternoon that the Baltic fleet 
appeared in view; I then happened to have the windof it, and 
was about two leagues distant from the coast of England. I 
learned from my prisoners that the convoy was escorted by the 
Serapis, a new vessel, that could mount fifty-six guns, but then 
carried only forty-four, on two decks, the lower battery carry- 
ing eighteen pounders, and the Countess of Scarborough, a new 
twenty-two gun ship. 

We vvere no sooner descried, than the armed vessels stood 
out to sea, while the trade took refuge under the cannon of the 
Scarborough castle. 

As there was but little wind, I could not come up with the 
enemy before night. The moon did not rise until eight, and at 
the close of the day the Serapis and Countess of Scarborough 
tar ked and stood in for the fortress. I was lucky enough to 
discover this manoeuvre by means of my night glass, without 
which I should have remained in ignorance of it. On thi.> I 
immediately altered my course six points, with a view of cutting 
off the enemy; which was no sooner perceived by the P;iI1hs 
than it was supposed my crew had mutinied, which induced her 
captain to haul his wind and stand out to sea, while the Alliaico 
lai/ to, to windward, at a considerable distance; and as the 
captain of this vessel had never paid any attention whatever to 
the signals of the Richard since her leaving France, I was 
obliged to run all risks, and enter into an action with the Rich- 
a ' 'nly, to prevent the enemy's escape. 

f accordiigly began the engagement at 7 o'clock at night, 
witliin pistol shot of the Serapis, and sustained the brunt of it 



384 JOHN PAUL JONES, 

for nearly a whole hour at that distance, exposed, not only to 
her tire, but also to tlmt of tlie Coiintes'sof Scai borough, which 
'raked Itie Richard, by means of the broadsides she fired into her 
stern. 

It ought to be here remarked, that the Richard, properly 
speakhig, was only a thirty-four gun frigate, carrying only 
twelve founders; but six eighteen pounders had been placed 
in tiie gun room, in case of being obliged to recur to a cannon- 
ade in an enemy's harbor. The sea being very calm during 
the engagement, I iioped to be able to derive great advantage 
from this cirrumstance; but instead of this, they burst at the 
commencement of the action, apd the officers and men posted 
at this service, and who were selected as the best of the whole 
crew, were either killed, wounded, or affrighted to such a de- 
gree that none of them were of any service during the rest of the 
engagement. 

In this unfortunate extremity, having to contend with three 
times my own strength, the Richard being in imminent danger 
of going to the bottom, and her guns being no longer in a con- 
dition to return the enemy's fire. I had recourse to a dat gerous 
expedient, to grapple with the Serapis, in order, on the one hand, 
to render her superiority useless, and, on the other, to cover 
ourselves from the fire of her consort. Thi« manoeuvre succee- 
ded most admirably, and I fastened the S; ra >i<, with my own 
har;ds, to the Richard. On this, the captain of the Countess of 
Scarborough, who was a natural son of the Duke of Northum- 
berland, conducted himself likf* a man of sense, and from that 
mornent ceased to fire upon us, well knowing that he must at the 
same time damage the Serapis. 

That vessel being to wir.dward at the moment we had grap- 
pled, instantly drooped her anchor, hoping by this to disergagc 
herself from us; but this did no* answer her expectations, a. id ■ 
the cngagemetit from that m<^ment consist^-d of the discharg* *of 
^rrat funs, swivels, muskotry, a?id grenades. Tfie Eiigli-ih at 
first testified a de«ire tf board the Richard, but they no sooner 
saw the danger than they desisted. Tlie enemy, however^. 



JOHN PAUL JONES. 385 

posselsed the advantage of their two batteries, besides the guns 
on the forecastle and quarter-deck, while our cannon was either 
burst or abandoned, except four pieces on the forecastle, which 
were also relinquished during some minutes. Mr. Mease, the 
officer who commanded these guns, had been dangerously 
wounded on the head, and having at that period, no greater ob- 
ject to occupy my attention, I myself took his post. A few sail- 
ors came to my assistance of their own accord, and served the 
two guns next to the enemy with surprising courage and address. 
A short time after this, I received sufficient assistance to be able 
to remove one of the forecastle guns from the opposite side; 
but we had not strength sufficient to remove the other, so that 
we could only bring three guns to bear upon the enemy during 
the remainder of the action. 

The moon, which, as I have already observed, rose at eight, 
beheld the two vessels surrounded by flame, in consequence of 
the explosion of the cannon. It so happened at this period, that 
the mainmast of the Serapis, which was painted yellow, ap- 
peared extremely distinct, so as to form an excellent mark; on 
this I pointed one of my guns at it, taking care to ram home the 
shot. In the mean time the two other pieces were admirably 

served against the and swept its forecastle by means 

of an oblique fire. The tops also seconded us bravely, by means 
of musketry and swivels, and also threw a multitude of grenades 
so as greatly to annoy the enemy. By these means they were 
driven from their quarters, notwithstanding their superiority in 
point of men and artillery. 

The captain of the Serapis, after consulting with his officers, 
resolved to strike; but an anlucky accident which occurred on 
board the Richard, prevented this: a bullet having destroyed 
one of our pumps, the carpenter was seized with a panic, and 
told the gunner and another petty officer, that we were sinking. 
Some one observed at the same time, that both I and the lieu- 
tenant were killed; in consequence of which, the gunner, con- 
sidering himself as commanding officer, ran instantly to the 
quarter-deck, in order to haul down the American colors, which, 
he would have actually 'hauled down, had not the flag-staff 

49 



38g, JOHN PAUL J'ONES. 

been carried away at the time the Richard grappled with the 
Serapis. 

The captain, on hearing the gunner express his wishes to sur- 
render, in consequence of his supposing that we were sinking, 
instantly addressed himself to me, and exclaimed, "• Do you ask 
for quarter? — Do you ask for quarter?" 1 was so occupied at 
this period, in serving the three pieces of cannon on the fore- 
castle, that I remained totally ijJRorant of what had occurred on 
deck; I replied, however, '* I do not dream of surrendering, but 
I am determined to make you strike 1" 

The English commander, however, conceived some faint hope, 
in consequence of what had been seid, that the Richard was 
actually sinking; but when he perceived that her fire did not 
diminish, he immediately ordered his men from the forecastle, 
where they were too much exposed, and stationed them below, 
where they kept up such a tremendous discharge against the 
Richard, that it at once indicated vengeance and despair. 

It has already been observed, that when 1 commenced the 
action, the Pallas was at a great distance to windward, while the 
Alliance lay to in the same position. When the captain of the 
former perceived that the engagement took place, he spoke to 
his consort; but they lost a great deal of time, and it was not 
until row, that they came within gun shot of the Countess of 
Scarborough, and a kind of running fight took place between the 
latter and the Pallas. The Alliance followed them, and on 
passing us, fired a broadside, which, as we were closely engaged 
with the enemy, did no more harm to them than to us. 

The battle still continued with uncommon ardor between us 
and the enemy, whose or burned, and her main- 
mast cut away, by degrees, by our bullets; while the heavier 
metal of the Serapis drove in one of Ihe sides of my ship, and 
met with little or no resistance. In short, our helm was ren- 
dered useless, and the poop v,as only supported by an old and 
shattered piece of timber, which alone prevented it from giving 

way. 

At length, after a short engagement, the Countess of Scar- 
borough surrendered to the Pallas; it \vas then that the captain 



JOHN PAUL JC^IBS. 387 

of the Jatter asked the commander of the Alliance, *' whether 
he would take charge of the prize, or sail and give succor to the 
commodore ?" On this, the Alliance began to stand backward 
and forward under her topsails, until having got to the windward, 
she cnmf down, and discliarged a second broadside against 
the forepart of the Serapis, and the hind part of the Richard. 
On this I and several other per.sons begged for God's sake, that 
they would cease tiring, and send a few men on board of us: but 
he disobeyed, and fired another broadside as he passed along: 
after which he kept at a most respectful distance, and took 
great care »)oi to expose himself during the remainder of the 
action, without receivingasingleshotjOr iiavinga man wouiided 
during the whole engagement. 

Tiie idea that vye were sinking had taken such possession of 
the armorer's mind, that he actually opened the scuttles, and 
made all ihe prisoners, to the number of a hundred, sally forth, 
in opposition to my reiterated orders. This event might have 
proved fatal, had I not taken advantage of their affright to sta- 
tion them at the pumps, where they displayed surprising zeal, 
appearing actually to forget their captivity ; for there was noth- 
ing to prevent their going on board the Serapis; or, it was in 
their power to put an end to the engagement in an instant, by 
either killing me, or throwing me into the sea.^ 

As our three quarter deck guns continued to play without in^ 
terruption on the enemy, raked her hinder parts, and damaged 
her mast in such a manner, that it was only supported from falling 
by the yards of our ship, while the tops poured in a continual 
discharge; the fire of the English began to deaden in such a 
manner as to bereave them of all hope of success. 

A circumstance, however, occurred, that contributed not a 
Kttle to the victory of the Richard: this was the extraordinary 
intrepidity and presence of mind of a Scotch sailor, posted in 
the main-top; this brave fellow, of his own accord, seized a 
lighted match, and a basket of hand-grenades, with w^hich he 
advanced along the main-yard, until he had arrived exactly 
above the enemy's deck. As the flames of their parapets and 
.hroilds, added to the light of the moon,, enabled him to distiiv 



388 JOHN PAUL JONES* 

guish objects, the moment he perceived two or three persons 
assembled together, he instantly discharged a hand grenade 
among them; he had even address enough to drop several 
through their scuttles, and one of them set fire to the cartridge 
of an eighteen pounder belonging to the lower deck, the dis- 
charge of which scorched several of the crew. 

On this, the captain of the Serapis came upon the quarter- 
deck, lowered his flag, and asked for quarter, at the very 
moment his main-mast had fallen into the sea. He then came 
on board, with his officers, and presented me with his sword. 
While this was transacting, eight or ten men belonging to the 
Richard seized on the Serapis' shallop, which had been at 
anchor during the engagement, and made oti'. 

It was more than eleven o'clock when the battle ended ; it 
had consequently lasted more than four hours. My ship had 
no more than 322 men, good, bad, and indifferent, on board, at 
the commencement of the engagement, and the sixty of these, 
posted in the gun-room when the gun burst, having been of no 
further service during the action, could not properly be consid- 
ered as forming part of the crew opposed to the Serapis, which 
had received a supply of English sailors while in Denmark; and 
it appeared, indeed, by the muster-roll, that there were upwards 
of 400 men on board of her, when the first gun was fired. Her SU' 
periority was still more considerable in respect to guns, without 
mentioning her greater weight in metal, which surpassed ours 
beyond all comparison. Thus, setting aside the danrmge done 
by the Countess of Scarborough, during the forepart of the 
action, and also by three broodsides from the Alliance, it will 
be easy to form a due judgment of the combat between the 
Richard and the Serapis, and set a proper value on a victory 
obtained over a f >!ce so greatly superior, after such a long, 
bloodv, and close engagement. 

The Vengeance, a corvette, mounting twelve three pounders, 
and the boat belonging to the pilot, with my second lieutenant, 
another officer, and ten men, would have been of singular ser- 
vice, either in pursuing and capturing the convoy, or by reinfor-. 
cing me: but strange as it may appear, the fact is, that they 



i 
I 



, JOHN PAUL JONES. 389 

remained all this time mere spectators of the action, in which 
they took no interest, keeping themselves to windward, and ou( 
of all danger; while, on the other hand, the conduct of the Al- 
liance had, at least, the appearance of proceeding from a princi- 
ple worse than ignorance or insubordination. i 

It must appear clear, from what has been already said, that 
if the enemy's ports were not annoyed, the Baltic fleet taken, 
and the eight Indiamen seized, the blame did not lie with me. 

It is but justice, however, to observe, that some of my officers 
conducted themselves admirably during the action. The lieu- 
tenatit, Mr. Dale, being left alone at the guns below, and finding 
he could not rally his men, came upon deck and superintended 
the working of the pumps, although he had been wounded. 
Notwithstanding all his efforts, the hold was more than half full 
of water when the enemy surrendered. 

During the last three hours of the action both the vessels 
were on fire ; by throwing water on the flames, it was sometimes 
supposed that they were quenched, but always broke forth 
anew, and on the close of the action we imagined it wholly- 
extinguished. It was very calm during the remainder of the 
night; but when the wind began to blow, our danger became 
imminent, the fire having penetrated the timbers, and spread 
until it had reached within a few inches of the powder-magazine. 
On this, the ammunition was brought on the deck, to be thrown 
in the sea, in case of extremity; but we at length succeeded in 
our endeavors, by cutting away a few planks, and employing 
our buckets. 

Next morning, the weather was hazy, and not a sail to be 
seen. We then examined the Richard to see if it were possible 
to carry her into any port. This proving wholly impracticable, 
all the boats were employed in carrying the wounded on board 
the other vessels. This occupied much of our time, and on 
the succeeding day, notwithstanding all our pumps had been at 
work, the hold was entirely full of water, and the vessel soon 
after sunk. On this occasion I could only save the signal flags, 
and I lost all my property, amounting to more than five thousand 
livres. 



390 J^HN PAUL JONES. 

On this I instantly assumed the command of the Serapis, on 
which we erected jury masts; but the sea was so tempestuous, 
that it was ten days i>efore we reached the Texel. 

No sooner was my arrival known than forty-two vessels, 
forming different squadrons of frigates, were fitted out from the 
various ports in Great Britain against me, and two of these 
were stationed during three months at the mouths of the Tcxel 
and the Fly. My situation in Holland influenced not a little 
the conduct of the belligerent powers, at the same time that it 
excited the attention of all Europe. The English minister at 
the Hague addressed different memorials to the states general, 
in all which he insisted that the Serapis and the Countess of 
Scarborough "should be delivered up to the king, his master;" 
and he, at the same time, claimed me under the appellation of 
" the Scotch pirate." 

Instead of listening to these propositions, the states general 
permitted me to land my wounded on the island of the Texel, 
which was delivered up to me for that purpose; on this the 
British government became furious, and Holland was reduced 
to so critical a situation, that the states were under the necessi- 
sity of insisting that I shoulil either leave the Texel, or pro- 
duce a commission from his most Christian majesty, and hoist 
the French flag. 

The prince of Orange, who was attached to the English 
interest, sent the Vice-Admiral Rhynst,' who was also English 
in his heart, to assume the command of the Dutch squadron in 
the Texel, composed of thirteen two-deckers. This ofiicer drew 
up his squadron, during six weeks, in sucii a manner as to menace 
us; and, in short, did every thing in his power to render my 
situation both dangerous and disagreeable. 

In the mean time I had an interview with the Duke de la 
Vanguyon, at Amsterdam, who intimated to me, that it was 
the intention of the king of France that I should hoist his flag 
during my stay in the Texel, as he imagined that my prizes 
would assuredly fall into the enemy's hands if I tried to escape. 
I, however, refused this honor, as I had declared myself an 
American oflicer, and had given a copy of my commission from 



SOaS PAUL JONES. 391 

(fongress to the Dutch admiral. It was contrived, however, at 
length, thai I should goon board the frigate Alliance, the captain 
of which had been sent to Paris, to give an account of his conduct, 
and where I should slill cnrry my former colors, while the prizes 
should hoist the Frencii flag. 

At length the wind becoming favorable, on the 27th of 
February, 1779, the Alliance set sail, af(er having lost all her 
anchors, one os/iy excepted, in consequence of Admiral 
Rhynst's instructions to the pilot; and it was at least an hun- 
dred to one, that we should fall in with the enemy. I,howeyer, 
had the good fortune to escape, although the Alliance pasEed 
the Straits of Dover, within sight of the English squadron in 
the Downs. After getting clear of the Channel I soon reached 
the latitude of Cape Finisterre, and entered the port of Corunna, 
January IG, 1780. 

On my return to France, I found that the French commissary 
had made a private sale of my prizes to the king without 
consulting me. On this I repaired to Versailles, along with 
Dr. Franklin, but was received with great coolness by the 
minister of the marine. On this account I declined asking him 
to present me to his majesty. This honor was conferred or me 
next day by the Prince de Beauveau, captain of the guards. 
The public received me at the opera, and all the public places 
where I appeared, with the most lively enthusiasm; this, added 
to the very favorable reception I received from his majesty, af- 
forded me singular satisfiiction: and the minister of the marine, 
from that moment, paid me the most marked attention. 

TheCountdeMaurapas about this time intimated to me, that 
his majesty had resolved to confer some distinguished mark of 
his bounty and personal esteem on me; this proved to bq si 
sword, mounted with gold, on which was engraven the following 
flattering motto: — 

VINDICATI MAIIIS 

LUDOVICUS XVI. REMUNERATOR 

STRENUO VINDICI. 

The hilt was of gold, and the blade, Sec. were emblazoned 
with his majesty's arms, the attributes of war, and an emble- 



^92 JOHN PAUL JONES'. 

matical representation of the alliance between France and 
Amei'ica. The most Christian king, at the same time, transmit 
ted a most admirable leiter to congress, in which he offered to 
decorate me with the order of military merit. All this was 
extremely flattering, as Louis XVI. had never presented a sword 
to any other officer, and never conferred the cross, except on 
such officers as were invested with his m.ijesty's commission. 

The minister of the marine, a short time after this, lent me 
the Ariel, a king's ship, carrying twenty guns, with which 1 
sailel, October 8th, 1780, for America. The wind was at first 
favorable; but I was soon after in danger of foundering on the 
Penrjiarks — and escaped only by cutting away my main and 
mizeh masts. As soon as the storm abated, we erected jury 
masts, and returned to refit; in short it was the 18th of Decem- 
ber |)efore I could proceed for Philadelphia. 

Djaring the voyage, I fell in with an English twenty gun ship, 
cflUeid the Triumph, and partly by stratagem, and partly by 
hard fighting, forced her to strike her flag; but while we were 
aboijit to take possession of her, tlie captain, taking advantage 
of her superior sailing, made off and escaped. 

On my arrival in America, the congress, on the representation 
of the Chevalier De la Luzerne, passed a law to enable me to 
accept the military order of France. The French minister, on 
this occasion, gave an entertainment, to winch all the members of 
congress, and the principal inhabitants of Philadelphia, were 
invited; after which I was invested, in their presence, with thr- 
decorations of the order. 

As the three ministers plenipotentiary from America had un-; 
fortunately disagreed, it necessarily follows that there would be 
some contradiction in respect to their reports concerning me^ 
Inconsequence of this, the congress enjoined the admiralty to 
inquire into the nature of my connection with the court of 
France, and the reasons which had induced me to remain in 
Europe, and delay the convoy of the military stores appertain- 
ing to the United States. In consequence of the examination 
that ensued, and the report that was delivered in, the congress 
passed an act, dated April 14, 1781, in which I was thanked, in 



JOHN PAUL JONES. S93 

ihe mo?t flattering manner, ' for tlie zeal, the prudence, and the 
inirepidity, with which I had sustained the honor of the Anne- 
ricaff flay; for my Hold and successful enterprises, with a view 
to redeem from capiivit} the citizens of America, who had fal- 
len into the power of the Ei'glish, and for the eminent services 
bv wliich I riad added lustre to my own character and the arms 
of America.' A committee of congress was also of opinion, 
*tha! I deserved a gold medal in rememhranceof my services,' 

On 'the 21st of June, 1781, 1 was appointed, by an unanimous 
vote o( congress, to the command of the America, a "4 gur\ 
shij), then building; and on tne birth of the Dauphin, I, at my 
o\^n expense, celebrated that happy event by royal salute- du- 
ring the day, and a hrilliant illumination in the evening, accom" 
paiiied by fire-works. 

An unfortunate accident, soon after this, deprived me of the 
command of that fine vessel: for the M( gnifique, of 74 guns? 
belonjiing to the Marquis de Vandreuil's fleet, happernng to be 
lost at Boston, the congress seized on this occasion to testify its 
gratitude to his most Christian majesty, by presenting him with 
the America to replace her. 

In the mea!) time, it was resolved to place a French frigate, 
called rindienne^ with two or three armed vessels, under my 
orders, in order to seize on Bermudas; but, as this was never put 
into execution, I applied lo congress for leave to serve on board 
the fleet of the Count D'Estaing, then destined for an expedi- 
tion against Jamaica. 

The Marquis de Vandreuil received me with great distinc- 
tion on board his own ship, the Triumphant^ where I occupied 
the same cabin as the Baron de Viomenil, who commanded the 
land forces. When we were within sight of Porto Rico, intel- 
ligetice was received, that Admirals Pigot and Hood were pre- 
paring to intercept us; and as Don Solano, with the Spanish 
fleet, did not Tieet us at Porto Cabello, according to his promise, 
tnany of the officers, becoming disgusted with the enterprise, 
fell sick, and I mvself was in a dangerous state; but we were 
relieved from our disagreeable situation, by intelligence from 
Europe that a general peace had taken place. Tnis circum- 

50 



394 'JOHN BARRY. 

stance afforded me great pleasure; as I now learned that Gre^t 
Britain, after a lone; and bloody contest, had been forced to re- 
cosf'iise the sovereignty and independence of the United Slates 
of America. 

On this, we repaired to St. Domingo, where I received every 
possible mark of esteem from Mr. De Bellecomb, the governor; 
after a short stay, I embarked for Philadelphia, penetrated with 
gratitude for the various marks of esteem I had received from all 
the French officers, during the five months I had been on board 
his majesty's squadron. 

I was unable to re-establish my health, during the rest of the 
summer, which I spent in Pennsylvania; and I did not get well 
until the autumn, when I recovered by means of the cold bath. 

I then demanded permission to return to Europe, on purpose 
to recover the prize-money due to myself, officers, and sailors, 
which was granted me by an act of congress, dated at Princeton, 
November 1, 1783. 

On this I embarked at Philadelphia, on board a packet-boat 
destined for Havre de Grace; but being forced into Plymouth 
by contrary winds, I *^ook post-horses for London, and then set 
out for Paris, and was received with great cordiality by the 
mitiislry. 

Having at length received from the court of France the 
amount of the prizes, I returned to America on board a French 
packei-boat. 



JOHIV BARRY, 

Commodore in the American Navy. 

*'The father of the commodore was a respectable farmer iu 
the county of Wexford, Ireland, where his son, the subject of 
this memoir, was born, in the year 1745. After having received 
the first elements of an English education, to gratify his par- 
ticul.ir inclination for the sea, his father entered him into the 
merchant service. When about fifteen years of age, he ar- 



JOHN BARRY. 396 

yived in Pennsylvania, and selectf d it as the country of bis fu- 
ture residence. Witli the circumstances wliich induced him 
to leave his native land, and take up his abode in a foreign 
country, we are not acquainted. Of this, however, we are 
certain, that they cannot have been, in the least, injurious to 
his character; as we find that in the capital of the British pro- 
vinces in the northern section of the western hemisphere, he 
was, for a number of years, in the emplo}ment of many of the 
most respectable merchants, of whose unlimited confidence he 
ever retained the full possession. Amorg the many gentlemen 
in who?e service he was, Messrs. Meridith, Welling, and Morris, 
and Nixon, stand most conspicuous. The ship Black Prince, a 
very valuable vessel, belonging to Mr. Nixon, engaged in the 
London trade, was commanded by him, at the commencement 
of the American Revolution; but was shortly after purchased 
by Congress, and converted into a vessel of war. 

In reviewing the causes which led to hostilities between Great 
Britain and hercolonies, Barry was satisfied that justice was on 
tile side of the latter. He therefore engaged under the ban- 
ners of freedom, and resolved to devote his best exertions to the 
emancipation of the colonies from the thraldom of the mother 
country. 

Confiding in his patriotism, congress, in February, 1776, a 
few months prior to the declaration of independence, appointed 
him commander of the brig Lexington, of sixteen guns, and his 
was the the first continental <essel which sailed from the port of 
Philadelphia. His cruises *fere successful. Congress had 
caused to be built three large frigates, one of which was called 
the Effingham, to the command of which he was appointed im- 
mediately after that memorable era, which gave to the United 
States a name among the nations of the world. During the 
following winter, as his naval employment became nugatorv, 
in consequence of the inclemency of the weather, he, from an 
aversion to inactivity, became a volunteer aid, in that season of 
peril, to the intrepid General Cadwalader. 

The city of Philadelphia, and forts on the Delaware, fell into 
the hands of tlie British, in the following year, 1777; and Com. 



39g JOHN BARRY. 

Barrv, with several vessels of war, made good his retrftat up the 
rive , as far as Wliitehill, where, however, they were aftenvriid 
desir lyed by the enemy. 

Prior to the destruction of these vessels, he successfully em- 
ployed those under his command in annoying the enemy, aiid 
cuttinj^ cff the supplies. 

Af t'r the destruction of the American squadron, and sooa 
Z^U" he capture of Philadelphia, he was appointed to command 
the Raleish, of thirty-two guns, which, on a cruize, was run on 
shore by a British squadron on Fox I>lat)d, in Penobscot Bay 

Subsequent to the above disasters, he commtnded a vessel 
commissioned with letters of marque and repriz.il, and engaged 
in the West India trade for some time. 

When coiigress concluded to build a 74 gun ship in New- 
H injpshire, he was ordered to command her. It was, however, 
afterward determined to make a present of this vessel to nis 
most Christian majesty, when that august body gave him the 
command of the Alliance frigate. 

Ttte situation of American affairs becoming important, in a 
foreign point of view. Colonel John Laurens, of South Caro- 
lina, son of Henry Laurens, then a prisoner in the Tower of 
London, was ordered to France on a special mission. Commo- 
dore Barry sailed in the Alliance from Boston for LOrient, in 
February, 1781, having the minister extraordinary and suite on 
b)ard. After landing the ambassador and suite at L'Oiient. in 
ihe early part of the same year, the Alliance sailed on a cruize. 

On the 29th of May followine:, at day-light. Commodore 
Barry discovered a ship and a brig on his weather- bow, appear- 
ing afterwards to wear the British fl.ig. He consequently pre- 
pared for immediate action. The British ship proved to be the 
Atalanta, Cap'ain Edwards, of between twenty and thirty guns, 
and the brig Treposa, Captain Smith. An action shortly com- 
menced, and by three, P. M., both vessel,? struck. Barry waS 
wounded early in the engagement; butnotwithstandicg his snf- 
fering*, in consequence of this casualty, he still remained on 
deck, and it was owing to his intrepidity and presence of mind, 
that the Alliance was the victor. 



JOHN BARRY. 39? 

On December 25, 1781. he sailed in the Alliance for France, 
'from Boston, having on board the Marquis de Lfi Fa)ette. and 
Count de Noailles, who were desirous of going to their native 
couMtry, on business of the highest innportance. He had 
scarcely arrived at his destined port, (L'Orient,) than he sailt.'d, 
in February, 1782, on a cruize, during which he fell in with an 
enemy's ship of equal size, and had a severe engagement. The 
enemy would have been captured, had it not been for two con- 
sorts, which, however, were kept at a distance during the ac'iop, 
hy a French fifty gun ship, which hove in sig'^t. The coiitinen- 
tal ship Luzerne, of twenty guns, had her gu's tluown over- 
board before the battle began, in order to facilitate her e^, c, 
as she had a quantity of specie on board from Havana. i\'V \ue 
use of the U ited States. The captain of the British frjg.ie, 
who was soon after advanced to be vice admiral of the red. ac- 
knowledged that he had never received a more severe fla^rlla- 
tioii than on this occasion, although it seemed to have the ap- 
pearance of a drawn battle. 

During the time that General Lord Howe was the British 
commander-in-chief, he attempted to alienate the commodore 
from the cause which he had soardendy espoused, by an offer 
0^20.000 guineas, and the commuid of the best frigate in the 
Brit'sh navy; but he rejected the offer with scorn. The return 
of peace, however, in the year 1783, put an end to all such dis- 
honorable propositions, and our commodore returned to private 
life. 

I'^ the treaty of Paris, 1783, there was an article prohibiting 
the United Slates from building vessels of war during the term 
of t^^ el ve years. At the expiration of this limitation, however, 
ou- "government conceived themselves to he on the eve of a war 
wit Great Britain, in consequence of the celebrated corn order 
of tile privy council of 1793, for the avowed purpose of starving 
Franee, and the subsequent aggressions on American commerce. 
These apprehensions gave birth to a law for creating a nav ' , to 
the command of which Commodore Barry was Jeoigr-ed. The 
treaty of 1795, however, prevented the law from being caiiitd 
into full execution, although Mr. Barry, in consequence of that 
-Igiw, was retained in service. 



398 JQHN BARRY. 

That (he United Slates were under great obligations t<? 
France for the aid she lent them, during their struggle for lib- 
erty and independence, is a fact which few will deny; and the 
extent of these obligations was fully expressed in the treaty he- 
t^Neen the two countries in 1778. It was, therefore, a matter of 
surprise to many, who have not, till this day, called in question 
the integrity of the illuslrious man, who then directed the des- 
tinies of our nation, to iind that he had issued a proclamation, 
enjoining a strict neutrality, as if no compact between the two 
governments had ever existed. He was, however, unquestion- 
ably actuated by the purest motives, and must have thought that 
the steps which he had taken would promote the interest of 
his country. 

In 1797, it was deemed proper by the American governmenty 
from some cause not generally known, or explicitly avowed, to 
annul the consular convention with France; the pretext for 
which was French aggression on the American commerce. 
During the maritime disturbance thus created between the 
two countries, Mr. Barry was actively engaged in protecting 
the commerce of his adopted country, and was held in the 
highest estimation by his nautical brethren. When this dispute 
was at last satisfactorily adjusted, a law was passed, during the 
last year of Mr. Adams' administration, for reducmg the navy; 
in consequence of which, the vessel he commanded was laid up 
in ordinary, and he once more returned to private life. 

Bold, brave, and enterprising, he was, at the same time, hu- 
mane and generous. He was a good citizen, and greatly es- 
teemed by all who had the pleasure of his acquaintance. His 
person was above the ordinary size, graceful and commanding; 
his deportment dignified, and his countenance expressive. 

He died in Philadelphia, on the 30th of September, 1803, 
and avast concourse of his fellow-citizens testified their respect 
to his memory, by attending his remains to the silent grave."* 



* Wilson's American Biography. 



(399) 



NICHOI.AS BIDDLE, 

Commodore in the American Navy. 

"Captain Biddle was born in the city of Philadelphia, in the 
year 1 750. Among the brave men who perished in the glorious 
struggle for the independence of America, Capt. Biddle holds 
a distinguished rank. His services and the high expectations 
raised by his military genius and gallantry, have left a strong 
impression of his merit, and a profound regret that his early 
fate should have disappointed so soon the hopes of his country. 

Very early in life he manifested a partiality for the sea, and 
before the age of fourteen he had made a voyage to Quebec. 
In the following year, 1765, he sailed from Philadelphia to Ja- 
maica, and the Bay of Honduras. The vessel left the Bay in 
the latter end of December, 1765, bound to Antigua, and on the 
2d day of January, in a heavy gale of wind, she was cast away 
on a shoal, called the Northern Triangles. After remaining 
two nights and a day upon the wreck, the crew took to their 
yawl, the long-boat having been lost, and with'great difficulty 
and hazard, landed on one of the small uninhabited islands, 
about three leagues distant from the reef upon which they had 
struck. Here they staid a few days. Some provisions were 
procured from the wreck, and their boat was refitted. As it was 
too small to carry them all oflf, they drew lots to determine who 
should remain, and young Biddle was among the number. He, 
and his three companions, suffered extreme hardships for want 
of provisions and good water; and, although various efforts were 
made for their relief, it was nearly two months before they suc- 
ceeded. 

Such a scene of dangers and sufferings in the commencement 
of his career, would have discouraged a youth of ordinary 
enterprise and perseverance. On him it produced no such 
effect. The coolness and promptitude with which he acted, in 
the midst of perils that alarnied the oldest seamen, gave a sure 
presage ojf the force of his character, and after he had returned 



400 



NICHOLAS BIDDLE. 



II 



home, he made several Eunpean voyages, in which he acquired 
a thorough knowledge of seamanship. 

In the year 1770, when a war between Great Britain and 
Spain was expected, in consequence of the dispute relative to 
Falkland's Island, he went to London, in order to enter i.\to the 
British navy. He took with him letters of recommendation 
from Thomas Willing, Esq. to his brother-in law, Captain 
Sterling, on board of whose ship he served for some time as a 
midshipman. The dispute with Spain being accommodated, 
he intended to leave the navy, but was persuaded by Captain 
SterUng to remain in the service, promising that he would u«e 
all his interest to get him promoted. His ardent mind, how* 
ever, could not rest satisfied with the inactivity of his situation, 
which he was impatient to change for one more suited to his 
disposition. 

In tlie year 1773, a voyage of discovery was undertaken, at 
the request of the Royal Society, in order to ascertain how far 
navigation was praciicable towards the North Pole, to advance 
the discovery of a north-west passage into the South Seas, and 
to make such astronomical observations as might prove service- 
able to navigation. 

Two vessels, the Race Horse and Carcase, were fitted oufc 
for the expedition, the command of which was given to Captain 
Phipps, afterward Lord Mulgrave. The peculiar dangers to 
which such an undertaking was exposed, induced the govern- 
ment to take extraordinary precautions in fitting out and pre- 
paring the vessels, and selecting the crews, and a positive order 
was issued that no boys should be received on board. 

To the bold and enterprising spirit of joung Biddle, such aa 
expedition had great attractions. Extremely anxious to join 
it, he endeavored to procure Captain Sterling':* permisfion for 
that purpose, but he was unwilling to part with him, and would 
not consent to let him go. The temptation was, however, irre- 
sistible. He resolved to go, and laying aside his uniform, he 
en*^ered on board the Carcase before the mast. When he first 
wei\t on board, he was observed by a seaman who had k- own 
him before and was very much attached to hiin. The houeet 



NICHOLAS BIDDLE. 401 

fellow, (iiiiiking that he must have heen degraded and turned 
before the mast in disgrace, was greatlj affected at seeing him. 
hut he was equally surprif od and pleased when he learned the 
true cause of the young officer's disguise, and he kept his secret 
as he was requested to do. Impelled by the same spiril, young^ 
Horatio, afterward Lord Nelson, had solicited and obtained 
permission to enter on board the same vessel. These youthful 
adventurers are both said to have been appointed cockswains, a 
station always assigned to the most active and trusty seamen. 
The particulars of this expedition are well known to the public. 

These intrepid navigators penetrated as far as the latitude of 
eighty-one degrees and thirty-nine minutes, and they were at one 
time enclosed with mountains of ice, and their vessels rendered 
almost immoveable for five days, at the hazard of instant destruc- 
tion. Captain Biddle kept a journal of his voyage, which was 
afterward lost with him. 

The commencement of the revolution gave a new turn to his 
pursuit*, and he repaired, without delay, to the standard of his 
country. When a rupture between England and America ap- 
peared inevitable, he returned to Philadelphia, and Si>on after 
his arrival, he was appointed to the command of the Camden 
galley, fitted for the defence of the Delaware. He fout d ibis 
too inactive a service, and when the fleet was preparing, u. der 
Com. Hopkins, for an expedition against New-Providence, he 
applied for a command in the fleet, and was immediately ap- 
pointed commander of the Andrew Doria, a brig of 14 guns and 
130 men. Paul Jones, who was then a lieutenant, and was goi'g 
on the expedition, was distinguished l)y Captain Biddle, and in- 
troduced to his friends as an officer of merit. 

Before be sailed from the Capes of Delaware, an incident 
occurred, which marked his personal intrepidity. Hearing that 
two deserters from his vessel were at Lewisfown in prison, an 
officer was sent on shore for them, but he returned with infor- 
mation that the two men, with some others, had armed them- 
selves, barricaded the door, and swore they would not be tak'n; 
that the militia of the town had been sent for, but w re afraid 
to open the door, the prisoners threatening to siioot the first map 

51 



402 iSilCHOLAS BTDDLE. 

who entered. Captain Biddle immediately went to the nrisoii 
accompanied by a midshipman, and calling to one of the deser- 
ter?, whose name was Green, a stout, risoliite fellow, ordered 
him to open the door; he replied that he would not, and if he 
attempted to enter he would shoot him. He then ordered the 
door to be forced, and entered singly, with a pistol in each hand. 
He called to Green, who was prepared to fire, and .»aid, " Now, 
Green, if you do not take good aim, you are a dead man." — 
Daurtted by his manner, their resolution failed, and the niilitia 
comi.ig in, secured them. They afterward declared to the of- 
ficer who furnishes this account, tiiat it was Capt. Biddle's look 
and manner which had awed them into submission, for that they 
had determined to kill him as soon as he came into the loom. 

Writing from the Capes to hi< brother, the late Judge Biddic, 
he says, " I know not what may be our fate: be it, however, what 
it may, jou may rest assured, I will never cause a blush on the 
cheeUr of my friends or countrymen." Soon after they sailed, 
the smtU pox broke out and raged with great violence in the 
fleet, which was manned chiefly h\ New-Englmd seamen. The 
humanity of Capt. Biddle, always prompt and active, was t^m- 
ployed on this occasion to alleviate the general distress, by all 
the means in his power. His own crew, which was from Phila- 
delphia, being secure against the distemper, he took on board 
great numbers of the sick from the other vessels. Every part of 
his vessel was crowded, the long-boat was fitted for their accom- 
modntion, and he gave up his own cot to a joung mids::ipmanj 
on whom he "lestowed the greatest attention till his death. 

In the mi'arswhile, he slept himself upon the lockers, refusing 
the repeated solicitations of his oflicers, to accept their births. 
On their arrival at New-Providence, it surrendered wiitiout 
opposition. The crew of the Andrew Doria. from their crowd- 
ed situalion, hetame sick, aid before she left Providence, f'M re 
were not men enough, capable of doing duty, to man the t>o<»rs; 
Captain Biddle visited them every day, and ordered every ceoes- 
sarv refreshment, but they continued sickly until they arrived 
at New-London. 



I 



NICHOLAS BIDDLE. 403 

After refittinjr at New-Lon lo i, Cnpl. Biddle received orders 
to proceed oflfthe banks of Newfoundland, in order to intercept 
the transports aid store ships bound to B'">ston. Before he 
reached the banks, he captured two ships from Scotland, with 
400 highland troops on board, destined for Boston. Af tliis 
time the Andrew Doria had not one hundred men. Lieui. Jo- 
sia' . a brave and excellent officer, was put on board one ol the 
prize«, with all the hi2;hland officers, and ordered to make the 
first port. U' fortunately, about ten days afterward, he was 
taken by the Cerberus fri;iate, and, on pretence of his being an 
Englishman, he was ordered to do duty, and extremely ill used. 
Captain Biddle, hearing of the ill treatment of Lieutenant Josiah, 
wrote to the admiral at New- York, that, however disagreeable 
it wa? to him, he would treat a young man of family, believed to 
be a son of Lord Craston, who was then nis prisoner, in the 
manner they treated Lieutenant Josiah. 

He also applied to his own government in behalf of this in- 
jured officer, and by the proceedings of Congress, on the 7ih of 
August, 1776, it appears " that a letter from Captain Nicholas 
Biddle to the marine committee, was laid before congress and 
read: whereupon, Resolved^ T'lat Gen. Washington be directed 
to propose an exchange of Lieutenant Josiah, for a lieutenant 
of the navy of Great Britain: that the general remonstrate to 
Lord Howe on the cruel treatment Lieutenant Josiah has met 
with, of which the congress have received undoubted informa- 
tion." Lieiitenant Josiah was^ exchanged, after an imprison- 
ment of ten months. After the captuie of the ships with the 
Highlanders, such was Captain Biddle's ictivity and success in 
taking prizes, that when he arrived in the Delaware, he had 
but five of the crew with which he sailed from New- London, the 
rest having been distributed among the captured vessels, and 
their places supplied by men who had entered from the prizes. 
He had a great number of prisoners, so thatyfor some days before 
he got in, he never left the deck. 

While he was thus indofatigably engaged in weakening the 
enemy's power, and advaricing his country's interest, he was 
disinterested and generous in all that related to bis private 



4Q4 NICHOLAS BIDDLE. 

advantage. The brave and worthy opponenl, whom the chance 
of war had tlirovvn in his power, found in him a patron and a 
fncid, who, on more than one occasion, was known to restore to 
the vanquislied the fruits of victory. 

In the latter end of the year 177G, Captahi Biddle was ap- 
pointed to the command of the Ratidolph, a frigate of 32 guns... 
With hi? usual activity, he employed every exertion to get her 
ready for sea. The difficulty of procuring American seamen 
at that time obliged him, in order to man his ship, to take a 
number of British seamen, who were prisoners of war, and who 
had requested leave to enter. 

The Ratidolph sailed from Philadelphia, in February, 1777. 
Soon after she got to sea, her lower masts were discovered to be 
unsound, and in a heavy gale of wind, all her masts went by the 
boaid. While they were b6;aring away for Charleston, the Eng- 
lish sailoi s, with some others of the crew, formed a design to take 
the ship. When all was ready, they gave three cheers on the 
gun-deck, f'y the decided and resolute conduct of Capt. Bid- 
die and his officers, the ringleaders were seized and punished, and 
the rest submitted without farther resistance. After refitting at 
Charleston as speedily as possible, he sailed on a cruize, and 
three days after he left the bar, he fell in with four sail of vessels 
bound from Jamaica to London. One of them, called the True 
Briton, mounted twenty guns. The commander of her, who had 
frequently expressed to his passengers his hopes of falling in with 
the Randolph, as soon as he perceived her, made all the sail he 
could from her, but finding he could not escape, he hove to, and 
kept up a constant fire, until (he Randolph had bore down upon 
him, ad was preparing for a broadside, when he hauled down 
his colors. By her superior sailing, the Rar dolph was enabled 
to capiure the rest of the vessels, and in one week from the time 
he sailed from Charleston, Captain Biddle returned there with 
his prizi s, which proved to be ver-y valuable. 

Encouraged by his spirit and success, the state of South Car- 
olina m ide exertions for fitting out an expedition under his 
eommatid. His name, and the pi-rsonal attachment to him, 
luged forward a crowd of volunteers to serve with him, and in 



NICHOLAS BIDDLE. 40^ 

a short lime, the ship Genernl Moultrie, ihe hrigs Fair America 
and Poll), and the Noire Dame, were prepared for sea. A de- 
tachment of fifty men from the first regiment of South Carolina 
continental infantry, was ordered to act as marines on board the 
Randolph. Such was the attachment which the honorable and 
amiable deportment of Captain Biddle had impressed dunv.g 
his stay at Charleston, and such the confidence inspired b) bis 
professional conduct and valor, that a general emulation per- 
vaded the corps to have the honor of serving under his com- 
mand. The tour of duty, after a generous competition amofig 
the f)fficers, was decided to Captain Joor, and Lieutenants Grey 
and Simmons, whose gallant conduct, and that of their brave 
detactiment, did justice to the high character of the regiment. 
As soon as the Randolph was refitted, and a new mainmast ob- 
tained in place of one which had been struck with lightning, she 
dropt down to Rebellion Roads with her little squadron. Their 
intention was to attack the Carjsfort frigate, the Perseus 24 
gun ship, the Hinchinbrook of 16 guns, and a privateer which 
had been cruizing off the Bar, and had much annoyed the trade. 
They were detained a considerable time in Rebellion Roads, 
after they were ready to sail, by contrary winds and warjt of 
water on the Bar for the Randolph. As soon as they got over 
the Bar, they stood to the eastward, in expectation of falling in 
with the British cruizers. The next day they retook a dis- 
masted ship from New-England; as she had no cargo on board, 
they took out her crew, six light guns, and some stores, and set 
her on fire. Finding that the British ships had left the coasts 
they proceeded to the West Indies, and cruized to the eastward, 
and nearly in the latitude of Barbadoes, for some days, during 
which time they boarded a number of French and Dutch siiips, 
and took an English schooner from New-York, bound to Gre- 
nada, which had mistaken the Randolph for a British frigate, 
and was taken possession of before the mistake was discovered. 

On the night of the 7th March, 1778, the fatal accident oc- 
curred, which terminated the life of this excellent officer. For 
some days previously, he had expected an attack. Captain 
Blake, a brave olTicer, who commanded a detachment of the 



406 ♦ NICHOLAS BIDDLE. 

second South Carolina regiment, serving as marines on board 
the General Moulirie, and to wln^m we are irdebted for several 
of the ensuing particulars, din'd on hoaid the Randolph two 
davs before the engagement. At dinner, Captain Biddle said, 
"We have been cruizing here for some time, and have spoken 
a number of vessels, who will no dou'it give information of us, 
and I should not be surprised if my old ship should be out after 
us. As to any thing that carries her guns upon one deck, 1 
think myself a match for her." About three, P. M., of the 7th 
of IVJarch, a signal was made from the Randolph for a sail to 
windward, in consequence of which the squadron hauled upon 
a wi d, in order to speak her. It was four o'clock before she 
could be distinctly seen, when she was discovered to be a ship, 
though as she neared and came before the wind, she had the ap- 
pearance of a large sloop with only a square sail set. About 
seven o'clock, the Randolph being to windward, hove to, the 
Moultrie being about one hundred and (ifty yards astern, and 
rather to leeward, also hove to. About eight o'clock, the Brit- 
ish ship iired a shot just ahead of the Moaltrie, and hailed her; 
the answer was the Polly of New- York; upon which she imme- 
diately hauled her wind and hailed the Randolph. She was 
then for the tirsi time discovered to be a two-decker. After 
several qu'^slions asked and answered, as she was ranging up 
along side the Randolpii, and had got on her weather-quarter, 
Lifr-ufenant Barnes, of tiiat ship, « ailed out, " This is the Ran- 
dolph," and she immediately hoisted her colors and gave the 
enemv a broadside. Shortly after the action commenced, Cap- 
tain Biddl*^ received a wound in the tliigh, and fell. This oc- 
easioned some confusion, as it was at first thought thai he was 
killv d. He soon, however, ordered a chair to be brought, said, 
that he was only slightly wo nded, and being carried forward, 
encouraged t\:e crew. Tlie stern of the enemj's ship being 
clear of the Randolph, the cap!ainof the Moultrie gave orders 
k) fire, but the enemy having shot ahead, so as to bring the 
Randolph between them, the last broadsidf^ of the M^mltrie 
went into tht- Ra'idolp.i, and it was thougiir by one of the men 
saved, who was stationed on the quarter-deck nearCapl. Biddle, 



JSTICHOLAS BIDDLE. 407 

that he was wounded by a shot from the Moultrie. Thf fire 
from the Randolph was constant and well directed. She fired 
nearly three broadsides to the enemy's one, and she appeared, 
while the battle lasted, to be in a continual blaze. In about 
twenty minutes after the action began, and while the surgeon 
was examining Capt. Riddle's wound on the quarter-deck, the 
Randolph blew up. 

The enemy's vessel was the British ship Yarmouth, of sixty- 
four guns, commanded by Captam Vincent. So closely were 
they engaged, that Captain M()igan, of the Fair America, and 
all his crew, thought that it was the enemy's ship that had blown 
up. He stood for the Yarmouth, and had his trumpet in his 
hand to hail and inquire how Captain Biddle was, when he dis- 
covered his mistake. Owing to the disabled condition of the 
Yarmouth, the other vessels escaped. 

The cause of the explosion was never ascertained, but it is 
remarkdltle that just before he sailed, after the clerk had copied 
the signals and orders for the armed vessels that accompanied 
him, he wrote at the foot of them, " In case of coming to action 
in the night, be very careful of your magazines." The number 
of persons on board the Randolph was three hundred and fifteen, 
who all perished except four men, who were tossed about for 
four dav« on a piec^ of the wreck before they were discovered 
and taken up. From the information of two of these men, who 
were afterward in Philadelphia, and of some individuals in the 
other vessels of the squadron, we have been enabled to state 
some particulars of (his unfortunate event in addition to the ac- 
counts given of it by Dr. Ramsay in his History of the American 
Revolution, and in his History of the Revolution of South Ca- 
rolina. In the former work, the historian thus concludes his 
account of the action: "Capt. Biddle, who perished on board 
the Randolph, was universally lamented. He was in the prime 
of life, and had excited high expectations of future usefulness 
to his country, as a bold and skilful naval officer." 

Thus prematurely fell, at the age of twenty seven, as gallant 
an oflicer as any country ever boasted of. In the short career 
which Providence allowed to him, he displayed all those quali- 



408 EDWARD PREBLE. 

ties which constitute a great soldier. Brave to excess, and con- 
summately skilled in his profession, no danger nor unexpected 
evei't could shake his firmr^ess, or disturb his presence of mind. 
An exact and rigid disciplinarian, he tempered his authoriiy with 
so much humanity and atfability, that his orders were always ex- 
ecuted with cheerfulness and alacrity. Perhaps no officer ever 
understood better the art of commanding the affections as well 
as the respect of those who served under him; if that can be 
called Mn art. which was rather the natural effect of the benevo- 
lence and magnanimity of his characier."* 



EDWARD PREBLE, 

Commodore in the American Navy. 

"Jedediah Preble held the commission of brigadier-general 
under the colonial gover.iment of M^issachusetts Bay. In the 
struggle for independence, he took a decided stand in opposi- 
tion to the encroachments of the British crown, and during that 
contest, was for several years a member of the council and 
senate of that state. — He died in the year 1783, aged seventy - 
seven, having been gratified by the disposer of human events to 
live just long enough to see perfected the emancipation of this 
country from European thraldom, a blessing partly denied to 
Moses, who was only permitted to view the promised land at a 
distance, and then expired. 

This gentleman in the year 1761, resided in a part of Fal- 
mouth, called then Casco Bay, now Portland, in the Province of 
Maine, where his son Edward, the subject of this memoir, was 
horn on the 1 5lh of August in that year. In his infantile years, 
he discovered a persevering and bold temper. His form was 
rohust, his constitution strong and invigorated by athletic sports. 
His father placed him at Dummer academy, Newbury, where 
he received the rudiments of a Latin and Euii^lish education, 
under a Mr. Samuel Moody, a gentleman in high respect for his 
integrity and literary qualifications. 



* Rogers^ American Biographical Dictionary. 



EDWARD PREBLE. 40^ 

In contrariety to the wishes and expectations of his father, 
he, at an early period, manifested a predilection for the sea, and 
as he persisted in his inclination, his father at last deemed it 
proper to gratify him. Hence he left school at the dawn of the 
rev )lution, and instead of eniering a freshman at college, he en- 
tered a freshman on board a letter of marque, Capf. Frend, and 
made his voyage in a trip to Europe. At the age of eighteen, 
he was a midshipman on board the state ship Protector, of 
twenty-six guns, Capt John Foster Williams, in 1779. On her 
first cruize he had to perform his part in a hao-d fought action 
with the English letter of rharque, DutT, carrying thirty six 
guns, off Newfoundland, when the enemy at last blew up. 
Scarcely forty of the crew were saved. During his second 
cruize, the Protector was captured, and her principal officers 
sent prisoners to England, with the exctptiou of Preble, svlio 
was released at New- York, through the influence of Colonel 
William Tying, his father's intimate friend. As soon as he had 
obtained his liberty, he returned home. 

Mr. George Williams, the late first Keutenaiht of the Protec- 
tor, having been appointed to command the sloop of War Win- 
throp, then fitting out at Boston, Mr. Preble entered as first 
lieutenant, and continued in her until the peace of 1783, render* 
ing many essential services in the line of his duty. Hjs daring 
courage and presence of mind in the nhidst of danger, will be 
best illustrated by the following anecdote : 

Captain Little, having the tender of an English armed brigj 
which lay in the harbor of Penobscot, was advised of certain 
circumstances, which induced hirft to attempt her capture by 
surprise. To accomplish this object he run alongside the brig 
in the night, and had forty boarders dressed in white frocks, to 
distinguish them from the enemy. As he advanced, he was 
taken for the brig's tender, hailed, and directed to run aboard. 
Little's reply was, that he was coming aboard. 

As Little came alongside the brig, lieutenaut Preble and 
fourteen of the party appointed for the purpose, jumped on 
board ; but the rapidity of the vessel's passage prevented the 
Femalnder from followinof. Capt. Little, finding the precarious* 

52 



410 EDWARD PREBLE. 

iiess of Preble's situation, hailed him, desiring to know, if he 
would not have more men. His reply, indicative of great pre- 
sence of mind, was, " No, we have more than we want ; wc 
stand in each other's waj." The brig being within pistol shot 
of the shore, the chief part of the en^my on deck leaped over- 
board, and swam to land ; who were followed by some who made 
their escape through the cabin windows. The otlicers were 
just rising as Preble entered their cabin ; he assured them that 
they were his prisoners, and that any resistance would be vaia 
and fatal to them. The vessel of course was surrendered, as was 
supposed to a superior force. Notwithstanding a brisk cannon- 
ade and firing of musketry from a battery on shore, Preble beat 
his prize out of the harbor, and arrived at Boston, without in- 
jury. The knowledge of this gallant achievement greatly en- 
han<!ed his reputation as a naval officer. 

From the peace of 1783 to the year 1798, he pursued with 
unblemished reputation, his professional career in the mercan- 
tile employment, with the varied success generally attendant on 
commercial enterprise. About this period, when there was 
every appearance of immediate hostilities between the United 
States and France, congress determined to create a navy, and 
Mr. Preble was one of the five first lieutenants appointed for. 
the naval establishment, which has since shed so much lustre on 
the American character for nautical skill, daring courage, and 
chivalrous achievement. 

In the fall and winter of 1798 — 9, he was commander of the 
brig Pickering, in which he made two cruizes ; and in 1799, he 
was promoted to be captain, and had the command of the Es- 
sex frigate, of thirty-six guns. With this frigate, in company 
with the frigate Congress, Captain Sever, he sailed for Batavia, 
in January, 1800, to convoy the American homeward bound 
vessels, trading in the ladian seas. The day after leaving port, 
the two frigates parted in a snow-storm from tlie shipping under 
convoy, outwardly bound. The Congress returned dismasted ; 
the Essex proceeded, and after waiting for Captain Sever some 
time, at the Cape of Good Hope, he departed for Batavia. 
Before and after he arrived at that port, he made two cruizes of 
a fortnight duration eachjinUie Straits of Sunda. 



EDWARD PREBLE. 4 j \ 

In June, he sailed homeward bound, with fourteen merchant- 
men, valued at several millions of dollars. From these he sep- 
arated off the banks of Lagullos, in a severe squall, but most of 
them rejoined him at St. Helena, from whence he convoyed 
them out of danger. Off the Isle of France or Mauritirus, he 
gave chase to a French corvette, which escaped in a calm by 
means of her sweeps. Toward tlie close of this year, Captain 
Preble arrived at New-York. Ill health induced him afterward 
to resign to Cap(. Campbell, the command of the frigate 
Adams, destined for the Mediterranean. Having somewhat re- 
covered from his indisposition, he was in IVlay, 1803, appointed 
to the command of the frigate Constitution, lying at Boston, 
with orders to prepare her for sea. In June a squadron des- 
tined to act against Tripoli, was entrusted to his direction. 
The naval force consisted of seven sail. The Constitution, 
forty-four guns ; Philadelphia, forty-four; Argus, brig, eighteen; 
Syren, Nautilus, and Vixten, sixteen each ; and Enterprise, four- 
teen. Every thing being ready, he set sail for the object of the 
destination, on the 13th of August. Having arrived at Gibral- 
tar, where he was apprized of the unfavorable aspect of affairs 
between the United States and the Emperor of Morocco, Capt. 
Bainbridge detained a Moorish cruzier of twenty-two guns and 
one hundred men, called the Mirboka, which had sailed from 
Tangier, on the 7th of the same month. On board of this ves- 
sel, he found among her papers, an unsigned order authorizing 
her commander to cruize against the Americans. From that 
circumstance, as well as her having captured the American brig 
Celia, Captain Bowen, which was then in company. Captain- 
Bainbridge deemed the Moorish vessel to be Or good prize, and 
restored the Celia to her proper commander. 

The last of May, Capt. Rogers had detained the Mlshouda, 
a Tripolitan vessel under Morocco colors. She had a passport 
from the American consul^ with a reserve for blockaded ports. 
She was taken in attempting to go into Tripoli, while Captain 
Rogers,in the John Adams, was known to be blockading. On 
board her were guns aud other contraband articles not in her 
when she received her passport at Gibraltar ; also twenty Tri- 



412 EDWARD EREBLE. 

poline subjects taken in at Algiers. The appearance was that 
she had ;»pen taken under the imperial flag for the purpose of 
beinL' restored to our enemy. The emperor denied authorizing 
the attempt of the Mishouda, and said if she was given up, the 
ca;>tain should be punished. The Governor Hashash, on learn - 
ing the capture of the Mirboka, at which time the emperor was 
absent, declared she acted without authority, and that wa, was 
not intended. At the sanrie time, her captain certitied that this 
goveinor gave him his orders. Hasbash was, and continued to 
be in the confidence of Muley Soliman. 

The next day after his arrival. Commodore Preble wrote to 
the consul Simpson, at Tangier, desiring him to assure the 
Moorish Court, that the United States wished peace with his 
majesty, if it could be had on proper terms — that he could not 
suppose the emperor's subjects would dare to make war without 
his permission ; but as there authority was disavowed by the 
governor, be should punish as a pirate every Moorish cruzier, 
who should be found to have taken an American. 

Commodore Rodgers, on whom the command of the former 
squadron under Morris devolved, and who was under orders to 
return to the United States with the frigates New- York and 
John Adams, agreed to remain a few days on the station, and lo 
join Commodore Preble at Tangier Bay, to assist in effecting 
an adjustment. 

On the 17th, taking into his ship the principal Moorish officers 
of the two prizes, he appeared with the Constitution and John 
Adams in Tangier Bay, hoisting the white flag in token of peare, 
but haviug the men at their quarters. Mr. Simpson, however, 
was not permitted tr come on board, nor to write except on an 
open slip of paper : being confined to his house, with two senti- 
nels at his door. 

Another act of hostility had been done at Mogadore, by an 
order to detain all American vessels, and the actual seizure of 
the brig Hannah, of Salem, Joseph M. William!^, masier. 

The commodore determined to adopt a high tone and vigor- 
ous measures. Pie observes in his communications to the 
government, "that all the Barbary powers, except Algiersj 



EDWARD PREBLE 413 

appear to have a disposition to quarrel with us, unless we tamel}'^ 
submit to any preposition they may choose to make. Their 
demands will increase, and be such as our government ought 
not to comply with. They send out their cruziers — if they 
prove successful it is war, and we must purchase peace, suffer- 
ing them to keep all they have taken ; and if they are unfortu- 
nate, and we capture their cruziers before they have taken any 
thing valuable, it is not war, although the orders for capturing 
are found on board ; and we must restore all." This he be- 
lieved ought not to be suffered. Under these impressions he 
did noi hesitate to use his discretion, although specitic instruc- 
tions on this subject were not given, and to follow his own ideas 
on what expediency and honor required, taking a firm attitude 
towards the aggressor. This he would have done and risked 
the consequences, if he had been backed by no other force 
than that of his peculiar squadron. The consent of Commo- 
dore Rogers to co-operate with the two frigates under his 
controul, ieit no room for question. Our consul beheved the 
emp<Mor of Morocco had long meditated to make war, as soon 
■BS he c ..aid do it with a prospect of impunity. It was therefore, 
essential to make him feel, that the system of concession was 
abandoned. 

Accordingly, the commander gave orders to his squadron to 
bring in for examination, all vessels belonging to the emperor 
and his subjects ; despatched three vessels to cruize off Moga- 
dore, Salle, and Zarachi, and one off Tetuan, and entered the 
Bay of Tangier at several times. 

That the Tripolitans might not think they were forgotten, he 
despatched the Philadelphia and Vixen to lie before Tripoli. 

The consul, Simpson, made representations to the Emperor, 
before and after the arrival of Com. Preble. The answers 
received were general, but showed that if he had authorized 
war, he was now prepared to disavow it. 

On the 5th of October, when his majesty was expected, he 
anchored with the Nautilus in company, in Tangier Bay— the 
circular battery at the town, W. 1-2 S. 1 1-2 miles distant. Here 
he remained, only changing his ground once to be nearer the 



414 E1)WARD PREBLE 

town, until peace was concluded. He was joined in the after- 
noon of the 6th, by the frigates New- York and John Adams. 
The ship was kept constantly cleared for action, and the men 
at quarters night and day. On the 6th his majesty arrived 
with a great body of troops, horse and foot, estimated at five 
thousand, whoencamped on the beach apposite the squadron. 

The commodore was careful to order the ship dressed, and a 
sftlute of 21 guns, which were returned from the fort with an 
equal number, as was the salute of the other frigates in tho 
morning following. 

A present of bullocks, sheep, and fowls, were ordered for the 
squadron, as a token of the emperor's good will. 

On the 8th, the emperor, with his court and a large body of 
troops, visited the batteries on the bay for the purpose of view- 
ing the United States' squadron, when the Constitution saluted 
again with twenty one guns — a compliment with which his 
majesty w^as very much gratified. The present arriving at the 
same time, it was acknowledged by three guns according to the. 
Moorish custom. The following day the consul gave notice that 
the emperor had given orders to the governor of Mogadore, for 
the release of the American brig detained in that place, and 
that Monday was appohited for giving an audience to the com- 
modore and consul. 

On the day assigned, the 11th, the commodore, accompanied 
by Colonel Lear, Mr. Morris, as secretary, and two midshipmen, 
landed at Tangier for the proposed audience. He believed 
there was no danger in landing ; but he expressed his desire, 
that if he should be forcibly detained, the commanding officer 
on board should not enter into treaty for his release, but open a 
fire upon the town. They were ushered into the presence of the 
sovereign through a double file of guards. The commodore, at 
the entrance, was requested, according to the Moorish custom, 
in such cases, to lay aside his side arms. He said, he must 
comply with the custom of his own country, and retain them, 
which was allowed. On coming into the imperial presence, 
the emperor expressed much sorrow that any difference had 
atisen, for he was at peace with the United States. He 



EDWARD PREBLE, 415 

dfeavowed having given any hostile otders.; said he would re- 
store all American vessels and property detained in consequence 
of any acts of his governors, and renew and confirm the treaty 
made witiihis father in 1786. The commodore and consul on 
the part of tlie United States, promised that the vessels and pro- 
perty of the emperor should be restored, and the orders of cap- 
ture revoked. The commodore received a formal ratification of 
the treaty of 1786, and a letter of friendship and peace to the 
president, signed by the emperor. Thus by the happy union of 
prudence and energy, our affairs with the piratical despot were 
placed in a better condition than before the vaiiance. 

The commodore having nothing to fear from Morocco, was 
at liberty to direct his principal attention to Tripoli. The 
season, hov/ever, was too far advanced for active and perma- 
nent operations against the enemy. Yet this officer did not 
indulge himself in repose, or suffer his forces to be idle. In 
cruizing, where they necessarily, at this time of the year, en- 
countered a rough sea and tempestuous weather, in supplying 
convoy, and in maintaining the blockade of Tripoli, when prac- 
ticable, the squadron was fully and arduously employed. The 
Philadelphia and Vixen had been ordered to the coast of Tri- 
poli. The commodore now formally declared the blockade of 
that place, and sent notice of the fact to the ministers and con- 
suls of the United Staies, to be communicated to the respective 
neutral powers. He found it expedient to go to Cadiz, in or- 
der to make up his complement of men, and procure a few sup- 
plies not to be obtained at that time at Gibraltar. He returned 
from Cadiz on the 6th of November, and after making a suita- 
ble disposal of his force, proceeded to Algiers, where he was to 
leave Colonel Lear, the conjuj general. Oa the 22d he sailed 
from Algiers for Syracuse ; and on his voyage y/as infarmed of 
the disajstrous loss of the Philadelphia, Captain William Bain- 
bridge. The following is a brief account of that melancholy 
event : 

On tlie 31st of October, after pursuing a Tripoline cosair, 
till she came to seven fathoms wafer, in beating off she run on 
a r^ck, not laid down in any chart, about four and a half miles 



416 EDWARD PREBLE. 

from the town. Every exertion to get her off proved ineffectu- 
al. Meanwhile she was attacked by numerous gun-boats, 
which she withstood for four hours, whilst the careening of the 
ship made the guns totally useless. A reinforcement coming off 
and no possible means of resisting them appearing, the captain 
submitted to the horrid necessity of striking to his barbarous 
enemy. In forty-eight hours, the wind blo\ving in shore, the 
Tripolitans were able to get off the frigates, and having raised 
her guns, towed her into the harbor. The commodore appre- 
hended the worst fronri this diminution of his force ; a war with 
Tunis, and perhaps with Algiers ; at least a protraction of the 
present war. He was, however, induced to hope, that govern- 
ment would repair this loss by another frigate in the spring, 
and would also furnish him with more small vessels or gun- 
boats. 

On the 14th of December, he sailed with the Enterprise, on 
a winter cruize, amidst boisterous weather ; for many days it 
blew a gale. On the morning of the 23d, the Enterprize cap- 
tured a ketch in sight of Tripoli. She was under Turkish 
colors, and navigated by Turks and Greeks ; but had on board 
two Tripolitan officers of distinction^ a son of one of the officers, 
a number of TripoHne soldiers, and forty or more blacks, men 
and women, slaves belonging to the Bashaw and his subjects. 
He at first determined to release the vessel and men claimed by 
the Turkish captain, and retain the Tripoline, about 60 in num- 
ber, as prisoners ; hoping they would afford an advantage in 
negotiation, and perhaps be exchanged for some of our coun- 
trymen. But before this determination was executed, he as- 
certained that the captain had been active in taking the 
Philadelphia. Having received onboard this very vessel one 
hundred Tripolitans, armed with swords and muskets, and sub- 
stituted the colors of the enemy for his own, he assaulted the 
firigate, and when she was boarded, plundered the officers. He 
had, therefore, no hesitation in retaining the vessel. As she 
was not in a condition to be sent to the United States, he trans- 
mitted her papers to government,' and sometime" after had her 
appraised, and took her into the service as the ketch Intrepid. 



EDWARD PREBLE 417 

February the 3d, 1804, Lieutenant Stephen Decatur, with 
seventy volunteers in the Intrepid, and accompanied by the 
Syren, sailed for Tripoh, with a view to destroy the frigate 
Philadelphia. On the 16th the service was accomplished in 
the most gallant manner. Lieutenant Decatur entered the 
harbor of Tripoli in the night ; and laying his vessel along-side 
the frigate, boarded and carried her against all opposition. 
The assailants then set fire to her and left her. She was soon 
in a complete blaze, and was totally consumed. 

From this time till the bombardment of Tripoli, the commo- 
dore was occupied in keeping up the blockade of the harbor? 
and in making preparations for an attack. He took the utmost 
pains to convey supplies and information to Captain Bainbridge 
and his officers and men ; and after a time by means of the 
good offices of Sir Alexander Ball, succeeded. He tried sever- 
al times to negotiate for a ransom and treaty ; but the demands 
««f the regency were sometimes ridiculously extravagant, and 
when lowest, beyond what he thought himself permitted to 
accede to. The designs of warfare he had entertained were 
checked by a solicitude for the release of his countrymen ; 
though he may by some persons, perhaps, be thought to have 
indulged too far his aversion to the payment of a considerable 
ransom. He found himself able to make their situation as 
comfortable as the nature of it would admit ; and he believed 
that the infliction of suffering and terror, when the time should 
come, upon the enemy, would not produce any long continued 
aggravation of the evils of their condition, whilst it would 
essentially serve his country. Indeed after the destruction of 
the Philadelphia, the Bashaw at 'first affected to avenge himself 
by a severer treatment of the captives ; but this was not long 
persisted in. 

When the first consul of .France, in March, at the instance 
of Mr. Livingston, directed his commissary at this regency to 
mediate for their release, Mr. Beaussler undertook the office 
and announced to the commodore, that one hundred and fifty 
thousand dollars, with some usual gratuities, would probably 
effect the object, and that perhaps a cartel for the exchange of 

. 53 



418 * EDWARD PREBLE = 

prisoners might be negotiated, which would reduce the subd. 
The commodore did not think himself authorized to agree to 
these terms, and never would go beyond eighty thousand ; not 
that the amount was important, except on principle, and as it 
might atTect our relations with the other Barbarv powers. From 
first to last, it was a point of honor with the Bashaw, not to give 
up the American captives for a less sum than had been usually 
received from most of the powers of Europe, in similar cases. 
But he was glad at last to accept oT sixty thousand dollars, 
satisfied no doubt, that our naval armament would be coeval at 
least with his hostihty, if not at all times equally active and for- 
midable ; but especially at that moment apprehensive that his 
brother's General Eaton, if not disarmed by negotiation would 
reinstate Hamet in the sovereignty of Tripoli. 

On the 1st of April, the commodore went to display his force 
at Tunis ; where he found a Tripoline polacre dismantled, hav- 
ing been blockaded for sixteen days by Captain Decatur. The 
Bey of Tunis had, tor some tinw;, been uneasy at his treaiy with 
the United States, and insisted that the commodore should latid 
and satisfy him for some property alleged to be unlawfully seized 
\>y the former squadron. The commodore made answer that it 
was not bis business, and that he must put to sea. He found 
it necessary to watch Tunis during the whole of his command. 
In the spring he took another prize, a Tripoline ; and upon the 
presumption of her being condemned, she was estimated, equip- 
ped, put in commission, and called the Scourge. 

Finding that the expected force did not arrive from the 
United States, our officers resolved to endeavor to make some 
use of the friendship of Naples. Although he was without 
diplomatic authority, the minister. General Acton, from per- 
sonal regard and ^ood will to the service, favored his applica- 
tion to the king, and the commodore-obtained as a friendly loan 
to the United States, six gun boats and two bomb' vessels, com- 
pletely fitted for service, also liberty to ship twelve or fifteen 
Nepoletons to serve under our flag in each boat. 

With this addition to his armament, on the 21st of July, be 
joined the detachment off Tripoli, where his force consisted of 



BDVVARD PREBLE. 419 

the Constitution, 44 guns, the brigs Argus and Syren, 18 guns 
each, the Scourge — the schooners Vixen and Nautilus, 16 guns 
each, and ihe Enterprize, 14 guns. 

The enemy liad on his castle and severrl batteries, one hun- 
dred and fifteen guns : fifty-five of whici ^vere heavy battering 
briss cannon ; the others long eighteen and twelve pounders ; 
nineteen gun-boats, with each a long brass eighteen or twenty- 
four pounder in the bow, and two howitzers abaft. He had 
two schooners of eight guns each, a brig of ten, and two galleys, 
having each four guns. In addition to the ordinary Turicish 
garrison, stationed upon the fortifications, and the crews of the 
boats and armed vessels, computed at about three thousand, the 
Bashaw had called into the defence of the city more than twenty 
thousand Arabs, 

On the 3d of August, the squadron was, at noon, within two- 
or three miles of their batteries. The commodore observing 
thatsfveral of the enemy's boats had taken a station without 
the reef of rocks, which covers the entrance of the harbor, 
about two miles from its bottom, resolved to take advantage of 
this circumstance, and made signal for the squadron to tome 
within speaking distance, when he communicated to the several 
commanders his intention of attacking the shipping and batte- 
ries. The gun and mortar boats were immediately manned and 
prepared to cast ofT. At half past 1 o'clock, the squadron stood 
for the batteries — at 2, cast off the gun-boats; at half past 2, 
signal for the bombs and boats to advance and attack, and in 15 
mi^'utes after, signal was given for general action. It was com- 
mencedby the bombs throwing shells into the town. In an in- 
stant the enemy's line opened a tremendous fire from not less 
than 200 guns, which was promptly returned by the whole 
squadron, now within musket shot of the principal batteries. 

At this moment Captain Decatur, with three gun-boats, 
attacked the enemy's eastern division, consisting of nine. He 
was soonin the centre of them ; and the fire of grape, lengrage 
and musketry, was changed to a deadly personal combat with 
the bayonet, spear, sabre and tomahawk. It would be impos- 
sible, in our narrow limits^ to enter into a detail of the gallan^. 



420 ED^VARD PREBLE. 

exploits of our countrymen upon this trying occasion. The 
Turks fought with desperation ; Decatur took two of their boats 
in which were thirty tliree officers and men killed, and twenty- 
seven made prisoners, of whom nineteen were severely wounded^ 

Lieutenant Trippe boarded one of the large boats, with only 
a midshipman, Mr. Jonathan Henley, and nine men. His boat 
falling off before any more could join him, he was left to conquer 
or perish, with the fearful odds of eleren to thirty-six. In a few 
minutes, how^ever the enemy was subdued ; fourteen of them lost 
their lives, and twenty-two submitted to be prisoners ; Lieutenant 
Trippe received elevensabre wounds, some of which were deep 
and dangerous* Mr. Henley at this rencontre displayed a 
valor, joined to a coohiess, that would have honored a veteran. 
Lieutenant Bainbridge had his lateen yard shot away, which 
baffled his utmost exertions to get along-side the enemy's boats; 
but his active and well directed fire, within musket-shot wa& 
very effective. 

Captain Somers was not able to fetch far enoi>gh to windward 
toco operate with Decatur. He had bore down upon theles- 
ward division of the enemy, and with his single boat, within 
pistol-shot, attacked five full manned boats, defeated and drove 
them, in a siiattered condition, and with the loss of many Uvea 
under shelter of the rocks. 

The two bomb vessels kept their station, although often 
covered with the spray of the sea,, occasioned by the enemy's 
shot. Tbev kept up a constant fire and threw a great number 
of shells into the town. Five of the enemy'sgun boats and two 
galleys, composing their centre division, stationed within the 
rocks, joined by the boats which had been driven in, and rein- 
forced, twice attempled to row out and surround our gun-boats 
and prizes. They were as often foiled by the vigilance of the 
commodore, who gave signal to the brigs and schooners to cover 
them, which was promptly attended tp by those vessels, all of 
Avhich were gallantly conducted,and annoyed the enemy exceed- 
ingly. The fire of the Constitution had its ample share in this 
bombardment. It kept the flotilla in constant disorder^ and 
produced no inconsiderable etfcct on shore. 



EDWARD PREBLE. 421 

At half past fdur, the wind incUningto the northward, and at 
the same time the enemy's flotilla having retreated behind cov- 
erts, which shielded them from our shot, while our people were 
necessarily much exhausted by two hours and a half severe exer- 
tion, signal was given for the gun-boats and bombs to retire from 
action ; and immediately after for the brigs and schooners to take 
the gunboats and their prizes in tow, which was handsomely 
executed, the whole covered by a heavy fire from the Constitu- 
tion. In fifteen minutes the whole squadron was out of the reach 
of the enemy's shot, and the Commodore hauled off to give tow 
to the bomb-ketches. 

On board the frigfate not a man was killed. The other ves- 
sels and boats suffered in their rigging, and had sundry men 
wounded, but lost none except Lieutenant Decatur, the brother 
of the Captain Decatur, so conspicuous in this war. Several 
circumstances explain this impunity of our squadron. Where 
the engagement was close, as with the boats, the impetuosity of 
the attack, as well as our more dexterous use of the weapons of 
destruction, overpowered and appalled the enemy. The barba- 
rians are unskillful gunners. The shower of grape-shop annoy- 
ed and discomposed them, in the application of what little skill 
they possessed. 

Very different was the result of this conflict to the enemy. 
The American fire was not an empty peal, but a messenger of 
death in every direction. The three captured boats had one 
hundred and three men on board, forty-seven of whom were 
jkilled, twenty six wounded, and thirty only remained fit for duty. 
Three other boats were sunk with their entire crews, and the 
decks of their vessels in the harbor were swept of numbers. 
Many guns of the fort were dismounted, and the town was 
considerably damaged. 

This attack on Tripoli displayed in an eminent degree, the 
penetration and energy of the commodore, and his power of 
infusing his own spirit of heroism into his officers and men. 
This achievement, as might be expected, made a powerful im- 
pression on the mind of the enemy. The burning of the Phil- 
adelphia could not fail to make the Bashaw and his people 



422 BDWATiD BREBLK 

apprehend something serious from the present commander* 
When the squadron was seen standing in, however, he aflferted 
coBtempt, and surveying them from his palace ohserved,"They 
wilJ mark their distance for lacking ; they are a sort of Jews, 
who have no notion of fighting." The palace and terraces of 
the houses were covered with spectators, to see the chastisement 
the Bashaw's boats would give the squadron, if they approached 
too near. This exultation was very transient; for the battle 
was scarcely joined, when no one was seen on shore, except on 
the batteries. An intelligent oflacer of the Philadelphia, then 
in captivity, ol's^erved if the Turks' asked if those men that 
fought so were Americans, or infemais in Christian shape, sent 
to destroy the sons of the prophet. 

On the 5th of August, the commodore prevailed on a French 
privateer, which had left Tripoli that nioruing, to return vjih 
fourteen wounded Tripolines, whose wounds had been car<^iu.»ly 
dressed, and whom the commodore sent with a letter to the 
Bashaw's minister. These prisoners, it is said, informed the 
Prince that the Americans in battfe were fiercer than lions : but 
in the treatment of their captives were even more kind than 
Musselmen. On the 7th, the privateer returned with a letter 
from the French consul, signifying that the Bashaw had very- 
much lowered his tone ; and would probably treat on reasonable 
terms. But nothing satisfactory being proposed by the enemy, 
and the terms intimated being higher than the commander was 
authorized to make, he prepared for a second attack. At half 
past two the assault was made. Within two hours, six of the 
seven guns were silenced. Forty-eight shells and about five 
hundred round shot, twenty-four pounders, were thrown intothe- 
town and batteries, when, between five and six P. M. the squad- 
ron retired from action. During the engagement, the enemy's 
gun boats aud galleys manopvred to gain a position to cut off the 
retreat of ours ; but the larger vessels were so arranged as to 
defeat their design. The loss, this day, was twenty-two killed 
and six wounded, two of them mortally. 

At eight in the evening, the John Adams, Captain Chauncy 
joined the squadron. By him the Commodore had the first 



EDWARD PREBLE. 423 

ofitkial notice that four frigates were on their passage to reinforce 
his detachment. At the same time, also, he learned, that by the 
appointment of a senior officer to one of the frigates, he would 
be superseded in the command. The government were highly 
satisfied with the commodore, but they had not a sufficient num- 
ber of Captains, junior to Preble, to supply all the frigates sent 
out; and they did not think the saving of his feelings would jus- 
tify the creation of any others. Had they, however, known or 
anticipated his brilliant success at this time, they would pro- 
bably have ventured upon the promotion of one or two of the 
gallant lieutenants in the Mediterranean, in order to keep the 
commodore in the chief command. 

As the frigates were to sail four days after the John Adams, 
further operations were suspended, in expectation of their arri- 
val. No assistance could be receivxid from this frigate, as her 
guns had been stowed by the kelson, and their carriages put 
away into the other frigates, to make room for her cargo, she 
being sent out as a transport. 

On the 9th, Commodore Preble, in the brig Argus, reconnoi- 
tred the harbor. The next day a flag of truce was seen flying 
on the castle. The commodore sent a boat on shore, which 
was not permitted to land, but returned with a letter from the 
French consul, advising the commodore that the Bashav would 
accept five hundred dollars each for the ransom of the prisoners, 
and terminate the war without any consideration or annuity for 
peace. 

The amount of the demand was about one hundred and fifty 
thousand dollars, which the commodore rejected; but for the 
sake of the captives, and to save the further effusion of blood, 
otTered eighty thousand, and ten thousand for presents. After 
beginning to treat with the French commissary general, the 
Bashaw suspended the negotiation, saying he would wait the 
result of another attack. On the night of the 23d, the bomb 
vessels, under protection of the gun-boats, were sent in to bom- 
bard the town. The bombardment commenced at two A. M. 
and continued till day-light; but, as it was subsequently ascer- 
tained, without much effect. 



424 EDWARD PR£BLE, 

On the 27th, the weather proving favorable, the commodarc 
stood in for Tripoli, and anchored his ship two miles N. by E- 
from Fort English ; the light vessels keeping under way. A 
number of his officers, and many of the seamen being employed 
in the boats. Captain Chaunry, with several of his officers, and 
about seventy seamen, volunteered their services on board the 
Constitution. 

Two gun-boats, accompanied by the Syren, Argus, Vixen, 
Nautilus, Enterprise, and boats of the squadron, anchored at 
three in the morning, within pistol shot of the enemy's lines, 
with springs on their cables, and commenced a brisk fire on their 
shipping, town, batteries, and castle, which was warmly return- 
ed. The ship's boats remained with the gun-boats, to assist in 
boarding the flotilla, in case it should come out, and the brigs 
and schooners were kept underway to harrass the enemy, or to 
assist the gun boats. At daylight, apprehension that the ammu- 
nition in the gun-boats must be nearly exhausted, the commodore 
weighed anchor, and made signal for the gun-boats to retire from 
action. When arrived within a sure distance, he opened his bat* 
tery with round and grape shot, upon thirteen gun boats and gal- 
leys, which were closely engaged with ours, sunk one of them, 
disabled two, and put the rest to flight. He continued running 
in, until within musket shot of the batteries, when he hove to, 
fired three hundred round shot, besides grape and canister, mto 
the Bashaw's castle, the town and batteries. He silenced the 
castle, and two of the batteries, and a little after six, hauled off'. 
The gun boats fired four hundred round shot, besides grape and, 
canister with evident effect. 

The French commissary now renewed the negotiation for 
peace ; but it '.i^as broken off, in consequence, as he thought, of 
one of the squadron approaching the harbor as a cartel ; which 
he said was interpreted by the ignorant and mistrustful Bashaw. 
as a proof of discouragement on the part of the invader. 

On the 3d of September, the bomb-ketches being repaired, 
as well as the damages sustained by the other vessels in the ac- 
tion of the 27th, the squadron was again ready, and disposed for 
another attack on the town and batteries. Between three and 



EDWARD PREBLE. 42r^ 

ibur o'clock, the action commenced, and soon became gancral; 
But the wind veering to the northward, and beginning to blow 
fresh, at half past 4 P. M. he gave the signal to retire from 
action under cover of the Constitution. In this engagement, 
although the frigate and vessels were much damaged, not a man 
"was lost. The bomb vessel, commanded by Lieutenant Robin- 
son, had all her shrouds shot away, and was so shattered in the 
hull as to be kept above water with difficulty. The Argus re- 
ceived a thirty-two pound shot in her hull, which cut away a 
bower cable, as it entered, and which so checked its velocity, 
that it fell upon deck without doing injury. 

The commodore had, for some time, contemplated sending a 
fire-ship into the harbor to destroy the flotilla; and at the same 
time, throw a quantity of shells into the town. Capt. Somers 
volunteered in this service, and with the assistance of Lieuten I 
ant VVadsworth and Israel, fitted out the ketch Intrepid, for this 
expedition. A hundred barrels of gun-powder, and one hundred 
and fifty fixed shells, were placed in the hold, with fuses and 
combustibles so applied, as to fire them without endangering the 
retreat of the adventurers. On the evening of the 4th of Septem- 
ber, Capt. Somers chose two fast rowing boats from the squadron, 
to bring ©ff the people, after having fired the vessel. His own 
boat was manned by four seaman from the Nautilus, with Lieut. 
Wadsworth, and six men from the Constitution. At eight, they 
parted from the squadron and stood into the harbor, convoyed by 
the Argus, Vixen, and Nautilus, to within a short distance of 
the batteries. Having gained the inner harbor, and got near to 
the point of destination, she was boarded and carried by two 
galleys of one hundred men each. At this moment she exploded. 
The effect was awful. Every battery was silenced, and not a 
gun was fired afterward during the night. Captain Somers is 
said to have declared to a friend, that in case he should be 
boarded, he would not be captured. Ther^ is every reason to 
believe that, on the enemy proving successful, the Captain seized 
a quick-match) and touched a train which communicated instant 
fire to the mine; by which he and his companions found, with 
the enemy, a common death. 

54 



426 



KDWARD 1>REBLE. 



Nothing occurred after this, till the two squadrons joined on 
the 9th of September. Here ended Mr. Preble's comrrand, so 
honorable to himself, and in both its immediate and distant con- 
sequences, important to his country. 

All joined in the suffrage to the distinguished merits of tire 
commodore. His Holiness the Pope is said to have remarked, 
that he had done more towards humbling the anti-Christian bar- 
barians on that coast, than all the Christian states had ever done. 
Sir Alexander Ball, in a letter of September 20th, said, "I beg 
to repeat my congratulation on the service you have rendered 
your country, and the hair breadth escapes you have had in set- 
ting a distinguished example. Their bravery and enterprise 
are worthy a great and rising nation. If I were to offer my 
opinion, it would be that you have done well not to purchase a 
peace w^ith the enemy. A fe# brave men have, indeed, been 
Sacriticed, but they could not have iallen in a better cause; and 
I even conceive it advisable to risk more lives, rather than sub- 
mit to terms, which might encourage the Barbary states to add 
fresh demands and insults."' 

After the squadron joined, the Commodore obtained leave to 
return home, where be was received and treated every where 
with distinguished attention. 

In the latter part of the year 1 806, the health of Mr. Preble 
began to decline. Finding that the inveteracy of his malady 
bid defiance to medical skill, he resolved on a water excursion 
as a last experiment; but it resulted in no beneficial effect. He# 
breathed his last on Tuesday, tlie 25th of August, 1 807, in the 
46th ^ear of his age. On the day of his funeral, business was 
suspended, the colors were displayed at half-mast from the ship- 
ping in the harbor, and he was interred with military honors, 
and the ceremonies of religion and masonry."* 



''Kogcrs' American Biography, 



(427) 



THOMAS TRUXTTIN, 

Commotlorc in the American Navy. 

" The father of Captain Truxton was an enriinent counsellor 
of the bar of the then colony of Nev.'-York, and resided on 
Long or Nassau Island, where the Commodore was born on the 
17th of February, 1775. Having lost his father at an early 
age, he was placed under the care of John Troup, Esq., of Ja- 
maica, Long-Island, a gentleman well known in the annals of the 
war between France and England, preceding the American rev- 
olution. The sea was his favorite element. At twelve years of 
age he first embarked in his naval career, under a Capt. Joseph 
Holmes, in the ship Pitt, bound for Bristol, England. The 
next year he sailed under a Captain Chambers, in the London 
trade. While yet in his novitiate, he was impressed on board 
of an English ship of war of sixtj-four guns, during the dis- 
pute with Spain about the Falkland Islands, from which ship he 
Avas afterward released, through the influence of some friends 
in power. The commander of his Britannic Majesty's ship 
Prudent, from which he was discharged, used every pertuasiou 
to induce him to remain in the service of the crown, with the 
strongest assurances that every exertion should be used for 
his speedy promotion, but without eflbct, as he immediately 
returned to the ship and service from which he had been im- 
pressed. 

In the beginning of the revolutionary struggle he forthwith 
embarked m the cause of the colonies, against the unjust op- 
pression of Great Britian, and early in 1775 had the command 
of an armed vessel, with which he cruized against the enemy 
with great success. In these cruizes, the United States were 
much benefitted by the quantities of powder which were^ound 
on board his prizes,of which articles they were greatly in want. 
Toviard the close of the same year, vv^hen on a voyage to St. 
Eustatia, a Dutch Island in the West Indies, in a letter of 
marque, of which lie was hfilf owner, he was captured off tl;.e 



428 THOMAS TRUXTUN. 

Island of St. Christopher's, his vessel condemned, and iiimsell' 
released, under the provisions of the general restraining act of 
the British Parliament. From St. Christopher's he went to St. 
Eustatia, and thence to Philadelphia. His next cruize was in 
the capacity of first-lieutenant of the private armed ship Con- 
gress, which was just equipping for sea. During the early 
part of the winter of 1776, this vessel, in company with another 
private armed vessel, called the Chance, fitted out at the same 
time, made several prizes off the Havana, which were very val- 
uable home-bound Jamaica ships, going through the Gulf of 
Florida. He, as a prize-master, brought one of them safe into 
the port of Bedford, Massachusetts. In June of the same year, 
while the harbor of New- York was blockaded by the British 
fleet, previous to its evacuation by the Americans, he made his 
way to sea through the Lon^-Island Sound, in a vessel called 
the Independence, fitted out by himself and Isaac Sears, Esq., 
aHd placed under his command. OIF the Azores or Western 
Isles, he made several prizes, of w^hich three were large and 
valuable ships, forming a part of the Windward Island fleet, 
under convoy. One of these prizes carried more guns and 
men than his vessel. The proud Englishmen, notwithstanding 
their vaunted natural prowess, were obliged to strike their colors 
to an inferior force. Truxtun next directed his course to the 
British Channel, in the ship Mars, of twenty guns, where he made 
a number of prizes, several of which He sent into Quiberon Bay. 
The French court, from a desire to lessen the strength of a rival 
power, had for some time lent a secret aid to the revolting colo- 
nies, yet it had not manifested their hostile intentions so openly, 
as to induce the recal of the British Minister from Versailles. 
Hence, upon the reception of these prizes into a French port, 
the Britiibh Ambassador, Lord Stormont, made a strong remon- 
strance to the cabinet, protesting against the admission of Amer- 
ican armed vessels and prizes into the ports of France, but with- 
out eflfect. Truxtun, after this cruize, domiciliated himself in- 
Philadelphia, from which4)Qrt he sailed during the remainder 
of the war, commanding vessels, of which he was in general 
part owner. His cruizes were gejierally successful. 



THOMAS TRtXTUN. A^B 

When commanding the St. James, of twenty gun?, and one 
hundred men, on a voyage to F>ance with Thomas Barclay 
Esq., the Consul General from the revolted coloniesto thatcoun, 
try, a passenger on board, he fell in with a British private ship of 
war, mounting thirty-two guns, and a proportionate number of 
men, consequently nearly doable his force. After a severe and 
close engagement, the enemy was obliged to sheer off, and was 
afterward towed into New-York in a very crippled state. The 
late Secretary of the Navy, William Jones, Esq., acted as Capt. 
Truxtun's third lieutenant, and conducted himself during the 
whole engagement with such distinguished bravery, that he was 
shortly after promoted to a hrst lieutenancy. In this vessel 
Truxtun returned safe to Philadelphia with a most valuable 
cargo. He used every means in his power to harass the enemy 
on the ocean, during every period of the war, and constantly 
^evinced the most consummate skill and undaunted courage; 
and his exertions were almost universally crowned with com- 
plete success. He likewise, in two instances, distinguished 
himself on land. 

On the return of peace, he continued his professional pursuits 
between this country, Europe and Asia, until 1734, whcnj:hc 
lowering appearances of our affairs \riih great Britain, in con- 
sequence of the conduct of her naval commanders, under the 
celebrated Corn order of Council in 1793, induced the estab- 
lishment of a navy, which ihey could then do, without infrac- 
ting the treaty of peace, which prohibited them from such an 
attempt for twelve ^ears. The term of prohibition had just; 
expired. General Washington, then President, by advice and 
< onsent of the Senate, appointed him captain of one of the 
six ships of war which had been ordered to be buiit. But the 
building of these vessels was suspended, in consequence of the 
treaty of 1795. On the abrogation of the consular convention 
with France, in the year 1798, during the administration of 
Mr. John Adams, Captain Truxton was directed to superintend 
the building of the frigate Constellation, at Baltimore, of which 
he was appointed commander. This vessel was one of the first 
which put to sea in consequence of the hostile altitude assumed 
by the United States towards the French Republic. His orders 



'4 30 THOMAS TRUXTUN. 

were to cruize in the West India seas for the protection of 
American property. The 9th of February, 1 709, he fell in 
with the French frigate L'Insurgente, Captain Barreau, of the 
Island of St. Nevis. 'With this vessel he comnmenced a severe 
engagement, which lasted for an hour and a (jTiarter, when the 
Frenchman struck; but not until his ship had become a mere 
wreck. The Constellation, mounting thirty-six guns, and a 
proportionate crew, lost, in this engagement, only one man killed 
and two wounded, while the loss on board the Insurgente, mount- 
ing fourty-four guns, with four hundred and seventeen men, 
was twenty killed and forty-four wounded. Witl\ his prize he 
put into Basse Terre, St. Christopher's, where he refitted and 
returned to America. This was the first action which had ta- 
ken place since the commencement of the disturbance between 
the United States and France. The fame of the achievement 
was blazoned abroad, both in Europe and America, and produced 
the Commodore the most flattering marks of distinction. The 
merchants at Lloyd's Coffee house, London, sent him a present of 
a service of silver plate, with a suitable device, valued at up- 
wards of 600 guineas. The captive commander, in a letter to 
the Commodore, while he lamented the unhappy posture of af- 
fairs between the two countries, expressed himself as being well 
pleased, that the chance of war had thrown him into such gal- 
lant and brave hands, and thanked the Commodore for his gen- 
erous conduct towards himself and his crew. 

During his cruize he captured many private armed and other 
vessels, and completely cleared those seas of the French cruizers, 
by which so many depredations had been committed on the 
American and English commerce in that quarter. 

While our other vessels of war were busily engaged in con- 
voying the American commerce, the Commodore, (a title acqui- 
red by courtesy, as the laws of the United States l<4Jow of no 
such officer) heard in January, 1800, that the French ship of 
war La Vengeance, mounting 54 guns, with a complement of 
500 men, was lying at Gaudaloupe, with troops and several gen- 
eral officers on board, intending to put to sea. He immedi- 
ately changed his cruizing ground, and endeavored to fall in 
with her, and, if possible, to bring her to action. The su- 



THOMAS TRUXTUN. 431 

periorily of her force was, in a great measure, counterbalanced 
by a complement of too many men and a number of troops. 

On the first of February, his wishes were gratified, as he de- 
scried her on the morning of that day, and after twelve hours 
chase, brought her to action. In consequence of having too 
many troops, and a great number of officers on board, the French 
commander was unwilling to risk a combat, but the intentions of 
his gallant antagonist were very dilTerent. An engagement took 
place, and after a close action of nearly five hours, the French- 
man was silenced. During a squall, while the Americans were 
busily engaged in clearing their ship, the French captain effect- 
ed his escape. 

This he was enabled to do by the darkness of the night, al- 
though prior to this circumstance he had struck his colours, as 
he afterward acknowledged, but was induced to renew the con- 
test, believing it to be the intention of his antagonist to sink. 
The Vengeance now arrived at Curacoa in a very shattered 
condition, having lost in the engagement, one hundred killed 
and wounded, and all her masts and rigging being nearly shot 
away. Congress, on this occasion, voted Truxtun an emblema- 
tic medal, for his gallantry and good conduct. 

After Mr. Jefferson entered on the duties of the presidential 
oflice, the Commodore was ordered to the Mediterranean. From 
some cause or other, he declined the service, and his resignation 
was accepted, and another officer succeeded him. Considering 
his resignation as temporary, he some time afterward wished to 
resume his naval command, but was informed that, as his resig- 
nation had been final, his wishes could not be gratified. He re- 
tired to Philadelphia, to enjoy the pleasing scenes of domestic 
life, until 1816, when the citizens of the city and county of Phil- 
adelphia, evinced their respect for his various services rendered 
them in the most perilous times, by electing him to fill the im- 
portant office of sheriff, the duties of which he has discharged 
so far with general satisfaction, notwithstanding that his eleva- 
tion was opposed by party clamour and prejudice."* 



^American Biographical Dictionary, 



BIOGRAPHY 

OF 

t^ILBERT MOTIER I.A FAYETTE. 

Major-General in the American Continontal Army. 



CHAPTER I. 

Introductory remarks — La Fayette's birth ami education — his prospects at 
the commencement of the revolutionary struggle — he cnxbarks in it, and 
arrives in the United States. 

The illustrious individual, whose life and character form the 
subject of the following pages, has claims on America which 
have always been felt and acknowledged ; but his presence 
among us has produced sentiments of gratitude and veneration 
that are universal; which animate every breast and warm every 
heart. Whilst this spontaneous developement of feeling, the 
free-will offering of a great and powerful people, cannot fail of 
being gratifying to him on whom it is bestowed, it is highly hon- 
orable to our national character. But there are other consider- 
ations, connected with this subject, which deserve more atten- 
tion: we allude to its moral atfd political influence. 

Will it hereafter be claimed " that republics are ungrateful?" 
that a free people are capricious and unjust? Let the sponta- 
neous homage of ten millions of free-born Americans offered to 
La Fayette, the early and '.steadfast friend of their country, 
for ever put at rest so base a calumny. Where can be found 
so sublime and impressive a scene as that which the United 
States now presents? It is in vain that we look to history for an 
example; the annals of the world afford none; it is an event that 
stands alone. The triumphs of the greatest and best generals 
of Rome, were decreed by the senate; and if they were to be 
regarded as the voluntary act of the people, they could only 
be considered as splendid national pageants, wherein gratitude, 
to the individnal to wdiom they were granted, for service^ 



434 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

rendered, or honor conferred on his country, had little or no 
part ; and although professedly designed in honor of an in- 
dividual, the feelings manifested were national pride and exulta- 
tion at tiie success and conquests of the arms of the republic. 
If t!ie Roman triumph had been a tribunal of gratitude, it could 
not have been bestowed on such men as Silia and Marins, who 
distracted their country with civil v/arsj and drenched the streets 
with the noblest blood of Rome. 

In modern times, and in that country which gave birth to the 
man who is the subject of this work, the world has witnessed a 
display of national feeling equally unexampled and sublime; it 
will be perceived that we allude to the returri of the exile of 
Elba, and the re-establishment of the imperial throne. But the 
return of Bonaparte to France, and the visit of La Fayette to 
the United States, are entirely dissimilar, and equally unparal- 
lelled. Like the Israelites in Egypt, the French people were 
groaning under oppression, which was in some measure con- 
sidered of foreign origin, as it had been established by foreign 
bayonets. Napoleon therefore was regarded as a deliverer^ 
and it is to this fact that the enthusiasm of the people is to be 
attributed. Feeling bumbled at the degradation of the nation, 
and exasperated at the insolence of power and the arrogance 
and rapacity of the old nobility, who had returned, the people 
flew to their late emperor as a deliverer, and received him with 
open arms and the warmest enthusiasm. 

The reception of La Fayette, in the United States, was en- 
tirely different; the manifestation of feeling was of a different 
character, and proceeded from different sources. He was not 
received as a conqueror, nor hailed as h. deliverer; neither is 
this demonstration of feeling, a sudden impulse of joy or pas- 
sion, for any recent service or achievement conferring benefit 
or honor on our country, but it is a sentiment of gratitude, 
deeply implanted in the breast, and revived by his presence^ 
for the most distinguished philanthropy and disinterested ser- 
vices, performed nearly half a century ago, and v,'hich contribu- 
ted to establish the independence and liberties of our coun- 
try. Ye monarchs and lordlings of the earth, who regard 



MARaUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

mankind in the light you do the servants of your household, as 
(he mere instruments of your amhition and gratifications, aban- 
don, for a moment, your schemes of ameliorating the condition 
of your people, by restricting their rights and privileges, and 
checking the exuberance of liberty, and turning your attention 
to America, witness the reward of a man who is the enemy of 
tyrants and oppression, and whose life and blood have been de- 
voted to the cause of liberty and the rights of mankind. Be- 
hold, though it " blast your eye-balls," the unbought and unbri- 
hed homage of a free and great people oifered to their benefac- 
tor, the friend of America, the friend of liberty. What a sub- 
lime spectacle, to witness an entire nation, after the lapse of 
half a century, opeaing their hearts in gratitude and honor of a 
hero and patriot, who had assisted to break the chains which 
enslaved their country, and to establish its freedom! How un- 
like the empty pageant of coronations and royal festivals, where 
a contsrained homage is offered by slaves to their masters; who, 
whilst receiving honor from their lips, must be sensible that the 
heart is often ready to break forth in curses. Can the moral 
and political effect of this event be lost? Will it not have an 
influence in Europe on all enlightened and noble minds, with 
whom the respect of mankind and the veneration of posterity, 
are the richest reward and the only hoaorable object of human 
ambition? 

As America has been the theatre of the earliest and most 
successful exertions of La Fayette in the cause of liberty; and 
as it is here that the fruits of his toils, sacrifices and blood, 
have ripened to maturity, and promise to be as lasting as his re- 
nown; asit is here that his memory will be cherished and rever- 
ed to the latest posterity, it seems to belong to America to per- 
petuate his fame, and to preserve a record of his deeds and vir- 
tues. This is a part of the debt of gratitude we owe him. His 
life, like that of our Washington, should be put into the hands 
of our youth universally, that the name of the adopted son of 
the "Father of his Country," the friend of America and human- 
ity, the hero, patriot and philanthropist, should be as familiar in 
this, his adopted country, with all succeeding generations, as it 



436 MARQriS DE LA FAYETTE. 

is witli the present; so that the respect and veneration felt for it 
may be as lasting as his fame, as extensive as his renown. 

The ancient province of j'^uvergne, now the department dc 
la Haute Loire, gave birth to Gflbert Motier Marquis De 
La Fayette. He was born on the 6th of September, 1757, at 
the Chateau de Chavagnac, situated about two leagues distance 
from Brioude, in the afore-aid department. Marshal De La 
Fayette, one of the ancestors of the general, sustained a great 
military reputation, and Madame De La Fayette, a relation of 
his, is advantageously kno\vn in the literature of France. His 
father fell in the battle of Rossbach, on the 5th of November, 
1757, surviving the birth of his son but two months. 

At the tender age of seven years, young Motier was sent to 
the College of Louis le Grand, at Paris, where he received the 
rudiments of his education. How long he remained here is 
uncertain; but at the early period of fifteen he was enrolled 
among the Mosquetaires du Roi, and before this time he had 
been made one of the pages of the Queen of France. From 
the patronage of the Queen, he soon rose to the rank of a com- 
missioned officer, a favor seldom conferred, except on the sons 
of the most distinguished of the nobility. Young Fayette was 
in every respect a precocious youth, and in 1774, when but 
17 years of age, he was married to the Countess Anastasie de 
Noailles, daughter of the duke of that name: considerations of 
family interest, as well as mutual affection, concurred in produ- 
cing this union; which, whilst it made him happy in the posses- 
sion of an amiable and accomplished lady, less ennobled from 
her birth than the goodness of her heart and the endowments of 
her mind, largely augmented his fortune, which before was 
sufFicicntly ample. He was now in the possession of an estate 
.atibrding an annua! income of more than 150,000 francs, a 
princely fortune at that time, when money was vrorth much 
more than it is at present. 

Such was the situation of La Fayette when the contest be- 
tween Great Britain and her American colonies began to at- 
iract the attention of the world; whilst yet in a state of minor- 
ity, possessing rank, wealth, the favor cf <Jv. queen, surrounded 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 437 

by 'all the pleasures of a luxurious capital and voluptuous court, so 
seducing to youth, and happy in the enjoyment of domestic fe- 
licity. The fairest prospects, also, of preferment and fame were 
open to him; so that whether ambition or pleasure was the gov- 
erning motive, he was equally surrounded by the strongest at- 
tractions conducing to confine him to his home and his country. 
A distant people are struggling for their rights; the hand of 
oppression bears heavily on them; their voice has crossed the 
Atlantic, and reached the shores of France; the philanthropists 
and friends of libert}' feel a d^p interest in the cause of the 
sufferers, and their most lively sympathies are excited. Young 
La Fayette, whilst surrounded with all the allurements and fas- 
cinations of pleasure, was most strongly affected with this noble 
sympathy; his benevolent heart and ardent mind would not per- 
mit him to remain merely a well-wisher to the cause of inde- 
pendence and liberty in America, but prompted him to offer his 
services and his fortune to this glorious cause. He felt that the 
cause of the Americans was just, that it was the cause of liber- 
ty and humanity. He did not, however, act from the impulse of 
the heart; but examined the subject, and made himself master 
of the controversy between the colonies and their parent coun- 
try, which satisfied him of the justice of the cause of the colo- 
nies, and confirmed him in the determination to embark in it as 
a volunteer. Accordingly he presented himself before the 
American Commissioners at Paris, and acquainted them with 
his intention of taking a part in the contest,if his service? should 
be deemed of any importance. The sagacity of Dr. Franklin 
seldom erred, and discovering the indications of valor and great- 
ness in this youthful patriot, his offer was readily accepted. This 
was in 1776, and n£>t Ipng after, the disastrous intelligence 
reached Europe of the defeat of the Americans on Long Island, 
their evacuation of New- York, the dispersion of tbe American 
troops, and the flight of the small remains of the continental 
army through New-Jersey, pursued by a large British force, 
which completely annihilated the little credit the Americans 
had acquired in Europe. It was supposed, even by their friends, 
(hat the cause of the colonists was destroyed in the bud; the 



438 ^ MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

flame of liberty, which had burst forth with such splendor, was 
believed to be extinguished by the first blast of power, like the 
tapers blaze. Opinions which are suddenly formed, and upon 
superficial knowledge, are as suddenly changed or given up, 
and from very slight circumstances. At this period a dark 
cloud hung over the destinies of America, and perhaps of the 
human race, as it is uncertain to what extent the latter are iden- 
tified with the former, so Au' as they depend on civil liberty. As 
the efforts and power of the Americans were apparently crush- 
ed, many of the most enlightened and patriotic friends of liberty 
in Europe, began to think that they had attached more impor- 
tance to the contest than it deserved ; that the movements which 
had taken place were rather to be attributed to the zeal of the 
leaders, and the sudden exasperattid feelings of the people, than 
to a deep sense of injustice, or any definite ideas of their polit- 
ical rights, or settled determination to maintain them. 

So unfavorable an>d extensive was the influence of this disas- 
trous intelligence, that tlie American Commissioners at Paris, 
had not sufficient credit to procure a vessel to facilitate the en- 
terprise of La Fayette, and under such circumstances, they 
believed that justice and honor required them to dissuade him 
from his undertaking for the present. Bu^ their efforts were 
unavailing; so ardent had the feelings of the youthful patriot 
become enlisted in the cause of America, that they were not to 
be stifled by the reverses which it had experienced. ^^'Ihave 
done nothing," said he to the American Commissioners, " hither- 
to, but admire your cause; but now 1 mean to serve it; the n-tore 
hopeless it is in the public estimation, the more honor I shall 
gain by espousing its interests. Since it is out of your power to 
procure a vessel, I will purchase and equip one myself; and I 
take upon myself to be the bearer of your despatches to con- 
gress." 

It is impossible sufficiently to admire the conduct, and duly to 
appreciate the motives of La Fayette; this was not the bold 
enterprise of an adventurer, who had nothing to lose, and little 
to expect at home; neither was he influenced by motives of amr 
bition, as it was not necessary for him to visit a foreign country 



MARQUIS DE h^ FAYETTE. 439 

foriJistinction or preferment; but it was his love of liberty, his 
devotion to the cause of humanity, with the desire of honorable 
fame, that led him to become the youthful champion of the cause 
of America: and foregoing all the pleasures of the capital and 
the court, and the more substantial enjoyment of domestic 
felicity, to devote his life and his fortune to its service. To leave 
such enjoyments and prospects at home, and engage in the cause 
of a distant and foreign people, at a time too, when that cause 
was regarded as nearly hopeless, without any motive or expecta- 
tion of personal advantage, evinced such ardor and devotion to 
liberty, as cannot fail of exciting the admiration of the enlight- 
ened and patriotic, of all succeeding ages. 

The intended enterprise of La Fayette having become known, 
active exertions were made to discourage him, and defeat it. 
Some were actuated from real friend«hip to him, and others from 
a secret hostility to the cause in which he was about to engage. 
Among other reasons urged to dissuade him, he was told that 
the king would be seriously displeased, should he interfere in a 
matter of such moment, and that if he persisted, he would ex- 
pose himself to serious consequences. 

But the most difficult and dchcate point came nearer to his 
heart. How could he separate himself from a young and af- 
fectionate wife, to whom he had been but recently united ? This 
was the most trying difliculty; it required all his resolution and 
philosophy. It was impossible to believe that she could be in- 
duced to consent to a measure which was to separate her from 
the partner of her bosom, whom she so tenderly loved, and ex- 
pose him to the perils of a voyage, and the more certain dangers 
of war. The excitement, and almost distraction of her feelirjgs, 
would view such a parting in the light of a final separation. 
To avoid her opposition, and perhaps even fearino- that the re- 
monstrances, the tears and entreaties of a beloved wife, might 
even shalce the firmness of his purpose, he concealed his object 
from her as much as possible; but as she could not be kept 
wholly ignorant of his movements, he caused it to be represented 
to her, that he was going to America on a private mission, and 
that he \roHld soon return. To avoid a scene which would be 



440 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

equally distressing to both, she was not informed of his depar- 
ture until after he had sailed. He purchased and equipped 
the vessel himself, and brought out a quantity of military stores, 
all of which were paid for from his private funds. 

After it was publicly known that the young Marquis intended 
to embark for America, the government made a show of opposi-" 
tion to it; and orders were actually issued to prevent his sail- 
ing. This, however, was only an instance of the Machiavelian 
policy of courts, intended to deceive the British minister, and to 
preserve (he appearance of neutrality. It is not, however, to 
be supposed, that the British cabinet was deceived by this du- 
plicity; they ""ere aware of the secret views and designs of the 
French government, with respect to America. But the profes- 
sions and appearances of neutrality, as long as they could be 
kept up, were necessary to prevent, or at least postpone, a rup- 
ture with Britain. And although the cabinet of Great Britain 
was fully scnsibje of the secret designs of France, and aware 
that her government connived at the enterprises of its citizens, 
they wished to avoid a rupture with her if possible. 

France and Great Britain if not ancient and natural enemies, 
as is often considered, had long been rivals, and jealous cf each 
other's power. After a long and obstinate contest, a peace had 
a few years previons, been concluded between them, less for the 
purpose of maintaining tranquillity than that of recovering 
strength, and prepariog to renew hostilities, when it could be 
more advantageously done. It would be natural to believe, 
therefore, that France, standing in this situation towards Great 
Britain, being jealous of her growing power in America, would 
view with secret satisfaction, the difficulties between this pow- 
erful rival and her American colonies, which had been increas- 
ing since 17 64, and )iad tinall}' terminated in an open rupture. 
In the late war, which had been principally carried on in Amerr 
ica, France become too well acquainted with the immense im- 
portance to Britain, of her colonies, and how largely they con- 
tributed to carrying on hostilities, not to be sensible that their 
separation from Britain, would be the loss of the right arm of 
her power. As the rival and enemy of Britaiii, she felt a strong 



Marquis de la fayette. 441 

interest in favor of the Americans; but was unwilling to com- 
promit her peace with that power, until the progress of events 
might afford stronger assurance of the stability and ultimate 
success of the* American cause. It being the policy of the 
French' government^ therefore, to assist the Anriericsfhs, yet at 
the same time to keep up the appearances of neutrality, until 
matters shouM arrive at such maturity, as to dictate a different 
line of conduct, the ministry could not openly approve of the 
enterprise of the Marquis, who held a place in the royal house- 
hold, although they secretly encouraged it, whilst they adopted 
public measures, with the ostensible view of preventing it. The 
slightest knowledge of the strict police of the old government 
of France, under Louis XV. and his successor, would prevent 
the belief for a moment, that the Marquis could have embarked 
in a foreign enterprise, of a military nature, if the government 
had been disposed (o prevent iu 

On the 19th of April, 1777, La Fayette arrived at Charleston, 
South Carolina, and proceeded immediately to lay before Con? 
gress, then in session at Philadelphia, the despatches and letters 
which had been entrusted to him, by the American Commis- 
^sioners at Paris. His language, on presenting himself to Con- 
gress, was worthy of the object of his mission, and the characr 
ter which he has since acquired: — "lam come,*' said he "to 
request two favors of this house; the one, to serve in your ar- 
my in the capacity of a volunteer; the other, to receive no pay." 
That enlightened body duly appreciated the noble and disin- 
terested conduct of this youthful patriot, and were fully sensi- 
ble of the influence it might have on the cause confided to their 
wisdoui. Considering his rank and family, his connexion with 
the French government, the strong recommendations of the 
American Commissioners, and above all, his distinguished pat- 
riotism. Congress, in July following, adopted the following reso- 
lution: — "Whereas the Marquis La Fayette, in consequence 
of his ardent zeal for the cause of liberty, in which the Uni- 
ted States are engaged, has left his family and friends, and cros- 
sed the ocean at his own expense, to offer his services to the 
United State.?, without wishing to accept of any pension or 

^6 



442 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

pay whatsoever; and as he earnestly desires to engage in our 
cause, Congress liave resolved that his services be accepted, 
and that in consideralion of bis palrvotistr, hisfamily^^nd illus- 
trious relations, be siial! bold tbe rank and comnriisssion of Maj^r- 
General in tbe army of the United States." 

Thus were the fortunes of a young nobleman, whilstyet in a 
state of minority, possessing wealth, rank, powerful friends, and 
in a word, every thing to endear him to home and to his coun- 
try, connected with those of America, ii. tbe doubtful contest in 
which she was engaged, for her independence and liberty. It 
might be too much to say, that this event had a decisive influ- 
ence on tbe destiny of both; but that it had an important one 
cannot now be doubted. The fate of nations has often depend- 
ed on events less important than this, Tbe example of La Fay- 
ette, and the distinguished honor he acquired, had a powerful 
influence on his countrymen; the cause of America became 
popular in France; a patrioti<; ardor was excited, and so many 
were emulous to engage in the American service, that the Com- 
missioners at Paris were in no small degree embarrassed from 
the number of applications. The exertions and influence of the 
Marquis, and his numerous friends at home, must in some de- 
gree, have contributed to the assistance afforded, by France to 
the States; and his patriotic conduct, and unbounded liberality, 
devoting both his services and his fortune to tbe cause, had a 
happy influence in America. But whatever effect this event 
may have had on the glorious revolution with which it is con- 
nected, there can be little doubt of its happy influence on the 
life and character of the Marquis ; it fixed his character, confirm- 
ed his principles, and made him one of the most distinguished 
patriots of his own, or any other age. Had he nevqr served 
in the United States, he would undoubtedly have been a patriot 
in his feelings and opinions, and a friend of popular rights; but 
it is by no mean^ certain that he would have 9een a republican 
in his principles, or so ardently devoted to civil liberty. A 
man's principles do not operate with full force, when they de- 
pend on speculative i If-a?; it is only by drvoting our talents, 
our services, our blood or fortunes, to the defence of princi- 



3IARQUIS DE LA. FAYETTE. 443 

pies, that causes them to be revered, or their truth and 
impor(ance justly appreciatecl». The American Revolutipn was 
a school of liberty; and its instructions made a lasting impres- 
sion on the minds of all engaged in it; and on none more than the 
adopted son of Washingtouo^ 



CHAPTER 11. 

Congress gives a commission to LaFayette, and he joins the army — Sketch oi' 
the events of the war — Battle oi" Braudywinc, in which La Fayette was 
iv^unded — tie defeats a party of Hessians and Grenadiers in New-Jersey — 
has the command of a division assigned him — are disciplined, armed and 
equipped by himself — Siietches of the events of the war — Situation of tha 
American Army at Valley Forge — ('Exertions and influence of LaFayette, to 
allayjealousies towards the commander-in-chiel". 

Washington had a wonderful sagacity and discrimination, as 
to the character and qualities of men; and he at once received 
tlie most favorabLe impressions from the young volunteer: his 
unobtrusive deportment, his modest assurance, and his sinceri- 
ty, atforded a presage of his future character. He possessed in 
an unusual degree the rare qualities of securing the atfections 
of all who knew him. Washington immediately became ardent- 
ly attached to him; and admitted him into his own family as his 
adopted son. He declined for some time to assume the commis- 
sion and rank assigned him by Congress; and when urged by 
Washington to do it, he replied, " that he was not as yet capable 
of dischargi g the duties of so important a post; that he must 
begin bv beintj instructed himself, and by learning to obey, be- 
fore he look upon himself to command." This reasonable diffi- 
dence in himself, considering his youth and want of experience, 
whilst it increased the confidence of Washington in his abili- 
ties, was calculated to allay the jealousy, and secure the esteem 
of all his ^spciates in arms. 

The youn| Marquis repaired to the American camp in New- 
Jersey, to take a pan in the strife of arms; he immediately show- 
ed a promptitude and readiness, in attention to duty; he exam- 
ined whatever was within his observation, and applied him 



444 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE 

self with great diligence, to obtain information of every things 
concerning the service, and the condition and resources of the 
country. By accepting the numerous invitations given him he 
soon became acquainted with the ofiicers, and from his frank 
and unassuming deportment, and easy and agreeable manners, 
he acquired many friends. His characteristic generosity, soon 
began to dis.play itself; on learning the wants of Gen. Moultrie, 
he sent him complete uniforms and equipments for one hundred 
and fifty soldiers under his command. 

As it was in the American revolutionary war, that the char- 
acter of La Fayette was formed, and bis principles established; 
as that \^as the theatre of his lirst and most successful exertions 
in the cause of liberty, and as this portion of his life is most, 
interesting to Americans, and at this time secures to him the 
uninjd homage of the entire population of our country, it 
becomes necessary to detail such of the events of th^rt memora^ 
ble contest, as will do justice to the exertions and merit of our 
youthful hero. 

The rismg sun of the American revolution, which beamed 
with so much ttfulgence at Bunker's Hill, was soon overcast 
with impervious clouds. The blood which drenched the soil of 
Lexington, electrified the country, and the people were ready to 
rush to arms, to avenge their injured countrymen, and to punish 
so daring an outrage upon the rights of freemen. The militia 
of Massachusetts, Connecticut and New -Hampshire, collected at 
Boston, and the heights of Bunker's Hill first signalized their 
valor to the astonishment of the mercenaries of Britain. The 
seat of war being transferred to New-York, the militia concen- 
trated at that place; and Washington, near the close of the year 
1776, found himself at the head ofa numerous body of men hastily 
levied, without experience or discipline, and in a considerable 
degree without equipments or arms. Little reliance could be 
placed on such a force, and if possible, its efficienpy was less 
than the moderate expectation of the commande*r-i*-chief. The 
unfortunate attempt to defend New- York, soon dispersed this 
Jarge nominal force. 



MARQUIS DE LA lAYETTE. 445 

The fatigues and hardships of the camp, even in a few weeks 
cooled trie ardor that had been raised, and as their term of ser- 
vice was short, the militia returned home as hastily as they had 
collected, and Washington was left with the small wreck of an 
undisciplined forc-e, with which he was compelled to fly from 
place to place, through New-Jersey. Rapidly pursued by 
Cornwallis, Washington's escape at Newark, Brunswick, Prince- 
ton and Trenton, must be regarded as almost miraculous. Noth- 
ing but the dilatory measures and blunders of General Howe, 
saved the small remnant of the continental army; which, after 
crossing the Delaware, amounted to no more than seventeen 
hundred men; the Jersey, Maryland, and Pennsylvania militia, 
having abandoned him the moment their term of service ex^ 
pired, and although it was apparent that the country was in the 
most critical situation, yet no considerations would induce them 
to stay a single day. Availing themselves of their success s, 
and the despondency and alarm which had been spread through 
the colonies, the two houses issued a proclamation in the name 
9f his Britannic majesty, commanding all persons to desist from 
acts of treason and rebellion, and promising a free pardon to ali 
who should return to their business and their homes. This 
proclamation had an astonishing etfect on men of weak nerves, 
easy principles, and large fortunes ; thousands who had been ar- 
dent in the cause, abandoned it in this hour of despondency ; 
and thinking only of the security of their persons and property, 
they began to view the subject of dispute in a new light, and 
thought that the conduct of mother Britain was not sa bad as to 
justify involving the country in the dreadful evils of a civil war. 
This was the darkest day in the American revolution; the hearts 
of all real patriots sunk within them, yet they did not despair; 
but with a large portion of the people, the contest was consid- 
ered as decided, and it certainly was by the British. Congress 
WHS without an army; without a cent in the treasury, and ap- 
parently no prospect of recruiting either; but what was more 
atlarming, the confidence of the nation was destroyed, and 
the spirit that had animated the people was gone, which para- 
lysed all exertion. What remained but hope and the protection 
of Providence? 



446 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE: 

It was at this gloomy period that the young French patriot^, 
fully aware of these alarming circumstances, and against the 
dissuasions of the American commissioners, engaged in the 
cause of American independence and liberty, at the very time 
when it was forsaken at home by thousands who had embraced 
it. This honorable conduct in a foreigner, contrasted with 
that of those Americans who in the day of adver-ity were ready 
to abandon the cause of freedom and their country, served to 
exhibit the disgracefulness and criminality of the latter in a 
more glaring light. 

But Washington did not believe, as he informed Col. Reed, 
" that his neck was made for a hnlter;" he did not despair of 
the republic; and having increased his force to about five thou- 
sand, principally, however, raw militia, he recrossed the Dela- 
ware, and surprised and captured near one thousand Hes«ians. 
This event, which revived the despondent spirit of the Ameri- 
cans, was soon followed by his almost miraculous escape at 
Trenton, which turned to his own advantage, and termir nt^'d in 
the defeat of the enemy at.Princeton. These events revived the. 
hopes if not the confidence of the most despondent, and threw a 
shade of light over tiie dark prospect which prevailed. 

So small and inefficient, however, were the American forces, 
that Washington was unable to undertake any other enterprise; 
he retire(J to Morristown, where he remained during the winter, 
depending for his security, less on his numbers and strength, 
than the ignorance of General Howe of his weakness; which 
was so great, that at some periods he could not have mustered 
five hundred men fit for duty. 

Notwithstanding the successful affairs at Trenton and at 
Prince'on, the cause was considered still as nearly hopeless. — 
Nothing but a desperate cause could have occasioned or alTor- 
ded even the semblance of justification, for the extraordinary 
measures of Congress: it is only a desperate cause that requires 
desperate remedies. Congress conferred on Washington, su- 
preme authority in every thing which related to the conduct and 
management of the war; and not only so, hut to " arrest and 
ronfine persons who refused to take the continental currency- 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 447 

OT were otherwise disaffected to the American cause." To cre- 
ate a dictator, and to authorise him to arrest and imprison per- 
sons who refused to take a fictitious currency that they might 
conscientiously believe to be without value, and likewise to 
arrest those whom he might suspect^f disaffection, were truly 
desperate measures, and not vory consistent with the object in 
view; they afford the strongest evidence that congress regarded 
the cause as a forlorn one. Such was the condition of the coun- 
try, and the progress that had been made m the war, in the 
spring of 1777, when the Marquis De La Fayette arrived in 
America. His zea:l in the cause of liberty must have been fer- 
vent indeed, to induce him to forego so many flattering pros- 
pects at home, to engage in a contest so doubtful and discoura- 
ging, not to say desperate, and that contest not his own, or of 
his own country.^ 

At the opening of the spring campaign, Washington had but 
between four and five thousand men, whilst Gen. Howe had 
nearly thirty thousand: a fearful odds in a struggle for the inde- 
pendence and liberty of a country. The American troops were 
in want of every thing, and Washington had no money to pro- 
vide the necessary supplies: in this emergency Fayette pre- 
sented him with sixty thousand francs. Washington was greatly 
affected at such generosity. Howe, on retiring from the Jer- 
seys, took a station on Staten Island, and after various manatu- 
vres intended to deceive Washington as to his destination, sailed 
for the Chesapeake with a fleet of two hundred and fifty ships, 
and disembarked his troops, amounting to sixteen thousand, 
at the head of Elk River; from whence they marched toward 
the Brandywine on the route to Philadelphia. Washington, af- 
ter various marches and countermarches, in consequence of his 
perplexity as to the destination of Howe, as soon as he learnt 
of his arrival in the Chesapeake, marched his troops, amounting 
to about seven thousand, to oppose his progress. Supposing 
that the enemy would attempt to cross the Brandywine, at 
Chad's ford, he posted the main strength of his army at that 
place; whilst one thousand men occupied the opposite hill, on 
which a slight breastwork had been thrown up on the night of 



448 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE- 

Ihe 10th of iSeptember. On the morning of the 1 1th, by dawn 
of light, the British army advanced in two columns, the left 
imder Cornwallis, and the right under Knyphausen. The latter 
perceiving that he could notscross without dislodging the Amer- 
icans posted on the hill under General Maxwell, ordered a 
detachment to attack them, which Maxwell repulsed ; but the 
detachment being reinforced, and another party proceeding to 
attack his flank, the American General retreated and crossed the 
river with little loss, not being pursued by the enemy. The 
judicious dispositions made by Washington to prevent Cornwallis 
from crossing the ford, were countermanded in consequence of 
erroneous Information that the enemy was not marching in that 
direction ; by which means Cornwallis' division crossed without 
opposition, and the Americans were first informed of it, by the 
movements of the enemy, to turn their right flank under Gen. 
Sullivan. A short engagement ensued which resulted in the 
route of the Americans, who retreated in great confusion. Gen. 
Greene was despatched to the aid of Sullivan, and although he 
marched four miles in forty minutes, he arrived only in season 
to cover the retreat of the routed and flying troops. Taking 
advantage of the engagement of Cornwallis, Knyphausen 
crossed Chad's ford, and attacked Wayne and Maxwell on the 
opposite side of the stream, who were compelled to retire and 
abandon their batteries and cannon. 

Greene, who w^a* pursued by Cornwallis, made a stand at a 
defile about one mile from the scene of action ; the troops under 
his command consisted of Weedon's Virginia brigade, and Col. 
Stewarts' Pennsjlvania regiment. This narrow pass Greene 
was determined to defend; Cornwallis came up about an hour 
by sun, when a contest commenced which was terminated only 
by the darkness of the night. The action was fought with the 
most determined bravery on both sides : no troops ever behaved 
better, or displayed more cool intrepidity than the Americans 
under Greene who sustained the heat of the action. This ac- 
tion has become memorable from its being the first in which La 
Fayette was engaged, and the first in which he shed his blood in 
the cause ol liberty. He behaved with the coolness of an old 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 44*) 

reteran ; animated by his example, his brigade made a vigorous 
charge on the enemy, but was repulsed : he exerted himself to 
rally theni, and lead them again to the charge, but without 
success. He was in the hottest of the fight, and was wounded 
by a musket ball in the leg, but would not retire or dismount 
from his horse to have his wound dressed, but continued at his 
post during the whole engagement, and displayed the coolnesg, 
valor, and presence of mind of a veteran soldier. Several 
other celebrated foreigners were engaged in this battle ; among 
the number was the Polish Count, Pulaski, who carried off King 
Stanislaus from his capital: he so highly distinguished himself, 
that he was promoted by Congress to be commander of the cav- 
alry, and brigadier-general. About this period his still more 
distinguished countryman, the Polish patriot and hero, Kosci- 
usko, arrived in this country, also a volunteer in the cause of 
Liberty. At this time too, M. de Coudray, a French officer of 
eminent rank and talents, ae enthusiast in the cajse of Liberty, 
arrived in America, and who soon afterward was unfortunately 
drowned in attempting to ford the Schuylkill. La Fayette after 
the battle, was conveyed to Philadelphia, but on the advance of 
the enemy, he was obliged to retire to the mountains for security. 
The Baron de St. Ouary, a distinguished French officer, was 
taken prisoner. 

The result of this battle, considering the number and descrip- 
tion of troops engaged on both sides, the Americans being 
greatly inferior in both respects, could not furnish any just cause 
of exultation on the part of the British. Our loss in killed, 
wounded and prisoners exceeded twelve hundred ; and theirs 
amounted to about eight. The British, however, contrived to 
magnify its importance, and thus to multiply the number of its 
partizans throughout Pennsylvania, which increased the embar- 
rassments of the continental army, whilst it facilitated the plana 
of Howe. 

Washington retired to Chester, towards Philadelphia, where 
he rallied his forces, and intended still to dispute the entrance 
of the British into Philadelphia. Had the British general 

followed up his advantage', instead of remaining three dav?. 

57 



450 MARQUIS DE LA 1' AYETTE, 

the situation of the Americans would have been very critical^ 
and perliaps the contest have been decided ; he might easily have 
overtaken our army at Chester, before Washington had had 
time to rally his troops, or reinfoice ; or he might have pushed 
on and reached Philadelphia before him. But the evil genius 
of Howe concurred with the exertion and skill of Washington, 
for the salvation of America. The two armies again met on 
the 17th, near Warren Tavern, on the Lancaster road, and were 
again about to contest the possession of Philadelphia, with fear- 
ful odds, on the part of the British, who were flushed with recent 
victory. But that power who rides on the wind and directs the 
storm, had ordered otherwise ; a tremendous storm accompanied 
with torrents of rain, compelled the hostile parties to separate, 
a kw minutes after the commencement of the engagement. On 
the following day, Washington moved off towards Reading, order 
ing Wayne to remain in the rear of the enemy, who, on the night 
of the 20th, was surprised by a detachment of the enemy, and 
sustained a serious loss. 

Sir William Howe having succeeded by his manoeuvres and 
movements in drawing Washington to a distance from the city, 
suddenly crossed the Schuylkill, and entered Philadelphia in 
triumph on the 26th, without opposition. The congress had 
adjourned on the 1 8th, to Lancaster, and from thence they soon 
repaired to Yorktown. 

Washington moved with his army to Skippack Creek, about 
sixteen miles from Gernaantown ; where, being reinforced by 
2,500 men, on the 3d October, he advanced to attack th^ ene- 
my's encampment at Gerraa^town. Early on the morning of 
the 4th, the Americans commenced the attack: it was unexpected 
by the enemy, and our troops would probably have gained a 
decisive victory, had it n.ot been for the unfortunate detention 
of the main army, to attack Chew's s,tone house, into which a 
party of the enemy had retreated for refuge. While the main 
division of the army was thus detained, about what was of little 
or no consequence, as to the principal object, the enemy had 
time to make their dispositions; and the column under General 
Grecnei) came up and engaged the rj^ht wing of the enemy: a 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYHTTE. 45 [ 

^piriied contest ensued, in which the Americans for some time 
had the advantage. The contest was very hotly kept up for a 
considerable time ; but at length, the Americans were compelled 
to give way in every direction ; and as they were retreatinjr, 
Cornwallis came up with a squadron of horse, which routed and 
ihrew them into great confusion. Our loss was severe, amount- 
ing in liillcd, wounded, and prisjoners, to about eleven hundred ; 
among the killed, was General Nash, of North Carolina. The 
enemy's loss in killed and wounded was eight hundred. 

La Fayette, impatient of confinement, and anxious again to 
be in the iield, before his wound was healed, proceeded to join 
General Greene, in New Jersey. Having obtained the command 
of a small body of militia, in conjunction with Colonel Buller, 
who had a rifle corps of about the same number, on the 25lh of 
November, whilst attempting to reconnoitre the position of the 
enemy, he fell in with a detachment of i^bout three hundred 
men, consisting of Hessian and British Grenadiers. A spirited 
engagement immediately followed ; the enemy were soon routed 
and fled, with the loss of twenty or thirty killed, and a numbeF 
wounded, and were pursued to their camp. 

General Greene, in noticing this encounter, spoke in very 
flattering terms of La Fayette ; — "The Marquis, he observed, 
seemed to search for danger, and was charmed with the behaviour 
of his men." In his letter to Washington, La Fayette remarked : 
"I found the riflemen superior, even to their own high reputa- 
tion ; and the militia surpassed all <he expectations I could have 
formed of them." An account of this victory was transmitted 
to the congress, by Washington, who were so sensible of the 
merit of La Fayette, that they immediately promoted him to 
the command of a division. This consisted at first of twelve 
hundred young men, which was afterwards increased to two 
thousand. They were disciplined and instructed by their young 
general, who was so delighted with, and so diligent in attending 
to the duties of his new situation, that he scarcely allowed him- 
self time to sleep or refreshment. 

The troops under his immediate charge, formed a distinct 
corps, and were peculiarly his. They were not only formed and 



452 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

disciplined by him, but the soldiers were armed and equipped 
at his own expense; he also presented each officer with an ele- 
gant swcid and belt. These, and other acts of munificence in 
promoting the objects of the war, had reduced his funds so low 
that he was Under the necessity of sending to France for addi- 
tional supplies. His assiduity in the discharge of his duties, his 
attention to the wants of every soldier, his unbounded liberality, 
and his engaging manners, rendered him beloved and respected 
by almost every man under his immediate command. Although 
but a youth himself, he was literally the father of the troops he 
commanded, he was truly the soldier's friend. He has since de- 
clared that he never was so truly happy as when engaged in these 
delightful employments, and surrounded by his friends, a term of 
endearment which he applied to those under his immediate charge. 

Apparently trifling incidents often open the heart of a man, 
and unfold his dispositions more than great events. About this 
period a circumstance occurred too honorable to the heart of 
La Fayette, to be omitted. While inspecting the camp, he 
beheld a man wretched in his dress, and miserable and dejected, 
in his appearance, seated at the root of a tree, his face, covered 
with his hands, and his elbows resting on his knees; he seemed- 
an object of such deep melancholy and distress as attracted the 
attention of the general ; who, after listening for some moments 
to his sighs, inquired in that feeling and interesting manner so 
peculiar to him, the cause of his grief. The unhappy man re- 
plied that he had lately joined the army, leaving a young wife 
and two small children at home, who were entirely dependant on 
him for sustenance, and that the fears of their suffering during 
his absence, filled Ills heart with sorrow. La Fayette, after 
hearing his story, enquired his name and placeof residence, and 
told him not to grieve, as his f.unily should be provided for, 
which promise he neither forgot nor disregarded. 

The Americans had attempted to obstruct the navigation of 
the Delaware, by chevanx-de-frise, fire ships and forts, and to 
cut off the communication between the fleet and the army of the 
enemy, which would have rendered their situation at Philadel- 
phia very critical. The two Howes being sensible of this, made 



I 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 453 

exertions corresponding to the importance of the object, to open 
the navigation of the river. The most important of tliC forts, 
was that at Red Bank, which being attacked by (ifteen hundred 
Plessians, it was gallantly defended by Colonel Greene, who 
repulsed the assailants with immense loss, Colonel Donop, their 
commander, being himself mortally wounded and made prisoner, 
with many other officers. But for the darkness of the night, 
which covered their flight, the whole party would have fallen 
into the hands of the Americans. This distinguished conduct, 
was duly honored by Congress, and an elegant sword presented 
to Colonel Greene. 

But notwithstanding the failure of this attempt. Sir William 
Howe did not abandon the object of opening the navigation of 
the river ; but ordered an attack to be made on Fort Mifflin, on 
Mud Island, which was most gallantly and obstinately defended ; 
but after having sustained the fort for nearly two months against 
the daily attacks of thn enemy, it was abandoned on the 15th of 
November, the works being entirely destroyed, which left the 
garrison exposed to the tire of the enemy. Colonel Samuel 
Smith of Maryland, who commanded the garrison, received a 
sword from Congress, for his gallant conduct in the various 
assaults on Fort Mifflin ; two hundred and (ifty of the garrison 
were killed and wounded. Of all the works on the river, 
Fort Mercer alone remained ; it was intrusted to General 
Greene, who did every thing that could be done, to defend it ; 
but not receiving the expected reinforcements, it was abandoned 
in pursuance of the advice of a council f officers. After the 
fall of the forts, the vessels and galleys were obliged to be aban- 
doned. In these various conflicts, the Americans sustained 
severe losses ; the enemy also lost two ships of the line ; but 
they succeeded in obtaining the command of the river. 

Early in December, the British General marched from Phila- 
delphia to White Marsh, and manoeuvred to draw Washington 
into an engagement, but did not dare to attack him in his posi- 
sition, although the American troops were in the most deplorable 
condition ; in want of shoes, stockings, breeches and blankets. 
After some skirmishing, the enemy returned to the city, where 



4-54 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, 

he found very snug winter quarters. His adversary having re» 
tired, Washington removed with his arnny to Vafley Forge, a 
place uniting ahnost every advantage, where he took up his 
winter quarters, about sixteen miles from Philadelphia. 

Thus terminated the campaign of 1777, which commenced 
under such favourable auspices on the part of the British, with 
such ample memis, and from which the enemies of America, 
both at home and in England, had expected so much. The 
ipossession of a city abandoned by a considerable part of its 
inhabitants, and the submission of the surrounding country for 
fifteen miles in extent, were the only results of a campaign, 
which, after great expectation and immense expense, was to 
prostrate the power and hopes of America, and teach the rebels 
hetter manners, and convince them by the argumentum baculinum 
— conviction per force, of the omnipotence of parliament, and 
its authority to bind the Americans in ail cases whatsoever. 

The British had not been defeated ; they had not been disap- 
pointed by not receiving expected reinforcements, or by the 
failure of the co-operation of their fleet; their exertions had 
not been paralyzed, and their plans frustrated by any adverse 
occurrence, that was out of the contingencies whix:h fairly be- 
long to the operations and events of war. Neither had they 
been opposed by a numerous force, or one well disciplined and 
supplied with every thing calculated to render it efficient. Why 
then did they accomplish so little, and what were the difficulties 
with which they had to contend? The want of energy in 
the British commander, may have been one reason of this fail- 
ure; but the principal causes existed in the nature of the con- 
test; and the jnany obstacles which attend the conquest of a 
people contending for their liberty, and animated by a spirit 
which such a cause is calculated to inspire. Had the people 
been united, the British would have found much more formida- 
ble obstacles to contend with; but instead of this, the country 
was distracted with dissensions, two great parties dividing pub- 
lic opinion; the tories were not only opposed to the revolution, 
but formed a local and active auxiliary force, to co-operate 
with the enemy ; this party in the middle states comprised no 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 455 

anall portion of the men of property; jealousies and coldness 
also prevailed among the whigs; and a spirit of monopoly and 
cupidity having sprung up, motives' of gain prevailed over sen- 
timents of patriotism, and men of wealth engaged in ruinous 
speculations: all these causes tended to embarrass and paralyze 
the endeavors of congress and the commander. Congress 
had not the power to command the little resources the country 
possessed ; was without money and without credit, and the army 
in want of every thing. If, with all these embarrassments and 
obstacles, the enemy was able to effect no more, what would he 
have accomplished if the people had been united and under an 
efficient government? 

The American army remained undisturbed in their quarters 
at Valley Forge, but sixteen miles from Philadelphia, the more 
comfortable quarters of the enemy, although barefoot, and al- 
most literally naked, and greatly inferior in numbers to the 
British. In this destitute condition of the American troops. La 
Fayette, at his own expense, procured many articles to supply 
the most distressing wants of the soldiers. He was too much 
the soldier's friend to be satisfied to be himself j)ossessing every 
enjoyment, whilst the troops were suffering the; severest priva- 
tions. To relieve the distresses of the army, and assume the 
appearance of confidence and cheerfulness, Washington and 
the officers encouraged pastimes and amusennents, and took a 
part in them themselves. From the conciliatory deportment, 
the pleasing manners, from his regard for the rights of the sol- 
diers, and his unbounded Kb^rality, the examfde and exertions 
©f no one, except the con;imander-in-chief, had more influence 
than those of La Fayette. Washingtou and tihe other officers, 
invited their ladies to their quarters, to partake in tlieir festivi- 
ties, and by their presence, to enliven the dulln ess of the scene; 
by their vivacity andspnghtliness,.to spread a charm of gaiety 
and pleasure over the haggard features of wj ir, and the suffer- 
ings and gloom of the camp-— that in these trai isient enjoyments, 
past distresses might be forgotten, present suf ferings alleviated, 
and future prospects brightened. These patriotic women, 
whilst they felt a deep ajixiety for the safetj of their husbands 



456 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE- 

and friends, engaged in a contest for life and liberty with such 
unequal means, suppressed their uneasiness, and assuming the 
appearance of cheerfulness and joy themselves, did every thing 
in their power to impart these feelings to others, and give an 
appearance, at least, of pleasure and gaiety to the scene. Their 
patriotic motives and example were worthy the highest praise, 
and will compare with the most distinguished matrons of the 
ancient republics of Greece or Rome. Daring the winter, 
Washington caused the whole army to be innoculated with the 
smallpox, which was conducted with such secresy that the 
British were not informed of it until the whole operation was 
ended. The sufferings of the army were inconceivably severe 
during the rigorsof the winter; being not only destitute of cloth- 
ing;, but often of provisions. At one period the commissary de- 
livered the last ration in his possession^, and fiom want of mate- 
rials to raise their barracks from the ground,, the damp struck 
through th.eir straw beds, which produced a contagious and 
mortal disease, to which the soldiers were the miserable victims. 
But the army bore all these sufferings with fortitude and pa- 
tience, if not without complaint. The commissioners appointed 
by congress to examine the condition of the armj, reported that 
nothing could exceed their sufferings, except the patience with 
which they supported them. 

To add to these difficulties, jealousy and envy had produced 
secret enemies to the commander-in-chief, who, by plots and in- 
trigues, attempted to deprive him of the confidence of the ar- 
my and of the people, and thus, if not to strip him of his power, 
at least tocastajshade over the lustre of his well earned fame 
There were others, whom charity requires us to believe, hon- 
estly entertained fears that Washington, after establishing 
the independence of the country, like Caesar or Cromwell, 
would assume sovereign power himself. The jealous spirit of 
the times, and the unlimited authority conferred on him by con- 
gress, favored these unworthy suspicions, which, had they not 
been allayed, might have proved so fatal in their consequences. 
No one was more active or successful in his exertions to allay 
them, and satisfy (the public mind, than General La Fayette. 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE- 157 

Being a foreign nobleman of a princely fortune, no one could 
suspect him of harboring designs hostile to the liberties of 
America, and from the sacrifices he had made in her cause, gene- 
ralconfidence was reposed in his integrity. From his situation 
with relation (o Washington, being his confidential friend and 
adopted son, to whom he unbosomed his most secret thoughts, 
he possessed great personal influence, which was exerted in a 
judicious and efficacious manner. So disinterested a patriot, 
who had poured out his blood and his treasure in the cause of 
American liberty, was listened to when he spoke in vindication 
of the character of Washington, whose inmost thoughts he knew ; 
whose heart was opened to him. His exertions contributed 
greatly to soothe the feelings and allay the jealousies which 
had disclosed themselves, and threatened to produce the most 
alarming consequences. 

Those who suppose that it was with his sword only that Fay- 
ette served America, are greatly mistaken. It is not only for 
his exertions in the field, and the blood spilt in our service, that 
we are indebted to this distinguished patriot; but still more for 
his wisdom, his counsels, his treasure and unexampled munifi- 
cence, and most of all, for his extensive personal influence, 
both in France and America, which was exerted to the utmost, 
to advance the interest of that cause in which h€ had so heroic- 
ally and patriotically engaged. 

The energy of mind, the unshaken firmness, and unwearied 
exertions of Washington, enabled him to sustain himself under 
all the difficulties which surrounded him. Reduced as his ar- 
my was, and a large portion of what renaained, from sickness and 
privations, unfit for duty, nothing but the commanding position 
he had chosen, and the vigilance with which his camp was 
guarded, could have secured him against attack, situated in the 
vicinity of an opposing army of nearly twenty thousand strong, 
well armed and equipped, and possessing all the means of war. 

58 



(4o8) 



CHAPTER III. 

G'oiisequciice!- oT the, fortunate termination of the campaign in tlie north — 
Treaty with France — La Fayette appointed to command an enpeditioB 
Hgainst Canada — it is given up — His successfuj retreat from Beacon hill, near 
Philadelphia — He challenges Lord Carlisle — Enterprise against Phodt Isl- 
and, and conduct of La Faye tte — He returns to France — is received with 
great joy and respect — exerts his influence with the government to induce 
it to afford more ample assistance to America, sails again for the United 
States. 

If little glory or advantage had been acquired in the cann- 
paign in the middle states, that in the north had been still more 
unfortunate. Commenced with high hopes, which were still 
more inflated by flattering circumstances of success that at- 
tended its early operations, it terminated on the plains of Sarato- 
ga most gloriously to the American arms, and most advanta- 
geously to the cause in which she was engaged, but to the inex- 
pressible disappointment and mortification of Britain. An army 
of ten thousand men, veteran and experienced troops, under an 
able and enterprising commander, well equipped and provided, 
opposed only by a greatly inferior fcrce of regulars and the 
militia of the country, inspired the highest expectation. Such 
an army, with such a leader, it was believed would march 
through a country destitute of fortresses, and so feebly defended, 
without difficulty and without danger. It was expected to 
compel the submission of all the northern part of the state of 
New- York, and by forming a junction with the forces of Sir 
Henry Clinton, on the Hudson, establish the authority of Bri- 
tain over the entire state of New-York, so important from its 
position, and in every other respect. 

But this formidable army and array of power, and all the 
hopes depending on them, were annihilated in a few months. 
The sun of Burgoyne's glory, which rose with such brightness, 
was soon overcast with clouds, and set in darkness and in blood. 
It is thus the hopes of man perish ! On the seventeenth of Oc- 
tober, '77, the remains of General Burgoyne's army, amounting 



MA.RQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 459 

then to nearly six thousmid men, was surrendered to the A men 
icans, under the command of General Gates. 

This was the most important event since the commencement 
of the war, and gave the first serious shock to British power in 
America. It was not the capture of six thousand men, and the 
withdrawal of that force from the troops employed by the ene- 
my, that gave importance to this victory; this loss to the British 
army might easily be suppHed; but it was the moral influence 
of this victory, not only in America, but in Europe, which gave 
it its importance. It revived the hopes of the Americans, and 
inspired fresh confidence; it increased the respect and authori- 
ty of Congress, animated the continental armies, and gave ac- 
tivity to the recruiting service. But its influence abroad was 
scarcely less important than at home; it decided the policy of 
France, and enabled the American Commissioners to conclude 
a treaty of amity and alliance with her, which they had been 
endeavoring to effect since 1776. This treaty, which had so 
important a bearing on the American revolution, was concluded 
on the 6th of February, 1778, by Count de Vergeniies, on the 
part of France, and Dr. Franklin, Arthur Lee, and Silas Deane, 
on the part of the United States. 

Utitil the capture of Burgoyne's army, France had not suffi- 
cient confidence in the ultimate success of the Americans, to be 
induced, by all the exertions of Franklin and his associates, as- 
sisted by the influence of La Fayette and his friends in France, 
to openly acknowledge the mdependence of the United States; 
but the destruction of an army of ten thousand men, inspired 
such reliance on the firmness and ability of America, to main- 
tain the character she had assumed, that France not only ac- 
knowledged her independence, but agreed to become herself a 
party in the war. Immediately after the conclusion of the 
treaty, the American Commissioners were presented to the king, 
and Dr. Franklin accredited as Minister Plenipotentiary of the 
United States to the Court of France. 

The news of the treaty with France, filled America with joy; 
it animated the heart of the patriot, and nerved the arm of the 
warrior. From the zeal of La Fayette in the cause of American 



460 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

liberty, and from his long continued exertions and anxiety, w 
induce his native France to afford her assistance, no one rejoiced 
more sincerely at this heart-cheering intelligence, than this dis- 
interested patriot. Being one of the first who received the 
news, he could not forego the pleasure of being the bearer 
hinrjself of so agreeable intelligence to the commander-in-chief, 
who immediately ordered the troops to be assembled in brigades, 
the treaty to be read, prayer and thanksgiving to be publicly 
offered up to that being who "turneth the hearts of the kings as 
the rivers are turned." This was followed by a general dis- 
charge of cannon, which resounded through the camp, accompa- 
nied with every other demonstration of joy. At a given signal, 
the whole army cried out at once, Long live the king of Fiance? 
In the admiration and gratitude manifested towards France, La 
Fayette came in for a share; crowd? gathered around him^ and 
vied with each other in expressing their congratulations on the 
occasion, and their sense of the importance of I lis exertions and 
influence in producing this long desired connexion between the 
two countries. 

A plan had been formed in conjunction with La Fayette and 
Mr. Gerard, the French minister, for the conquest of Canada. 
Dr. Franklin was instructed to lay this plan before the court of 
France, a co-operation on her part being expected. This pro- 
ject originated with the French minister, and has been supposed 
to have had other objects in view, than to aid the cause of the 
United States. That the recovery of her lost possessions in 
America, was an object that France looked upon, as a possible 
result from the struggle for the establishment of the indepen- 
dence of the United States, is neither unreasonable or improba- 
ble. But that tliis enterprise was proposed (o deceive the United 
States, and divert their forces to an object no way interesting to 
ihem, or that it was conceived without regard to their interests 
is a position that is unsupported. But, however this may be, 
the character of the Marquis de La Fayette, his high sense of 
honor, the zeal which he had manifested in the cause of Ameri- 
ca, his chivalrous spirit and ardent love of glory, forbid any 
suspicion that he was acquainted with any such ultimate designs 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 46 1 

an the part of France, as have been suggested, if any such were 
entertained ; he acted from more noble and exalted feelings; the 
hope of acquiring miUtary fame, and advancing the cause of 
independence and liberty. 

Early in the year '78, the Marquis proceeded, by the direc- 
tion of Washington, to Albany, where a force was collecting 
for carrying into execution the enterprise against Canada. The 
plan of operation was to proceed from that place with a suita- 
ble force, pass the lakes on the ice and seize on Montreal and 
St. John's. Various expedients had been devised to overcome 
the obstacles of the enterprise; but on Fayette's arrival at Al- 
bany, he found neither men, ammunition or provisions adequate 
to the undertaking. From the dilatory movements in making 
the preparations for the expedition, it was so much delayed that 
a thaw supervened, which with other obstacles occasioned its 
abandonment. The ardor of youth and love of glory, with the 
temptation of an independent command, so flattering to a young 
officer, did not warp the judgment of La Fayette, and lead him 
to pursue an enterprise, under such circumstances as that it 
could scarcely have avoided a disastrous termination. With 
the foresight of age, and the wisdom of experience, the youthful 
hero abandoned the expedition; and congress was so satisfied 
with the prudence and propriety of this measure, that they ex- 
pressed their approbation of his conduct by a vote of thanks. 

To improve the occasion to the best advantage, which the 
news of the treaty with France presented, congress prepared 
"An address to the inhabitarjts of the United States of Ameri- 
ca," which, in addition to being published in all the Gazettes, 
was ordered to be read from the pulpit by every minister of the 
gospel in the country. This state paper contained an eloquent 
appeal to the patriotism of the people, which was invoked by 
every principle of honor, justice and interest. And in the warmth 
and liberality of feeling which the occasion had excited, con- 
gress adopted a resolution, granting half-pay for hfe, to all offi- 
cers who should serve during the war. This resolution became 
a fruitful source of uneasiness and difficulty as it respected the 
army and the people ; the grant was afterward commuted to fuK 
pay for five years. 



462 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

Tie favorable impulse which had been given to public opio 
ion in ? e United States, by the capture of Burgoyne, wa» 
greatly increased by the treaty of amity and alliance with 
France, and the expected co-operation of that power in the war. 
Confidence was restored, and a spirit of patriotism revived; ac- 
tivity was exhibited in the recruiting service, and the zeal ard 
patriotism of individuals led to the most honorable exertions to 
provide ways and means for provisioning the army. A large 
fund was raised by subscription in Philadelphia, to encourage 
the recruiting service, and to reward such as might distinguish 
themselves by their exertions to fill up the ranks of the army. A 
society was formed and a subscription set on foot, which produ- 
ced nearly two hundred thousand pounds sterling, that constitu- 
ted a fund or stock for provisioning the army. The ladies of 
Philadelphia on this occasion were not behind the men in patri- 
otism and zeal in the cause of their country. They formed contri- 
bution societies,and the example of the metropolis being followed 
by the rest of the state, more than 1 50,000 dollars were collected 
and forwarded to the army. To their great honor, many con- 
tributed their jewels, and other valuable superfluities, to supply 
the wants and add to the comforts of the soldiers who were 
fighting for their protection and the liberties of the country. 

In May '78, Sir William Howe, having requested permission 
to return to England, was succeeded in the command of the 
British army, by Sir Henry Clinton; who, on the 18th of the 
month, gave a brilliant entertainment, which lasted 1 2 hours. 
General Washington, whose arm)ihad been considerably rein- 
forced, on learning this fact, ordered General La Fayette to 
proceed from the head quarters of the army at Valley Forge, 
and attack the enemy, should an opportunity offer. Accordingly, 
with a detachment of 2,500 men, he crossed the Schuylkill, and 
took a position on Beacon H-U, about twelve miles in advance 
of the American camp. Here he intended to pass the night and 
walch the enemy's movements, and take advantage of any cir- 
cumstance which might favor his designs. But Sir Henry Clin- 
ton being informed of this movement, ordered General Grant 
with three thousand troops to surprise La Fayette, and cut oft" 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 463 

his retreat: and the Marquis being ignorant of this 'movement, 
General Grant, by a circuitous route, succeeded in taking a posi- 
tion about two miles in the rear of La Fayette. At the same 
time, a large force marched from Philadelphia, to attack him 
in front. His situation was critical, and General Grant consid- 
ered his destruction as certain ; and had he had the precaution 
to have secured Matron Fort, a post on the Schuylkill, he 
would probably have been correct. But the Marquis perceiving 
the enemy marching to attack him, both in front and in rear, 
aware of their design, filed off his troops in good order, and 
moved with such rapidity as to reach Mation Fort, a distance of 
about one mile, and to pass the river before the enemy came 
up. Although the success of this retreat is in some measure 
attributable to the oversight of the enemy; yet the conduct of 
the Marquis was such as would have done honor to the most 
experienced general. It is one of the highest attributes of a 
skilful general, to be able promptly to take advantage o< every 
ciicumstance which may favor his plans, especially in extrica- 
ting himself from unexpected difhculties. The loss of so con- 
siderable a portion of the American army, at the time when the 
campaign was about to open, would have been a very serious 
embarrassment to the intetided operations. The salvation of 
the American troops therelore, by the address and skill of La 
Fayette, excited great joy, and his own conduct much admira- 
tion and applause; and with no one more thau Washington, 
who received the young hero with every mark of satisfaction. 
Early in«J[une, the British comnjiirioners, the Earl of Carlisle, 
Mr. I^jjellf and Governor Johnsto; e, arrived at Philadelphia, 
with authority to negotiate a perce between Britain and the 
United States. Sir Henry Clinton was also joined in the com- 
mission, and the celebrated Dr. Ferguson was its secretary. 
An attempt was immediately made to open a negotiation; but 
Washington refused a passport to the secretary, which compel- 
led the commissioners to have recourse fo correspondence. Their 
first letter was very complimentary to Congress, and expressed 
a willingness to make every concession, short of acknowledging 
the independence of the United States. Congress replied with 



464 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. • 

great firmness and dignity through their President, that they 
could not negotiate as the subjects of his Britannic Majesty, and 
that, however desirous they were for peace, the recognition of 
the independence of the United States, must be a preliminary 
step to any negotiation. The commissioners, in their answer 
said, that they had already admitted a degree of independence^ 
and that they were disposed to go farther, if Congress would 
communicate to them the powers with which they were author- 
ised to treat with foreign nations. To this artful communica- 
tion. Congress believed that they consulted their dignity best 
by their silence: and thus the negotiation ended. 

Having failed in their attempt at outwitting Congress by their 
diplomatic arts, the commissioners had recourse to the most 
shameful attempts at corruption. A direct bribe of ten thousand 
pounds sterling, was offered to Mr. Reed, if he would further the 
views of the commissioners. Mr. Reed's reply was worthy a 
true patriot and of the times that tried men's integrity: "although 
I hardly consider myself, (said he) worth purchasing, yet the 
King of Britain is not rich enough to doit." The next attempt 
was made on Robert Morris and Francis Dana, with the same 
success. The commissioners soon found that 'British gold' was 
as little efficacious as British arms in reducing America. The 
commissioners in their communications made several offensive 
insinuations respecting the intentions and policy of France. — 
This met the decided disapprobation of Congress, offended the 
people, and so exasperated La Fayette, that he conceived him. 
self bound to challenge Lord Carlisle, president of the board of 
commissioners; which he accordingly did, leaving tlMliyi the 
choice of arms. This step, which, under other circumstances, 
might have been regarded as the bravado of a rash and pre- 
sumptuous young man, was well approved of, and was not en- 
tirely useless. As commissioner, Lord Carlisle could not 
accept the challenge, and it was properly declined. The com- 
missioners having rendered themselves odious, and from the 
general feeling toward them, this procedure of La Fayette 
was gratifying to the public mind, and contributed in some 
measure, to lessen the importance of the commissioners, in 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 4G5 

the eyes of the common people. The spirited manner, in 
which the Marquis had resented Che intimation that France was 
actuated by selfiah and dishonorable views, in her conduct 
towards the United States, seemed to confirm the confidence 
of the people in their allies ; and the readiness with which he 
offered to expose his life in every way, to serve the American 
cause, tended to raise his reputation for courage, and increase 
his popularity and influence. Apprehending a fleet and an aux- 
iliary force from France, secret orders had been sent out by one 
of the commissioners to Sir Henry Clinton, for him to evacuate 
Philadelphia, and return to New York with his army, with as 

little delay as possible. He accordingly prepared to obey the 
order, and soon was ready to move. 

"Washington, as soon as he became sensible of the enemy's 
intention of abandoning Philadelphia, called a council of the 
officers, to consider the expediency of inviting a general engpge- 
ment, which, as he could bring near eleven thousand men into 
the field, he thought advisable. Bu.t his officers determined 
otherwise, and Washington for a few days yielded to their 
advice. He however, in the mean time, sent Morgan, with 600 
men, to reinforce General Maxwell's brigade, with orders to 
obstruct the progress of the enemy as much as possible through 
the Jerseys; while he himself with the main army moved towards 
Corryell's Ferry, that he might be ready to seize any advanta- 
geous opportunity that might offer for a general attack. The 
progress of Clinton, encumbered as he was with an enormous 
quantity of heavy baggage, was necessarily slow — for ia 
addition to the usual baggage aud provision for such an army, 
he had provided against the possibility of suffering in case of 
unexpected delays in his march, by a store of provisions suffi- 
cient to have lasted him for a month ; so that his baggage wag- 
ons, horses, and carts, resembled the suite of an army of a 
hundred thousand men, and covered almost as great an extent 
of ground. Upon reaching Mount Holly, Clinton, contrary to 
the expectation of Washington, took the road towards Sandy- 
Hook, instead of keeping to the left towards the Raritan, and 
thus induced Washington to suppose that his object was to draw 

§9 



4^^ MAliQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

him into an engagement in the flat country, and then by a rapid 
change of motion to pursue the route to Brunswick. But 
Clinton was neither anxious to seek nor to avoid an engagement; 
he had chosen that route, most probably because he thought it 
possible that General Gates might form a junction with Wash- 
ington at Raritan, and thus cut off his retreat. Whatever 
might have been his object, Washington was for a time deceived 
by it ; but the moment he discovered that Clinton meant to 
pursue his course to the sea coast, he determined not to let him 
escape without battle. 

With this view, he dispatched a body of troops under the 
Marquis de La Fayette, with orders to approach and harass the 
enemy's rear, while he moved on with the main army to his 
support. Clinton, supposing from this measure that Washing- 
ton's object was simply to cut off his baggage, placed his whole 
train of incumbrances in the front, under the orders and protec- 
tion of General Knyphausen, and remained himself with the 
main body of his army, to check the attempts of the Marquis 
de La Favette. This made it necessary for Washington to send 
a larger force to the aid of the Marquis^ and two brigades being 
ordered to join him, the whole force was placed under the 
commard of Major General Lee. Clinton, with his whole army 
lay at Monmouth, a few miles from the heights of Middletown ; 
it was important therefore that the attack should be made before 
he could reach so advantageous a position. At day-light on the 
morning of the 28th, General Knyphausen moved on from Mon- 
mouth with the baggage, while Sir Henry with the elite of the 
armv, raaintaii)ed his p.tsition until eight o'clock. Upon receiv- 
ing intelligfnc of this movement, Washington sent orders to 
Lee at Eiiglishtown, seven miles from Mcnmouth, to march on 
to the attack of the British rear, unless there should appear 
^^ very powerful reasons''' to deter him— giving him information at 
the same time, that he was approaching to his support. 

Lee lost no time in putting his troops in motion, and by the 
time he had advanced witliin a few miles of Monmouth, he dis-- 
covered that Clinton was also in nrotion, and advancing to meet 
hira,Gen. Grayson, with the twQ brigades of Scotland Varnum 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 467 

led the van of Lee's division, and were soon joined by thcT 
Marquis de La Fayette. The whole party seemed to be at a 
loss to understand the movements of the enemy, and continued 
to pass and repass the ravines which every where intersect this 
part of the country. In this state of indecision, Cornwallis, 
who led the van of the enemy, made a furious charge with his 
dragoons upon the Marquis de La Fayette, and drove him back 
in some confusion. — Lee, in the mean time under supposition 
that Cornwallis was detached from the main army, made a feint 
of retreating, that he might draw the general after him ; but 
one of his officers, General Scott, who had underhim the greater 
part of Lee's forces, misunderstood the orders, and actually 
retreated. Thi^ obliged Lee to follow until he could overtake 
him, the army hanging upon his rear. In this situation, he was 
met by Washington, who, vexed at a supposed disobedience of 
his orders, accosted him with rather more vehemence than the 
hot temper of Lee could brook; he refused to explain his con- 
duct, and a warm altercation ensued. 

Washington, now himself at the head of the army, moved on 
to battle, and a general action was soon brought on which lasted 
through the whole of one of the hottest days in summer. 

Lee, who had been ordered again to lead the van, met the 
whole shock of the British advance, which he sustained with 
his usual gallantry until so closely pursued by the British horsey 
that his troops gave way, and he was again.compelled to retreat; 
which he did with the most perfect order and coolness. Before 
the retreat of Lee, General Greene moved up with his division, 
and in conjunction with General Wayne, took such a position 
that the British gave way, and retired behind a defile; where 
before any disposition could be made to attack them, night 
came on and both armies drew off from the contest. 

No advantage was gained to either party by this hard fought 
battle; nor was the loss very great on either side. The British 
left on the field two hundred and forty-nine^ who were afterward 
buried by our men, besides those that were buried by their own 
men during the night — and forty-four wouoded. Among their 
killed was Lieutenant Colonel Monckton, an officer of consid- 
erable distinction. 



468 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

The Americans lost 69 killed, and 160 wounded. Amon<y 
fg the killed, were Lieutenant Colonel Bonnor, and Major Dick- 
man. Many of the soldiers of both armies fejl dead upon the 
field, from excess of fatigue and heat. 

Washington lay upon his arms all night, expecting to renew 
the attack in the morning; but Sir Henry Clinton disappointed 
hiin by moving oflf at midnight with his whole arnhy; and as 
Washington, though he might very justly claim the victory, was 
not in a situation to pursue him over the deep sands of Jersey, 
he continued his route without further molestation to New York. 
Washington, after refreshing his wearied troops, and providing 
as far as possible for the comfort of the wounded, moved on at 
his leisure towards the Hudson."* 

Lord Howe had scarcely left the Delaware, with the British 
fleet, before Count D'Estaing, with a much superior force, ap- 
peared on the coast of Virginia, and in a few days came into 
the mouth of the Delaware. His object was to have surprised 
the British fleet at Philadelphia; and had not his voyage been 
prolonged by bad weather, he could hardly have failed of doing 
it: had he arrived ten days earlier, the enemy's fleet, and pro- 
bably their army must have fallen. The Count D'Estaing hav- 
ing set on shore M. Gerard, the French minister, sailed for New 
York, and on the 11th day of July commenced the blockade of 
the British fleet in that harbor. He made several attempts to 
enter the harbor, but could not get his large ships over the bar; 
a great number of English vessels, loaded with provisions and 
other stores for the army, which daily arrived, fell into his 
hands. On the 22d he sailed for Newport, to co-operate with 
the American troops for the reduction of the British force on 
Rhcde Island. The enemy had 6,000 men on Rhode Island 
under Gen. Prgot, which had remained there since December, 
'76. Washington had formed a plan of fitting out an expedi- 
tion to Rhode Island, to destroy the enemy's forces there, which 
was entrusted to General Sullivan: La Fayette with two thou- 
sand men was ordered on the expedition to reinforce GeneraJ, 



*Allens'6 RcvoljjtioD. 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 4^ 

Sulhvan. On the 8th of August the French fleet entered the 
harbor of Newport, the British having previously, and to pre- 
vent their faUing into the hands of the French, burned and sunk 
six vessels that lay in the harbor. On the follow^ing day, Lord 
Howe made his appearance not far from Point Judith, with 
his squadron, considerably increased. Count D'Estaing being 
informed of this, immediately sailed in pursuit, with a view to 
bring him to action; but the tempestuous state of the weather 
frustrated the efforts of both fleets, and after three days, during 
which the storm lasted, each party seemed satisfied to leave the 
great question of superiority undecided. The moment that 
Count D'Estaing left the harbor, General Sullivan embarked 
with his troops, at Tiverton, for Rhode Island, but from the un- 
favorableness of the weather, it was eight days before he could 
bring himself before the enemy. He was sensible that all his 
hopes of success depended on the co-operation of Count D'Es- 
taing, and as he manifested no intention of returning into the har- 
bor, General Sullivan deputed General Greene and the Marquis 
de La Fayette, to visit the count, and request his immediate return 
into the harbor. He seemed walling himself to do this, but his 
officers unanimously opposed it, and urged his proceeding im- 
mediately to Boston to refit, agreeably to his instructions; and 
not having firmness enough to resist their united opinion, he ac- 
cordingly sailed for Boston. General Greene and La Fayette 
returned, much dissatisfied with the result of their mission. 
The conduct of the French officers excited loud and general dis- 
approbation with the Americans; and a formal protest, signed 
by all the American officers, except La Fayette, was drawn up, 
against the conduct of the French admiral, in abandoning the 
expedition, at a time, when, with his co-operation they had 
every reason to expect success ; which was represented as de- 
rogatory to the honor of France. This produced no other eflTect 
than a spirited reply from the Count. 

It was no sooner known that Count D'Estaing had sailed to 
Boston, than the militia and volunteers began to move off, and 
in a few days General Sullivan found his force so reduced, that 
it became necessary to abandon his original design, and prepare 



470 MAHQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

for evacuating the Island. On the 28th a council of war wa? 
held, at which it was determined to retire to the northern ex- 
tremity of the island, and to remain there long enough to make 
a further effort to induce the French admiral to return with hie 
squadron. In effecting this movement, a severe action was 
brought on, between a part of the American armj* under Gen. 
Greene, consisting of about 1200 men, and four British regi- 
ments and a party of Hessians. The engagement lasted all the 
afternoon of the 29th, and terminated without any great advan- 
tage to either party. General Sullivan, closely pursued by two 
0' large detachments of the enemy's troops, conducted the retreat 
with great ability and success. The rear guard, that covered 
the retreat, receiving a reinforcement, turned the attack on the 
enemy, aud reputed them with a loss of between two and three 
hundred men. 

In the mean time the Marquis de La Fayette had been des- 
patc'ted to Boston, to make another eifort to induce the French 
admiral to return with the fleet. Such was his ardor and ex- 
pedition, that he arrived in Boston, a distance of seventy miles, 
in seven hours. He had a Jong interview with the admiral and 
oflicers, in which he left no means untried to induce him to 
return with his fleet, but without effect. The officers of the 
squadron refused to depjirt from their -tirst determination, and 
ihe Marquis was again mortified by the failure of a second at- 
tempt to p<rsuade his countrymen to afford that assistance to 
the Americans, which the latter considered they had a right to 
expect. The Count, ho vever, was so far influenced by his re- 
presentations, that! coffered himwhat land forces he could spare, 
to co-operate with the American troops on Rhode Island. 

La Fayette returned from Boston in about six hours and a 
half, and arrived near midnight on (he 30th of August, at the 
very time the American Army was retreating. He was disap- 
pointed and mortified on learning that an action had taken place 
the day before, as he expected to nave got back in season to take 
a part in it. He, however, had an opportunity to assist in con- 
ducting the retreat, and was assii^ned to comn;and the troops 
that were to recover the retreating army. This difficult service 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, 47 1 

lie performed with such coolness, intrepidity and address, that 
he did not sustain tlie loss of a single maa. The details of this 
skilful and masterly retreat, were recorded at length in the 
public registers. 

The zeal the Marquis had shown for the interests of the Uni- 
ted States, the sacrifice of feeling he made by repairing to Bos- 
ton, at the time when an aciion was momentarily expected, and 
the courage and ability with which he conducted the retreat 
after his return, gave great satisfaction to Congress,who testified 
the same by the following resolution: 

^^ Resolved, That the President be requested to inform the 
Marquis de La Fayette, that Congress have a proper sense of 
the sacrifice he made of his personal feelings, in reparing to 
Boston to promote the interest of the States, at a time when he 
momentarily expected an opportunity of distinguishing himself 
in (he field; and that the bravery which he displayed on bis re- 
turn to Rholde-Island, when the greater part of the army had 
already effected its retreat, together with the ability with which 
be withdrew the picquets and advanced posts, merits the unqual- 
ified approbation of this Assembly." 

This resolution was accompanied by the following letter from 
Mr. Henry Laurens, President of the Congress, to the Marquis 
de La Fayette, Mfijor-General in the United States army. 

Philadelphia^ lith Oct. 1778. 

Sir — I feel a pcuHar pleasure in fulfilling the instructions 
implied by a resolution of Congress, passed on the 9th instant, 
and lifrewith enclosed, expressing the sentiments of the Repre- 
sentatives of the United States with regard to your conduct 
during the recent expedition undertaken against Rhode-Isl- 
and. 

" You will but render, sir, an act of justice to Congress, by 
regarding this testimonial as a tribute of respect and gratitude, 
offered by airee people to one who has rendered them essential 
services. I have the honor." &;c. 

The following is the Marquis's reply. 

Head-Quarters, ^3d Oc/. 1778. 

^ Sir— I hare tfeis insta^it received the letter which you did 



472 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

me the favor to write, under date of the 13th instant, in which 
you inforu) me of the honor which Congress has deemed fit to 
confer on me, by its very flattering resolution. Proud as 1 am 
of such distinguishing approbation, I am not the less grateful to 
find that my efforts have been, in a measure, regarded as useful 
to a cause, in which I have taken so deep and so lively an inter- 
est. Be pleased, sir, to present to Congress my unfeigned and 
heartfelt thanks, accompanied with the assurances of my sincere 
attachment, the only homage which is worthy of being offered 
to the representatives of a free people. 

" From the moment I first heard the name of America,! be- 
gan to love her; from the moment I understood that she was 
struggling for her liberties, I burned to (Shed my best blood in 
her glorious cause; and the days I shall devote to the service of 
America, wherever and whenever it may be, will constitute the 
happiest of my life. Yet I never so ardently desired, as I do 
now, to deserve the generous sentiments with which these states 
and their representatives have honored me: tind the flattering 
confidence which they have so freely reposed in me, has filled 
my breast with the most lively gratitude, and the most lasting 
affection." 

With the expedition on Rhode-Island, ended the campaign of 
'78, being the first after the alliance with France, in which noth- 
ing was gained to either party. Several unfortunate contingen- 
cies, and the skill and gallantry of Lord Howe, although posses- 
sing only an inferior force, prevented the Count D'Estaing from 
rendering us any important service. But the arrival of the 
French fleet was by no means without its advantage; it not only 
afforded unequivocal assurance of the friendship of France, but 
also that she felt so far interested in the contest, as to be willing 
to become, in some measure, a party to the war, or at least to as- 
sume a portion of the burdens of it, by assisting in carrying it 
on. TJiis consideration seemed to animate our armies and the 
people,and to keep up a spirit of activity in our resistance. 

About this time La Fayette received letters from his friends 
in France, which acquainted him with the sensation that had 
been produced in England, by the alliance between France and 



MARQUI3 .DE I,A FAYETT2. 47§ 

America, and the assistance atTorded the Americans botli by 
public forces and individuals, the subjects of France: and assu- 
ring him, it was the general expectation that war would soon 
be declared by Great Britain against his native countr}^ The 
ardor with which the Marquis was then engaged in the servic(f^{' 
of America, and the field of glory that lay open to him, did not 
lead him to forget that he was a Frenchman: and his obligations 
to his native countiy, when she required his services, he con- 
sidered as greater than those he owed to America, which he 
regarded as his adopted country. Under these circumstances, 
he did not hesitate a moment, but resolved to return to France. 
He felt more strongly the obligation to pursue this course, from 
the consideration that his conduct and example in semng 
America had contributed in some degree to involve his own 
country in war. But he calculated that his return to France 
would not deprive him of the power of serving America, for he 
had reason to believe he should be able to render her important 
assistance at home. 

Before he left the head-quarters of the army, he communica- 
ted to Washington his opinion respecting the assistance to be af- 
forded by France, which was, that in order to be of any essen- 
tial benefit to America, she must send an adequate naval and 
land force, and put it under the immediate control of the Ameri- 
can commander-in-chief. Unless the French forces were under 
the command of the American general, the same difficulties 
which were experienced in the case of Count D'Estaing, might 
be expected to occur, and would render the co-operation of 
France of little service. A French naval or military oflicer 
might allege, as had once been done, the secret orders of his 
sovereign, whenever he wished to avoid a dangerous or disa- 
greeable employment. 

The modesty of Washington would not permit him to concur 
decidedly in the Marquis' opinions, although it was apparent 
that he approved of them. Accordingly he wrote to his friends 
in France, who possessed any influence at court, that if the 
French government really wished to aid the American cause, it 
must send out a larger auxiliary force, and submit it to the 

60 



474 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

immediate command of the American commander-in-chief, whom 
he took care to give such a character as to inspire the highest 
confidertce. 

In October, La Fayette left the head-quarters of the army, 
took leave of his beloved Washington, aMtl proceeded to Phila- 
delphia, where congress were in session, to request permission 
to return to France. He presented to congress a letter from 
Washington, and another written by himself, which disclosed his 
views and objects in the request he made; and the subjoined re- 
solution, adopted thereon, shows the high opinion congress had 
of his merits at that time: — 

In Congress, October 21, 1778. 

Resolved, That the Marquis La Fa\ette, Major General in 
the service of the United States, have leave to go to France; 
and that he return at such time as shall be most convenient to 
him.. 

Resolved, That the President write a letter to the Marquis La 
Fayette, returning him the thanks of congress, for that disin- 
terested zeal which led him to America, and for the services he 
hath rendered the United States, by the exertion of his courage 
and abilities on many signal occasions. 

Resolved, That the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United 
States of America, at the Court of Versailles, be directed to 
c-iuse an elegant sword, with proper devisees, to be made and 
presented in the name of the United States, to the Marquis La 
Fayette." 

The foregoing resolves were communicated to the Marquis in 
the following letter: — 

« Philadelphia, October 24, 1 778. 

SIR — I had the honor of presenting to congress your letter, 
soliciting leave of absence. I am directed by them to express 
their thanks for your zeal in promoting that just cause in which 
they are engaged, and for the disinterested services you have 
rendered to the United States of America. 

In testimony of the high esteem and affection in which you arc 
held by the good people of these States, as well as an acknowl- 
edgement of your gallantry and military talents, displayed in 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 475 

imany signal occasions, their representative?, in cotigress assem- 
bled, have ordered an elegant sword to be presented to you by 
the American minister at the court of Versailles. Enclosed 
within the present cov^r, will be found an act of Congress of the 
21st. au'horising these declarations, and granlinija furlough C6t 
your return to France, to be extended at your own pleasure. 
I pray God to bless and protect you ; to conduct you in safety to 
the presence of your Prince, and to the re-enjoyment of your 
noble family ai\d friends. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

H. LAURENS." 
To this note the Marquis made the following reply: — 

Philadelphia, Oct. 26, 1778. 
SIR — 1 have received your Excellency's obliging letter, en- 
closing the several resolutions congress have honored me with, 
and the leave of absence they have been permitted to grant. — 
Nothing can make me happier, than the reflection that my servi- 
ce 5 ave met with their approbation. The glorious testimonia 
of confidence and satisfaction respectfully bestowed on me by 
the representatives of America, though much superior to ray 
merit, cannot exceed the grateful sentiments they have excited. 
I consider the noble present offered me in the name of the Uni- 
ted States, as the most flattering honor. It is my most fervent 
desire, soon to employ that sword in their service, against the 
common enemy of my country, and their faithful and beloved 
allies. That liberty, safety, wealth and concord rnay ever ex- 
tend and bless these United States, is the earnest wish of a heart 
glowing with a devoted zeal and unbounded love for tiiem, and 
the highest regard and most sincere affection for their represen- 
tatives. 

Be pleased, sir, to present my thanks to them, and to accept 
yourself the assurance of my respectful attachment. 

LA FAYETTE." 

In January, 1779, he embarked at Boston, carrying with him 

an undiminished attachment to the cause he had espoused, and 

the gratitude of the American people. The regrets whicli his 

departure occasioned, were alleviated by the expectation that 



jf^.^^ MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

lie would still continue lo exert himself in the cause of Ameri^- 
ca, and that his influence at home might be as useful as his ser- 
vices in the field. 

His character and situation at this time, M'ere without any 
example in history. He possessed the admiration of France 
and America, and of the friends of liberty throughout the 
world ; he connected, in some measure, the interests of two hem- 
ispheres, and exerted an important influence on the destinies of 
the human race. His devotion to the cause of liberty, and his 
iieroic achievements in the field, in its support, were known 
throughout the civilized world ; and all this when he was but 22 
years of age. What monarch might not have erwied this young 
hero and patriot? His fame had gone before him, and on his 
arrival at Havre, he was welcomed by his countrymen, with all 
that enthusiasm which is peculiar to their character. His dis- 
interested patriotism, attended with the sacrifice of a considera- 
Lle portion of his fortune ; his chivalrous heroism which shed his 
blood in the field of battle, and the distinguished honor which 
had been shown him in America, excited their highest admira- 
tion. His popularity, if not equally great with all parties, ex- 
tended to all; notwithstanding, an order was issued by the king, 
directing him to visit no one at court but his relations, as a pre- 
tence of censure for his having left France without permission. 

Among his admirers, was the young queen, Marie Antoinette, 
then justly celebrated for her beauty, vivacity, and wit, and af- 
terwards not less distinguished for her misfortunes. She possess- 
ed a mind richly endowed and highly cultivated, open and gen- 
erous. The muniiicence, devotion, and chivalrous spirit of 
the young Marquis, made a strong impression on her heart, and 
she became his greatest admirer and protectress. She honoured 
liim with many private audiences, and was extremely inquisitive 
about every thing relating to America, and particularly as to 
the character of Washington. This was a theme fruitful in it- 
eelf, which excited all the enthusiasm of La Fayette, and the 
partiality of the friend and the fidelity of the soldier were man- 
ifested with ardour of feeling, earnestness of manner, and elo- 
quence of language, which could not fail of making a deep and 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 477 

lasting impression on a generous and susceptible mind. The 
queen, when she afterward saw Dr. Franklin, with great affa- 
bility observed, " Doctor, do you know that La Fayette has 
made me in love with your General Washington? What a man 
he must be, and what a friend he possesses in the marquis?" 

He arrived at Versailles on the 1 2th of February, and the 
next morning had an interview with one of the ministers, but 
did not see the king. 

The cause of America, at this time, when a war was almost 
daily expected with England, being universally popular in 
France, La Fayette was not more the object of the enthusiastic 
admiration of the people, than of the respectful attention of the 
kir.g and the ministry. Count de Vergennes, a man of great 
talents and experience, then at the head of aflfairs, had frequent 
and long conferences with the Marquis, in which the latter en- 
deavored to convince the minister of the policy, even as it res- 
pected the interests of France, of sending a larger force, and 
more ample supplies, to the assistance of the Americans ; and 
particularly of the necessity of submitting the direction of these 
forces to the government of the United States. This last point 
was one of the greatest delicacy and difficulty; but being se- 
conded in his endeavors by the late minister to the United States, 
and his numerous friends, he at length succeeded in convincing 
the ministers of the expediency and propriety of the measures 
recommended by him. Accordingly, orders were soon issued 
for the equipment of a large fleet, which was to take on board a 
numerous body of troops. 

These measures of the government being known, the spirit of 
the day, the influence of the example of La Fayette, and the 
fame he had acquired in America, produced an effect not more 
novel than honorable to the character of France. The Amerir 
can war became the popular subject of the day, and a perfect 
mania prevailed, which affected all classes ; but the young no- 
bility were the most ardent to go to America, and, like La Fay- 
ette, to distinguish themselves in the cause of liberty in the new 
world, struggling to defend itself against the mighty efforts of 
one of the most powerful nations on the globe. The American 



478 IvLiRQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

war was the favorite object of ambition, and the desire to engage 
in it, and serve under General Washington, was &o ardent and 
extensive, as to occasion the same exertion and intrigue as usual- 
ly constitute the means of obtaining the most desirable ^ntua- 
tions in the gift of the government. Thousands of applications 
were, from necessity, rejected. Tlie influence and assistance 
of La Fayette was sought on all hands; he was surrnuruled 
with applicants, and beset with solicitations and entreaties; — 
some wished for one birth and some another; some as aids-de- 
camp, others as secretaries, &c. 

Doctor Franklin, the American minister, was extremely per- 
plexed from the numerous applications made to him, and in no 
small degree embarrassed how to act in a concern of so much 
delicacy. 

After a short tour to Auvergne, for the purpose of visiting 
his family and friends, and arranging his private affairs, he re- 
turned to Versailles, then the regular residence of the king and 
royal family, to ask permission of his sovereign to revisit Amer- 
ica. Louis, on giving his consent, informed him that he could 
not better serve his king, than by serving in the American war. 
He soon embarked at Havre, in a government frigate, fitted out 
for the purpose, to give him a more safe and honorable passage. 
A great number of officers went out with him, candidates for 
honorable fame, and he carried a la ge quantity of arms, ammu- 
nition, and supplies of every kind. 

The resolution of Congress before recited, being commuica- 
ted to Franklin, he took the necessary measures for carrying in- 
to effect the wishes of congress before La Fayette left France. 
On presenting the sword, Franklin addressed to Fayette the 
following letter, written in his usually clear and forcible style : 

Pussy, ^^Ih August, 1779. 

" Sir — The congress, sensible of your merit towards the Uni- 
ted States, but unable adequately to reward it, determined to pre- 
sent you with a sword, as a small mark of their grateful ac- 
knowledgment. They directed it to be omamente with '.ita- 
ble devices. Some of the principal actions of the war in which 
you distinguished yourself by your bravery and conduct, ar^. 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 47^ 

therefore, represented upon it. These, with a few emblematic 
figures, all admirably well executed, make its principal value. 
By the help of the exquisite artists France affords, I find it 
easy to express every thing but the sense we have of your worth, 
and our obligations to you. For this, figures, and even words 
are found insufiicient. 

" 1 therefore only add, that, with the most perfect esteem 
and respect, I have the honor to be your obedient servant, 

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN." 

" P. S. My grandson goes to Havre with the sword, and will 
have the honor of presenting it to you." 



CHAPTER IV. 

He arrives at Boston — his reception — He repairs to the head-quarters of the ar • 
my — and to congress with the official intelligence of the expected succorsi 
from France — the French tti-et and troops arrive — f heir landing superinten- 
ded by La Fayette — His letter to hamuel tVdanr.s — I-le commands an expe- 
dition to the south to oppose Arnold — He saves Richmond — He forms n. 
junction with Wayne — Saves the military stores at Albemarle — Cornwallis 
retreats and is followed by La Fayette — Engagement near Williamsburgh. 

La Fayette arrived at Boston on the 26th of April, 1779, 
and landed amidst the crowd which lined the harbor, and was 
conducted with great parade, the roar of cannon, the ringing of" 
bells, and the display of fireworks, to the suite of rooms which 
had been prepared for him by the local authorities. The re- 
turn of this disinterested patriot, and early and faithful friend of 
America, occasioned the warmest enthusiasm and unbounded 
joy. In this cradle of the revolution, he was hailed as tlie pa- 
triot, hero, and friend and benefactor of America. There was 
noplace in the Union, where the inhabitants were more heartily 
engaged in the war, than Boston, or had suffered more from the 
arrogance of power, and the ravages of lawless warfare; and 
their exasperated feelings toward their oppressors, made them 
more enthusiastic in their devotion to the young hero and pa- 
triot, who had acted so distinguished a part in the maintenance 



480 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

vS the independence and liberty of the country. Illuminations, 
fireworks and public entertainments were among the visible 
testimonials of gratitude and joy ; they were not like the empty 
pageants of royal festivals or coronations, but were the sponta- 
neous sffusions of free and honest hearts offered as grateful 
homage to one who had rendered such important services to 
their cojntry. The honors shown to La Fayette were not con- 
fined to the Bostonians: the citizens of all the neighboring towns, 
and surrounding country, collected on the joyous occasion, 
to participate in the demonstrations of gratitude and res- 
pect. 

At this period, it could scarcely have been believed, that the 
man who was thus honored as the nation's friend and benefac- 
tor, after the lapse of forty-four years, would, by the same com- 
munity, be welcomed as the "Nations Guest," with the exhibi- 
tion of grateful and jojous feelings, if possible, more heart-felt 
and profound. 

On the 11th of May, he communicated confidentially to 
Washington, the agreeable intelligence of the expected succors 
from France. 

But these scenes of rejoicing and respect did not long detain 
the American general ; ardent to be actually engaged in the 
service of his adopted country, he soon proceeded to the head- 
quarters of the army at Morristown, and from thence to the seat 
of government, to lay before congress the official information 
that the French government was preparing to send a respecta- 
ble naval and land force to America, to assist in the prosecution 
of the war. Who can describe the interview between La Fayette 
and Washington? Kindred spirits and co-patriots; although 
born in different hemispheres, engaged in the same cause of lib- 
erty and humanity — one at the head of America, the other 
bringing into the same contest the auxiliarj power of France, 
both having staked their fortunes and their lives on the issue of 
the great cause in which they were engaged. Their first inter- 
view, after a separation of some time, under circumstances so 
auspicious to that cause, produced mutual feelings of joy and 
affection, too deep and glowing to be described. The sub- 



:marquis de la Fayette. 48i 

joined letters to congress, and the resolution of that body, 
afford some evidence of the estimation in which he was held at 
this time. 

Head-Quarters^ Morristown, May 13^ 17S0. 

"The Marquis La Fayette does me the honor to take charge 
of this note. I am persuaded Congress will participate in the 
joy I feel at the return of a gentleman who has so signally distin- 
guished himself in the service of this country; who has giv€n 
•30 many and so decided proofs of his attachment to its interests; 
and who ought to be dear to it by every motive. The zoarm 
friendship I have for him, conspires with considerations of public 
utility to afford me a double satisfaction in his return. During 
the time he has been in France, he has uniformly manifested the 
iame zeal in our affairs, which animated his conduct while he 
was among us; and has been upon all occasions, an essential 
friend to America. He merits, and 1 doubt not Congress will 
give him every mark of consideration and regard in their power. 
I have the honor to be, &c. 

GEO. WASHINGTON. 

To his Excellency, the President of Congress.^'' 

Philadelphia, May 16, nSQ. 

"After so many favors, which, on every occasion and particu- 
larly at my obtaining leave of absence, Congress were pleased 
most graciously to bestow on me, I dare presume myself entitled 
to impart to them the private feelings which I now so happily 
experience. 

In an early epoch in our noble contest, I gloried in the name 
of an American soldier; and heartily enjoyed the honor 1 have 
of serving the United States; my satisfaction is, at this long 
wished for moment, entirely complete, when putting an end to 
my furlough, I have been able again to join my colours, under 
which I hope for opportunities of indulging the ardent zeal, 
the unbounded gratitude, the warm, and I might say, the patriotic 
i!ove by which I am forever bound to America. 

61 



J^g MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

I beg you, sir, to present Congress with a new assurance ot* 
nny profound respect and my grateful and affectionate senti- 
ments. I have the honor to be, Asc. 

LA FAYETTE." 

In Congress, May 16, 1780. ^^ Resolved, That Congress con-, 
fader the return of the Marquis La Fayette to America to 
resume his command in the army, as a fresh proof of the distin^ 
guished zeal and deserving attachment which have justly rcr 
commended him to the public confidence and applause; and 
that tliey receive, with pleasure, a tender of farther services 
of so gallant and meritorious an officer." 

The military operations had been of little moment during the 
absence of La Fayette; but the events in Europe had the most 
important influence on the American cause. Not only France 
and Spain had acknowledged the independence of the States^, 
but both of these powers had united in a declaration of war 
against Great Biitain. But as there are few advantages without 
some accompanying drawback, these events in Europe, whilst 
they were calculated to be highly beneficial to the cause of 
America, and diffused a spirit of joy through the union, occa- 
sioned too great expectations, which operated unfavorably, not 
only on the people but on congress. Many thought the war with 
France and Spain would so occupy the attention and means of 
Great Britain, that she would be obliged to abandon her project 
of coercing her revolted colonies into submission. Washington 
la\jored hard to convince congress of the folly of this opinion; 
that the naval superiority of Britain over France and Spain both, 
would render the war with them of less consequence than was 
supposed: and that this event, instead of occasioning Britain to 
relax, would induce her to redouble her exertions, and call forth 
all her energies in the prosecution of the war with America. 
It was the dictate of policy as well as safety, to prepare for 
carrying on hostilities on a broader scale than had yet been 
done. 

On the 13th of July, Washington received intelligence from 
New York, that a large French squadron had been seen off the 
^apes of Virginia, which was soon followed by a letter from 



MATIQUIS DE LA FAYEf TE, 48^ 

V 

, Count de Rochambeau anJ Chevalier de Tiernay, acquainting 
bin) with their arrival. And what rendered this intelligence 
more important and ajjreeable, Count de Rochambeau informed 
Washington that he had the most positive orders to place himself 
entirely under the direction of the American congress. La- 
Fayette v^'as requested by the American commander to superin* 
tend the reception of his countrymen, and at the same time had 
confidential instructions to propose to the new allies, a combinefl 
plan of operations against New York, then in the bauds of th€ 
enemy. 

The first division of the French fleet arrived at Newport, anil 
consisted of two ships of eighty guns, one of seventy-four, foul* 
of sixty-four, two frigates of forty, several smaller vessels, and 
thirty-two transports, under the command of Rear Admiral de 
Tiernay. There were four regiments of troops on board, beside 
the Duke de Lauzun's legion, composed of volunteer noblemer.^ 
and a battalion of artillery, with a complete train of bombarding- 
and field pieces, all under the command of Lieutenant-General 
Rochambeau. This was the first division of the French squadron, 
and the second was in readiness at Brest, waiting for transports, 
to convey the troops. 

The two commanders were equally sensible of the necessity 
of preserving entire harmony between the American and French 
troops. Washington, to produce unanimity of feeling, as well a'S 
concert of action, directed his soldiers to wear with the conti- 
nental cockade, a white ribbon, that being the color of the French 
cockade. The services of La Fayette in maintaining a good un- 
derstanding between the two armies, were of the greatest im- 
portance. Being a French subject, and an American general, 
he was regarded as belonging equally to both nations, and all 
delicate orders and commissions were entrusted to him to ex- 
ecute; which was always done with great circumspection and 
fidelity. By the express direction of Washington, he informed 
the French general of the low condition of the American army. 

From various causes and unavoidable difficulties, the contem- 
plated attack on New York was abandoned, and the year '80 
passed awaj^ without any military operations of any importance* 



484 MARQUtS DE LA FAYETTE. 

Soon after the arrival of La Fayette, he was appointed to the 
command of the ligiit infantry and dragoons, being the most 
advantageous situation in the power of Washington to give him , 
but he performed no active or important mihtary service during 
that year; indeed the low condition of the American army, the 
depreciation of the continental currency, tlie prostration of pub- 
lic credit, and the want of spirit and activity among the people, 
not only formed insuperable obstacles to any important military 
operations, but were calculated to produce the most melancholy 
reflections in the mind of every true patriot. No one perliaps. 
was more deeply affected with this depressed and gloomy as- 
pect of afifairs, than La Fayette. The state of the cause here, 
but little accorded with the expectations which he had concrib- 
uted to raise in France; and he had reason to fear that when 
his countrymen arrived as allies to the Americans, they might 
be 90 disappointed, that they would feel but little ardor to assist 
those, who appeared to be doing so little to assist themselves. 
He may also have apprehended, that from this depressed state 
of the cause, his Own honor might be impeached, and he be 
subjected to the imputation of having deceived his sovereign 
and his countrymen as to the real condition of America. 

It was under the influence of these alarming circumstances, 
that, soon after his arrival at Morristown, the head-quarters of 
the army, he v/rote the following letter to Samuel Adams: 

Morristown, May 30, 1780. 

Dear Sir, — Had I known that I would have the pleasure of 
meeting you at Boston, and holding confidential conversations 
with you on public and private matters, I should have anticipated 
the uneasiness I was put under by the obligation of secrec y, or 
previously obtained the leave of breaking that so strict law in 
your favor. Now, my dear sir, that Congress have set my tongue 
at liberty, at least for such men as Mr. Samuel Adams, I will, in 
referring you to a public letter from tlie committee of congress, 
indulge my private feelings in imparting to you some confidential 
ideas of mine on our present situation. 

As momentary vints did not entirely fulfil the purpose of free- 
ing Ameiiea, France thought they would render themselves 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYBTT*:. 43.1 

more useful, if a naval and land force were sent for^ co-operatin* 
with our troops, and by a longer stay on the coast of the conti- 
Den!, would give to the States a fair opportunity of employing 
all their resources. The expectations are very sanguine at 
Versailles, and ought to be more so, when that letter shall be 
received, by vvhich you know Congress engaged to furnish on (heir 
part Jive and twenty thousand continental troops, that arc to take the 
field by the beginning of the spring. ^ 

On the other hand, my dear sir, all Europe have their eyes 
upon us: They knownotbingof us, butby our own reports, and 
our first exertions, which have heightened their esteem, and by 
the accounts of the enemy, or those of some dissatisfied persons, 
which were calculated to give them a quite ditferent opinion: 
so that, to fix their own minds, all the nations are now looking at 
us; and thfe consequence of America, in the eyes of the world, 
as well as its liberty and happiness, must depend upon the en- 
suing campaign. 

The succor sent by France, I thought to be very important 
when at Versailles: now that I am on the spot, I know it was 
necessary; and if proper measures are taken, I shall more heart- 
ily than ever enjoy the happiness I had of being somewhat con- 
cerned in the operation. But if things stood as they now do, I 
confess that whether as an American soldier, whether as a pri- 
vate man that said a great deal, and knows Congress have or- 
dered much more to be said on the future exertions of America 
— who took a particular delight in praising the patriotic spirit 
of the United States, I would feel most unhappy and distressed, 
were I to tell the people that are coming over full of ardor and 
sanguine hopes, that we have no army to co-operate with them, 
no provisions to feed the few soldiers that are left, «Sz;c. But I 
hope, my dear sir, it will not be the case; and more particularly 
depending on the exertions of your state, / know Mr, Samuel 
Adamses influence and popularity will be, as heretofore, employed 
in the salvation and glory of America. 

If proper measures are taken for provisions, if the states do 
immediately fill up the continental battalions by good drafts, 
which is by far the best way : if all the propositions of the conr* 



48£ MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

mittee are speedily complied with, I have no doabt, but that the 
jpresent campaign will be a glorious, decisive one, and that wft 
may hope for every thing that is good : il, on the contrary, time 
be lost, consider what unhappy and dishonorable consequences 
would ensue from our inability to ro-operation. 

Your state began the noble contest, it may be gloriously ended 
by your state's exertions, and the example they will once more 
set to the whole continent. The reception I met with at Boston, 
binds me to it by the strongest ties of a grateful affection. The 
foy of my heart will be to find myself concerned in an expedi- 
tion that may afford peculiar advantages to them; and I ear- 
nestly hope it will be the case, in the coarse of this, (if proper 
measures are taken,) glorious campaign. 

I flatter myself you will be yet in Boston, and upon this exi- 
pectation, I very much depend for the success of the combined 
expeditions. Such a crisis is worth your being wholly engaged 
in it, as It will be glorious, important, and, I may say it now, be- 
cause necessary for the support of the great cause in which you 
acted so early and decisive a part. What you mentioned confi- 
dentially to me at Boston, I have duly noticed, and shall ever 
remember with the attention of a friend. For fulfilling the same 
purpose, I wish w€ may be under particular obligations to you 
on this occasion. 

Give me leave, my dear sir, to suggest to you an idea which J 
have lately thought of: all the continental officers labor under 
the most shameful want of clothing. When 1 say shameful, it 
is not to them who have no money to buy — no cloth to be bought. 
You can conceive what may be theirs and our feelings, when 
they will be with the French general and other officers; and 
from a general idea of mankind and human honor, it is easily 
seen how much we should exert ourselves to put the officers of 
the army in a more decent situation. 

I beg, my dear sir, you will present my respects to your 
family, and believe me most affectionately yours, 

LA FAYETTK 

The following is the reply: 



MARQUIS PE1.A FAYETTE. 4-3^7 

Boston, June, 1 7 80. 

My dear marquis — Yesterday, your very obliging letter at' 
i4he 30th May, was brought to me by Mons. Guinard. 

The succor coming from France will be so seasonable and 
important, that if America is not wanting to herself, she will 
have it in her power, by the blessing of heaven, to gratify the 
utmost of her wisbes. His most Christian Majesty's expecta- 
tions from us must needs be great; and gratitude to so generous 
an ally, as well us due attention to our own safety, interest and 
honor, lay us under the strongest obligations to be in readiness 
to co-operate with the greatest advantage. I have long been 
fully sensible of your most cordial and zealous attachment to our 
great cause; and to your personal representation to his Majesty, 
i,n addition to the benevolence of his royal heart, I will take 
liberty to attribute his design to afford us such aid and for so long 
a time as may put it in our power to employ all our resources 
against the enemy. 

It fortunately happened that the General Assembly of this 
state was sitting when the letter and enclosures from the com* 
mittee of Congress came to the President of the Council* 
They were immediately laid before the Assembly, and I have 
the pleasure to assure you that tlie tilling our battalions by an 
immediate draft, furnishing the army with provisions, and every^ 
other measure for the fulfilling of the just expectations of your 
sovereign and of Congress, on this most important occasion are 
the objects of their closest attention. I had for several months 
past been flattering myself with the prospect of this aid. It 
strongly impressed my mind from one circumstance which took 
place when you was at Philadelphia the last year. But far from 
certainty, I could only express to some confidential friends here, 
a distant hope, though as I conceived not without some good 
effect: at least it seemed to enliven our spirits and animate us 
for so great a crisis. 

If it were possible for one to be forgetful of our all important 
<ause for a moment, my particular friendship for you would be 
u prevailing inducement with me, to make my utmost feeble ex- 
'•rtions to prevent your disappointment after the great pains yoli 



.^38 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

have taken to serve us. I have endeavored, and shall continue 
those endeavors while I stay here, to brighten the dark side of 
the picture whicVi your imagination has painted in one part of 
your letter before me — God forbid that we should be obliged to 
tell our friends when they arrive, that we have not a sufficient 
army to co-operate with them, nor provision to feed the few 
soldiers that are left. I think I may venture to predict that this 
state will comply with the requisition upon her to give the ut- 
most respectability to our army on so promising an occasion. I 
was in the Council Chamber when I received your letter, and 
took the liberty to read some parts of it to the members present. 
I will communicate other parts of it to some leading members 
of the House of Representatives, as prudence may dictate, par- 
ticularly what 30U mention of the officers' want of clothing. 

I thank you, my dear sir, for the friendly remembrance you 
had of the hint 1 gave you when you was here. Be pleased tc 
pay niv most respectful compliments to the Commander-in-chief, 
his family, &c. and be assured of the warm alFection of youi'" 
obliged friend and very humble servant, 

SAMUEL ADAMS. 

Marquis de La Fayette. 

The Legislature of Massachusetts soon after adopted a reso- 
lution for raising four thousand men, to reinforce the continental 
army,atFording a bounty to those who might enlist, and subjecting 
those who might be drafted and should refuse to march, to a fine ; 
the select-men of the towns were required to furnish clothing 
and travelling expenses. These patriotic measures were occa- 
sioned by the pressing letter of La Fajette, together with their 
own sense of the alarming necessity of the country. 

General Arnold, the arch traitor, having distinguished himself 
by his predatory incuision in Connecticut, marked with plunder, 
robbery, murder, and every species of desolation, in the latter 
part of the year '80, was sent on a similar depredatory expeditioji 
to Virginia. After committing the devastations at Richmond, 
Smithtield, and elsewhere, worthy of his character, he establish- 
lished himself at Portsmouth. Gen. La Fayette, in December, 
was sent at the head of an expedition, to oppose his desolating 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 489 

progress. The meditated attack on Portsmouth, in which the 
co-operation of the French squadron was relied upon, was aban- 
doned in consequence of the result of a naval action, between 
the French squadron and that of the enemy under Admiral 
Arbuthnot. La Fayette returned to the head of Ell<, where h,e 
received the orders of Washington, to repair to Virginia, to 
oppose General Philips, who embarked at Portsmouth, with 3000 
troops to attack Richmond. La Fayette was greatly embarrass-^ 
ed and distressed; his army was not only greatly inferior to 
the enemy, but was destitute of every thing; coats, shoes, and 
but poorly supplied with provisions. The soldiers were all bare- 
foot, there was not one pair of shoes in the army; and he had no 
funds or means of supplying these pressing wants of his troops. 
But such was the affection of the soldiers for their general, that 
they bore all their severe sufferings without a murmur. He 
procured a loan of two thousand guineas on his private credit in 
Baltimore, and supplied the most urgent wants of his troops; 
and immediately proceeded, with the greatest despatch, for 
Richmond, which he believed the first object of the enemy's in- 
cursion, and arrived the day before the British made their ap- 
pearance, and thus saved the capital of Virginia, then the gene- 
ral deposit of the military supplies of the state. The next 
morning General Philips entered Manchester, dire^dy opposite 
Richmond; but the Marquis had taken so strong a position, he 
did not deem it advisable to hazard an attack, but soon moved off. 
At this period Virginia was invaded by Cornwallis, Philips, 
and Arnold, whose united forces were imnjensely superior not 
only to those under the actual command of La Fayette, hut to 
any force he could reasonably expect to avail himself of. From 
appearances, Virginia would be speedily overrun, and entirely 
conquered: an event which would have been attended with the 
most serious consequences: the conquest of Virginia would have 
terminated all resistance in the southern states. Fully sei'siMe 
of this, La Fayette felt the difHculty and responsibility of his 
situation; he had but 1000 continentals, 2000 mililia, and 60 
dragoons. General Philips died soon after he left Richnond, 
and his detachment being united witli the troops of Cornwallis, 

62 



490 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

his lordship proceeded towards Petersburg. From the rein' 
forcements he had received, his force amounted to 8000 men^ 
he felt the greatest assurance of success, and did not disguise 
his contempt for his adversary. In some of his letters he observ- 
ed, " The boy cannot possibly escape me." La Fayette, with the 
force he had, was sensible he could do no more than watch the 
movements of the enemy: he moved from Richmond to Chicha- 
hominv, where he hoped to form a jujiction with General Wayne, 
who had been ordered from the north ro reinforce the army in 
Viro^inia. Cornwallis strained every nerve to prevent this junc- 
tion, and to- bnng La Fayette to action before it could be etfect- 
ed, pursued him with great rapidity. But he found " the boy'''' a 
match for himself; was foiled in all his attempts, Fayette having 
succeeded in uniting his forces with those of General Wayne, 
at Raccoon Ford, without any loss. Cornwallis, by a hasty 
movement, threw himself between the American army and the 
public magazines, with the view to cut off the communications 
between them; but Fayette, by opening an old road which was 
disused, and forced marches, passed the British army, and to the 
astonishment of Cornwallis, secured a strong position between 
his troop's and the American magazines, at Albemarle court- 
house. Having failed in all his plans, the British General re- 
turned to Richmond, and from thence to Williamsburg, whither 
he was followed by the Marquis. Here he received orders for a 
part of his forces to return to New-York, Henry Clinton being 
apprehensive of an attack from the combined armies of Ameri- 
ca and France. Cornwallis attempted to deceive Fayette by a 
stratagenri, and draw him into an engagement; he knew the 
American general would attack his rear guard, when his main 
army was passing the ford to the Island of Jamestown: he ac- 
cordingly made such dispositions as were calculated to lead 
General La Fayette to suppose that the principal part of his 
army had crossed, when he had detained them, expecting that 
from this deception, Fayette would attack him. The stratagem, 
however, did not deceive La Fayette, but General Wayne, who 
had been detached to reconnoitre the CTiemy's position, suppo- 
sing that the rear guard of the enemy only remained, from 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 491 

alight skirmishing soon found himself engaged with the whole 
British line. La Favette proceeded himself to reconnoitre the 
enemy, and dij^covering the stratagem, he immediately ordered 
Wavne to retreat, and the British general suspecting an ambus- 
cade, did not pursue. Thus by the circumspection and caution 
of La Fayette, this artful scheme of Cornwallis was defeated, 
and the troops under General Wayne rescued from the most im- 
minent danger. 

The gallantry of Wayne, and his detachment, was acknowl- 
edged by La Fayette in the general orders issued the 8th of J uly, 
" The general is happy to acknowledge the spirit of the detach- 
ment under Gen. Wayne, in their engagetnent with the whole of 
the British army, of which he was an eye witness. He requests 
Gen. Wayne, and the officers and men under his command, to 
accept his best thanks. The bravery and destructive tire of the 
riflemen rendered essential service, and the fire of the hght-in- 
fantry checked the enemy's progress round our right flank. — 
The general was much pleased with the conduct of Captain 
Savage, of the artillery, and is satisfied that nothing but the loss 
of horses occasioned that of the two field pieces. The zeal of 
Col. Mercer's corps, is fully expressed in the number of horses 
he had killed." 



CHAPTER V. 

Cornwallis encamps at Yorktown, and is followed by La Fayette to Williams- 
burgh — is reinforced by the allied troops disembarked from the French fleet 
— Siege of Yorktown — Activity of La Fayette — he storms a redoubt — ca- 
pitulation of Cornwallis, who proposes to surrender his sword to La Fayette, 
— He renajjsto Philadelphia, and signifies to Congress his desire of returning 
to France — resolution of Congress, and his reply — he embarks — Great re- 
spect shown him in France — makes a tour in Germany — visits Frederick the 
Great — and is present at his Grand Review— After his return, exerts himself 
to have France send further succors to the United States — proceeds to Ca- 
diz to accompany Count D'Estaing, with a large fleet, to America, which 
stopped by peace— Visits the United States in 1784 — respect shown him in 
various olaces — Visits Mount Vernon — honor shown him by Congress on his 
taking leave of the country. 

A COMBINED attack on New- York had heen conceived in the 
spring, immediately after the arrival of the French^ and matu- 



492 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

red at Hartford and Weathersfield, in Connecticut. Genera] 
Washington, the Count de Rochambeau, La Fayette, and a 
great number of American officers havtng spent some time in 
Connecticut on tnis business. Fortunately this object was given 
up, and the combined armies agreed to direct their united forces 
against the British army in Virginia. This was so managed as 
to deceive Sir Henry Clinton with appearances of an attack on 
New- York, and thus prevent him from reinforcing Cornwatlis. 
On the 30th of August, at Chester, on their march to the south, 
Washington and Rochambeau received the agreeable intelli- 
gence of the arrival of Admiral De Grasse in the Chesapeake, 
with a squadron of twenty-four ships of the line. Immediately 
3,000 French troops were disembarked, commanded by the Mar- 
quis de St. Simon, and soon formed a junction with the Amer- 
ican army under La Fayette. Cornwallis at this time was en- 
camped at Yorktown, where he had collected all his forces, and 
he had been followed to Williamsburg by La Fayette, who, 
although unable to engage the enemy, pursued him wherever 
he went, and checked his designs. The arrival of the French 
squadron, and the large reinforcement he received, filled the 
heart of La Fayette with joy, and inspired him with hopes of a 
glorious campaign. 

On the arrival of Washington and Count de Rochambeau, 
they went on board Count de Grasse's flag ship, to determine on 
future operations, which was followed by the movement of the 
combined army upon York and Gloucester, and at the same time 
the fleet moved up to the mouth of James River, having just 
been reinforced by eight ships of the line, under Count de Bar- 
ras, from Rhode-Island. 

The siege of Yorktown was thus commenced, which reflected 
such lustre on the gallantry and spirit of the combined armies, 
and terminated the most glorious revolution in the history of 
the human race. 

Having formed bis first parallel, Washington commenced the 
second, with great activity, on the 11 th of September. Alarmed 
at the despatch of the besiegers, Cornwallis opened all his bat- 
teries to stop their progrei-s. His fire from two redoubts was 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 493 

particularly annoying, and Washington determined to carry 
them. To excite emulation, and avoid all cau=e of jealousy 
the attack of one was committed to the French, under Baron 
de Viominel, and the other to a detachment of Americans un- 
der La Fayette, who led them to the assault in person. This 
attack was made with such vigor and spirit that the assailants, 
without firing a gun, forced their way over the abattis and pali- 
sades, into the redoubt, and made the whole party, consisting of 
sixty men under Major Campbell, prisoners, with the loss of only 
nine men killed and thirty-two wounded. The detachment had 
been reminded of the massacre of the garrison at Fort Gris- 
wold, at New-London; but La Fayette, Hamilton and Laureng 
possessed too much humanity to imitate deeds of ruthlessnesjs 
and baFbarity, or to take the lives of men who begged for quar* 
ters, even by way of retaliation. The assault on the other re- 
doubt was equally successful, although not without considerable 
loss on the part of the French, the enemy being much more nu 
merous, and their defence consequently more persevering and 
obstinate. The French lost 100 killed and wounded; about half 
of the enemy escaped, and the other fell into the hands of the as- 
sailants. The coolness and gallantry displayed by both parties, 
excited the applause of the commander-in-chief; he expressed to 
La Fayette andde Viominel the high sense he had of their intrep- 
id and able conduct, and desired them to convey his acknowledg- 
ments to their respective detachments. In his orders he observes, 
''The general reflects with the highest degree of pleasure, on 
the confidence which the troops of the two nations must have in 
each other. Assured of mutual support, he is convinced there 
is no danger which they will not cheerfully encounter, no diffi- 
culty which they will not bravely overcome." 

As the last effort, Cornwallis having attempted to escape by 
passing in the night his whole army over on to Gloucester 
Point, and being frustrated by a storm, finding that even the ele- 
ments seemed to have conspired against him, the proud spirit of 
his lordship was obliged to yield to a destiny which he could no 
longer control. 



494 BIARQtriS DE LA FAYETTE. 

On the l9th of October, '81, just four years from the conveo' 
tion of Saratoga, a second British army of more than seven 
thousand men, was surrendered to the allied forces of France 
and America. Sucli was the fate of an army, whose career had 
long been successful, proud and triumphant; which had spread 
terror and devastaiion over a vast extent of country ; that at one 
period had nearly conquered all the southern states, and whose 
path was traced by ruin, desolation and blood. 

In this memorable siege. La Fayette was particularly active 
and serviceable, and was one of the officers who were honorably 
noticed by the comn^ander-in-chief, as having distinguished 
themselves by their intrepid and heroic conduct. In the uni- 
versal joy which this great event occasioned throughout the 
United States, no one, perhaps, rejoiced more sincerely than this 
youthful patriot and hero, this early and steadfast friend of Amer- 
ica. He received the thanks, not only of Washington, but of 
congress, for his gallant and heroic conduct; and the state of Vir- 
ginia afterward presented him with a bust, for his services in de- 
fence of that state, against the incursions and ravages of a law- 
less enemy. His merit was also acknowledged by the enemy, 
as Lord Cornwallis was parficularly desirous of treating with 
La Fayette alone, and «nrrenderintj his sword into his hands; 
but the modesty of the youthful hero declined an honor which 
he considered belonged to another. 

In Novemher the Mar{]uis repaired to Philadelphia, where 
he was received with the wannest manifestations of gratitude 
and eclat. He soon si;inifie:l to the congress his desire of re- 
turning again to France; on which occasion, the resolution adop. 
ted by that body, is too honorahir a tesMmony of his merits and 
the unlimited confid nee reposed in him by congress, to be omit 
ted in a memoir of his life. 

In Gm^ress, JVovember,, 1781. 

Resolved^ That Major-General La FaveHe have permission 
to go to France, and to return at such time as may be mr»st 
agreeable to himself — that he be informed, that, on a view of 
his conduct throughout the past campaign, and parricniarlv du- 
ring the period in which he had the chief command in Vir- 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 495 

gihia, the many new proofs which present themselves of his 
zealous attachment to the cause he has espoused, and of his 
judgment, vigilance, gallantry, and address in its defence, have 
greatly added to the high opinion entertained by congress of 
his merits and military talents — that he make known to the 
officers and troops whom lue commanded during that period, 
that the brave and enterprising services with which they secon- 
ded liiszeal and efforts, and which enabled him to defeat the at- 
tempts of an enemy far superior in numbers, have beeti beheld 
hy congress with particular satisfaction and approbation. That 
the -secretary of foreign affair? acquaint the Ministers Plenipo- 
tentiaries of the United States, tliai it is the desire of congress 
that they confer with the Marquis La Fayette, and avail of his 
information, relative to the situation of public affairs in the 
United States. That the secretary for foreign affairs further 
acquaint the Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles, 
that he will conform to the intention of congress, by consulting 
with, and employing the assistance of the Marquis La Fayette, 
in accelerating the supplies which may be afforded by his most 
Christian Majesty for the United States. That the superinten- 
dent ot finance, the secretary for foreign affairs and the board of 
war, nrvake such communications to the Marquis, touching the 
affxirs of their respective departments, as will best enable him to 
fulfil the purpose of the preceding resolutions. That the super- 
intendent of finance take order for discharging the engagements 
entered into by the Marquis La Fajetie, with the merchants 
of Baltimore, when he borrowed money of them on his own 
credit, to supply our troops with necessaries." 

At the same time, congress ordered that a conveyance be 
provided for General La Fayette, in a public vessel, whenever 
he should choose to embark; and voted to send a letter by him to 
the king of France. 

The following is the reply of the Marquis to the President of 
Gongress, who forwarded him the resolves: 

"Sir — I have been honored with the resolutions which con- 
gress have been pleased to pass in my favor. Testimonies of 
their esteem and their confidence that are so yarj flattering t© 



496 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE . 

me, could not but excite those exalted sentiments of gratitude 
which T am unable sufficiently to express. My attachment to 
America, the senje of my obligations, and the new favors con- 
ferred upon me, are so many everlasting ties that devote me to 
her. At all times, and in every part of the world, my heart 
will be panting for opportunities to be employed in her service. 
With unspeakable pleasure I shall transmit the resolve of con- 
gress to the brave and -virtuous troops, whom it has been my 
happiness to command. 

I have the hoior to be, &;c. 

LA FAYETTE. 

The foregoing resolution of congress he transmitted to the 
troops lately under his command; in doing which he remarks: 
"In the moment the major-general leaves this place, he wishes 
once n)orc to express his gratitude to the brave corps of light- 
infantry, who, for the nine months past, have been the companions 
of his ni)rtnnes. He can never forget, that, wilh them alone, 
of regular troops^ he had the good fortune to manoeuvre before 
an army, which after all its reductions, was still six times more 
nunierous than the regular force he had under com.mand." 

It being evident that the American revolutionary struggle was 
drawing to a close, in Decennber, '81, he embarked the second 
time for France, leaving the crateful homage of one country, to 
receive the adrniratiojT and applause of another. 

On his arrival in France, he was received with that enthusi- 
astic manifestation of respect and applause, which his achieve- 
ments and famr were calculated to inspire. His chivalrous he- 
roism, and ardent atiachm.ent to libert}', were not more conspi- 
cuous than his modesty, a trait for which his countrymen are 
not very distinguished ; yet, nevertheless, in so young a man, it 
increased his reputation, even with Frenchmen. Having related 
to the king a long account of the events and progress of the 
American war, without having said one word about himself, his 
majesty could jiot forbear to remark: "But pray, sir, where 
were you all this time?" 

He remained six weeks in Paris, during which time, having 
received con* ir.'iTUy the most distinguished honors and attcn- 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 497 

tion from all classes, from the king to the street-porter, from the 
inhabitants of "gorgeous palaces" to the wretched inmates of 
garrets and cellars, he became surfeited with applause, and 
anxious to realize the more quiet and substantial enjoyments 
wh'ch be could find only in the bosom of his family. 

hi the universal respect shown to the youthful hero of Amer- 
ica, Madame La Fayette came in for a share. At a large assem- 
bly, at the Duke Choisuers, Voltaire publicly complimented her 
on the patriotic virtues of her husband. Louis was so satisfied 
with the conduct of the Marquis in America, that he bestowed 
on him many favors; and the queen was so delighted with him 
that she presented him with her miniature. 

His journey from Paris to his estates in Lorraine, with his 
wife and son George, then three years of age, was one contin- 
ued triumph, notwithstanding his intention, and the precautions 
he made use of to have it entirely private. Every where bells 
rung, processions formed, and erowds assembled around him, 
crying "long live La Fayette!" At the city of Orleans he 
was detained nearly a week, by the festivities prepared for 
bim. 

In the year '82, he made a tour to Germany, and visited many 
of the German princes, all of whom received him with attention: 
but his more particular object was to see Frederick the Great, 
whose character had long attracted general attention in Europe. 
He was present at Pottsdam, during the grand review, when 
50,000 men were assembled under the immediate command of 
the king. During three days, various evolutions of battles, 
sieges and assaults, were gone through with, and under the eye 
and direction of the Great Frederick, mounted on his white 
charger, with his little three-cornered cocked hat, his thread 
bare blue jacket, and his opera glass in his hand. This was a 
grand, and highly interesting exhibition; the "tented field," 
formed by their encampment, resembled an immense city. — 
These reviews took place every autumn, and attracted numerous 
strangers and foreigners of distinction. It is on these occasions, 
that all promotions, rewards, punishments, and disciplinary 

63 



1 



^98 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

regulations, were published, by being three times read at the 
head of each company. 

Frederick was no sooner informed that La Fayette was pres- 
ent, than he despatched an aid-de-camp to invite him to the palace 
of Sans Souci. In a long audience which he had with Frederick, 
Ihe latter, after complimenting La Fayette, expressed his admi- 
ration of Washington, and presenting his miniature, set in dia- 
monds to La Fayette, he observed, "that since he must be sepa- 
rated from the general, he hoped that this little memento would 
sometimes recall him to recollection." 

The respect manifested by Frederick, considering his despotic 
principles and severe character, for Washington and La Fay- 
ette, the two great champions of liberty, is creditable to him, and 
could only have proceeded from the admiration which true great- 
ness always shows to genius and distinguished talent, wherever 
they may be found. 

La Fayette, in his travels and observations of the affairs of 
Europe, did not for a moment lose sight of the mterests of 
America, and early in the year '83, after his re' urn to France, 
from his tour, manifested great anxiety to have the treaty of 
peace between Great Britain and America and France, defi- 
nitely ratified, the preliminaries of which had been entered i:ito 
the preceding )ear. He apprehended that the Court of St. 
James did not intend to ratify the treaty, and urged on the 
French government the propriety of affording f^dditional assist- 
ance to America, as a means of inducing Britain to conclude 
the treaty. Accordingly La Fayette was permitted to return 
to America once more, and orders were given to Count D'Es- 
taing to hold himself in readiness to proceed from Cadiz, with 
his fleet and troops on board, to the United States, as soon as 
La Fayette might join him. But the treaty being ratified, the 
expedition was, of course, abandoned. He went to Cadiz, 
where he found forty-ninfe ships and twenty thousand men ready 
to follow him, and which would have been in America early in 
the spring, had not peace been concluded. He communicated 
the first intelligence of this event to congress, by a letter dated 
Cadiz, February 5, 1783. 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE: 495 

The 2:reat object of the war being obtained, the independ- 
ence and freedom of the United States of America acknowled^d, 
and estabUshed, those who had been the compatriots and asso>- 
ciatos inarms in the United StatesrwithLa Fayette, in this ejreat 
and glorious cause, were very anxious of embracing him once 
moie on that soil, now no longer marked with the traces of 
oppression, which had been the theatre of their united loilsj 
sufferings and triumphs. La Fayette was not less desirous to 
revisit a country that he had found oppressed, and struggling for 
its rights, and which he had contributed to render independent, 
sovereign and free. The pressing invitation of Washington, and 
many other friends, was accordingly accepted, and, having ar- 
ranged his affairs in July, '84, he embarked from Havre for 
America the third time. 

There are few, if any, examples in history, of an individual 
■\5'ho has assisted, by his services, his fortmie and his blood, to 
secure the independence, liberty and peace of a foreign and disr 
tant people, revisiting the same people, on their pressing solici- 
tations,as" the guest of the nation," to witness the fruits of his 
labors, the blessings of peace and freedom, and receive the gra- 
titude and homage of millions in the enjoyment of these blessings. 
This distinguished honor and distinguished felicity. La Fayette 
has twice enjoyed.. 

He arrived at New York, after a passage of thirty-four days, 
on the fourth of August, 1784. The knowledge of his arrival 
was communicated with rapidity, and he immediately was sur- 
rounded by the officers and citizens, who welcomed his return, 
and offered to him their congratulations. The day following 
his arrival, a public entertainment was given him, at which all 
the officers appeared in their "continentals," both uniforms 
and accoutrements, which served to produce a more fratrr!tal 
feeling among the co-patriots and fellow officers of the late ar- 
duous struggle, now so successfully and gloriously terminated. 

From New York he proceeded to Philadelphia, where he was 
met by the officers of the army and a vast concourse of ciiizons, 
and escorted to the house of the governor. In the evening au 



goo MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

universal illumination took place; there was not a single house 
in the city but what was illuminated. On his present visit, also, 
this city honored La Fayette with an illumination more univer- 
fial and splendid than any thing of the kind which had been wit- 
nessed any where else. The next day he was waited on by 
Generals St. Clair, Wayne and Irwine, as a committee in be- 
half of the citizens; and the legislature being in session, ap- 
pointed a deputation, consisting of one member from a county, 
who addressed him in their own name and that of their constit- 
uents ; they also incorporated a county in the western section of 
the state, by the name of La Fayette. 

From Philadelphia he repaired to Baltimore, and from thence 
hastily to Mount Vernon, to see and embrace his beloved Wash- 
ington, now no longer the head of the American armies, and 
the master-spirit of the revolution, but a private citizen, living 
in retirement on his plantation. It would be in vain to attempt 
to describe the interview between these two illustrious individ- 
uals. Born in different hemispheres, and apparently to differ- 
ent fortunes and different ends, they had nevertheless become 
united by the strongest ties of affection, principle and sympathy, 
and by their common toil and sufferings in the same cause, and 
that cause so sacred in itself, so dear to the hearts of both, and 
so gloriously successful, guaranteeing the blessings of peace and 
liberty to a nation, and establishing the fame of all who had 
acted a distinguished part in it — an interview between two such 
individuals, under such circumstances, after an absence of nearly 
two years, which had served to give maturity to the fruits of 
their exertions, and increase their mutual affection — as it is 
without example, so it scarcely belongs to this earth ; it is rather 
like an interview between superior beings, rejoicing at the hap- 
piness tliey had conferred upon mortals. 

La Fayette remained at Mount Vernon twelve days, when 
he returned to Baltimore, and after a short stay, he went on to 
New- York, and proceeded eastward to Boston, passing through 
the principal towns in the route, and was every where received 
with the most hearty welcome and the most lively demonstra- 
tions of grateful hearts. On approaching Boston, he was met 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 501 

at Watertownby the whole body of the late army, addressed in 
their behalf by his personal friend, General Knox, The legis- 
lature being in session, a resolve was immediately adopted, in- 
viting him to meet the members of the two houses in the senate- 
room, where he was addressed by the governor in terms of re- 
spect and affection. He went east as far as Maine, and having 
visited the considerable towns, he returned to Boston, where he 
embarked for the Chesapeake. He made a second visit to 
Mount Vernon, and passed through the principal towns on the 
way. On his return, Washington came with him to Annapolis, 
where he took an affectionate, and then thought, as it proved to 
be, a final farewell of Washington and numerous friends, and re- 
ceived the last benedictions of his illustrious friend and adopted 
parent. 

Before leaving the United States, he deemed it proper bo take 
respectful leave of congress, then in session at Trenton, where 
he arrived on the 8th of December. La Fayette having ad- 
dressed a note to congress, signifying his intention, a committee 
was appointed, consisting of one from a state, to give greater 
dignity to the proceeding, to receive and take leave of the Mar- 
quis in the name of congress, and the nation, and to assure him 
that congress continued to entertain the same high sense of his 
zeal and services to promote the welfare of the United States, 
both here and in Europe, which they bad frequently manifested 
on former occasions. The committee received the guest of the 
nation in congress hall, and communicated to him the resolve of 
that body, to which the Marquis made the following dignified 
and affectionate reply:— 

" While it pleases the Congress of the United States so kindly 
to receive me, I want words to express the feelings of a heart, 
which delights in their present situation, and in the public marks 
of their esteem. 

" Since I joined the standard of liberty, to this wished-for hour 
of my personal congratulations, I have seen such glorious deeds 
performed and virtues displayed, by the sons of America, that in 
the instant of my first concern for them, I had anticipated but a 
part of the love and regard which devote me to this rising empire. 




5(32 MAtlQUIS DE LA FYAETTE. 

*< During our revolution, I obtained an unlimitecf, indulgent 
confidence, which I ann equally proud and happy to acknowl- 
edge; it dates with the time, when an inexperienced youth, I 
could only claim my respected friend's paternal adoption. It 
has been more benevolently continued throughout every circun^- 
stance of the cabinet and the field ; and in personal friendship 
I have often found a support against public difficulties. While 
on this solemn occasion, I mention my obligations to Congress, 
the states and the people at large, permit me to remember my 
dear military companions, to whose services their country is so 
much indebted. 

"Having felt both for the timely aid of my country, and for 
the part she, with a beloved king, acted in the cause of mankind, 
lenjoy an alliance so well rivited by mutual affection, by inter- 
est and even local situation. Recollection insures it. Futurity- 
does but enlarge the prospect; and the private intercourse will 
every day increase, which independent and advantageous trade 
cherishes in proportion as it is justly understood. 

"In unbounded wishes to America,! am happy to observe the 
prevailing disposition of the people to strengthen the confede- 
ration, preserve pubUc faith, regulate trade; and in a proper 
guard over continental magazines and frontier posts, in a gene- 
ral system of militia, in foreseeing attention to the navy, to ensure 
every kind of safety. May this immense temple of freedom 
ever stand a lesson to oppressors, and an example to the oppressed, 
a sanctuary for the rights of mankind ! And may these happy 
United States attain that complete splendour and prosperity, 
which will illustrate the blessings of their government, and for 
ages to come, rejoice the departed souls of its founders. 

"However unwilling to trespass on your time, I must yet pre- 
sent you with my grateful thanks for the late favors of congress; 
and never can they oblige me so much as when they put it in 
my power, in every part of the world, and to the latest day of 
my life, to gratify the attachment which will ever rank me among 
the most zealous and respectful servants of the United States." 

Congress at the same time also resolved, that the president of 
their body address a letter to the King of France, expressive of 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. qq^ 

the high sense which the United States entertain of the talents 
and meritorious services of the Marquis de La Fayette, and 
recommending him to the particular favor and patronage of his 
Majesty. 

La Fayette went from Trenton to New- York, where in a few 
days he embarked for France, in a frigate that was waiting for 
him. On his departure he was honored by the waving stand- 
ards of the United States from the forts, and by the discharge 
of thirteen cannon announcing the number of states which 
regretted his departure, and whose best wishes he carried with 
him. During his visit many of the states passed acts conferring 
the right of citizensliip on La Fayette, and his male descendants 
for ever. 

At the time, this separation between La Fayette and America, 
must have been believed, both by himself and his friends here, 
to be the last; and however lively an interest he might be sup- 
posed to continue to feel for her welfare, it could hardly have 
been expected that he would again revisit a country which had 
¥een the theatre of his early achievements, of his brightest glory: 
which was still the dearest object of his attachments and hopes, 
and which contained so many of his dearest and most venerated 
friends. In leaving the shores of the United States, under such 
circumstances, his feelings must have been deeply affected ; and 
likewise those of the numerous friends he left behind. To most 
of the latter, the parting was forever on earth; but the life of 
this illustrious man has been spared, through all the vicissitudes 
which he has since passed, that whilst he was on the confines of 
the earth and about to leave it, for another and better world, 
after the lapse of nearly half a century, he should be permitted 
like a departed spirit returning to the earth, to revisit this favour- 
ed land of promise, and witness the countless blessirg? enjoyed 
by a numerous and grateful people, flowing from independence, 
peace, free institutions, and well-regulated social order, the holy 
and imperishable fruits of the blood and toils of the heroes and 
patriots of a glorious revolution, of whom he is one of the chief, 
and almost the only survivor. This is a felicity which no mortal 
has ever before enjoNed; it was reserved for La Fayette, the 
first of patriots and philanthropists. ♦ 



(^04) 



CHAPTER VI. 

A»terhisarrivaliuFrance,he engages in various philanthropic objects. Virginia 
places his bust in the capitol of that state, and one at Paris — He again visits 
<arermany — Is a member of the Assembly of Notables — proposes various re- 
forms — is elected a member of the States-Gfeneral — proposes a bill of rights — 
procures a degree for the accountability of ministers — Fall of the Bastile — 
Is appointed to command the National Guards — Exerts himself to complete 
the constitution — Saves the Royal family at Versailles — He ccmmands the 
National Guards at the ceremony of Champ de Mars — Swears to the consti- 
tution in the name of the nation — Coalition against France — He is appoint- 
ed to command one of the armies — Military operations — Is denounced by 
the Jacobin faction — He addresses a letter to the Assembly— appears before 
their bar. 

General La Fayette, is one of the few individuals, who 
during a long and eventful life, abounding in vicissitudes and 
trials, has maintained the most scrupulous consistency of conduct 
and integrity of principle. The liappiness of his fellaw crea- 
tures seems to have been the leading object of all his actions, 
and we always find him engaged in acts of private beneficence 
or public utility: he has always been on the side of truth, justice, 
and liberty. Soon after his return to France, he is found taking 
a strong interest in the affairs of the Batavian patriots, and 
uniting his influence and exertions with those of the celebrated 
philosopher Malescherbes, in the cause of the French protest- 
ants; while at the same time, he joined a society whose object 
was, the gradual emancipation of the blacks held in slavery, 
particularly in the French colonies. In this last philanthropic 
and benevolent scheme, he spent much time and money, and it 
is believed that his exertions and those of his associates would 
have done much towards meliorating the condition of the unfor- 
tunate Africans, had they not been arrested by the rapid devel- 
opement of the first scenes in the great drama of the French 
revolution. 

In the year '8G, Virginia, in consideration of his services 
rendered to that state, by an act of the assembly, directed the 
bust of La Fayette to be placed in the capitol of the state; and 
at the same time authorised Mr. Jefferson, then the American 
minister at Paris, to cause the like statue to be placed in the 



iVlARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE; SJO^ 

inetropolis of France, with the consent of the municipal author- 
itj' of the city. In his letter to the municipality of Paris, Mr. 
Jefferson says, — "The Legislature of the state of Virginia, in 
consideration of the services of Major-General, the Marquis de 
La Fayette, has resolved to place his bust in their capitol. This 
intention of erectmg a monument to his virtues, and to the sen- 
timents with which he has inspired them, in the country to 
which they are indebted for his birth, has induced a hope that 
the city of Paris would consent to become the depository of a 
second proof of their gratitude. Charged by the state with the 
execution of this resolution, I have the honor to solicit the Pre- 
vols des Marchands and municipality of Paris to accept the bust 
of this brave officer, and give it a situation where it may contin* 
ually awaken the admiration, and witness the respect of the al- 
Hes of France." 

The proposition, meeting with the decided approbation of the 
local authorities, and of the king, to whom it was submitted, the 
bust of La Fayette, executed by the order of Mr. Jefferson, by 
Mr. Houden, was placed in one of the galleries of the city hall, 
with great ceremony, an eloquent address having been deliver- 
ed on the occasion, by the attorney-general, in which he sketch- 
ed, in the most impressive manner, the important services of La 
Fayette in North America, the confidence the nation reposed iu 
him, and the unbounded affection of the people for him. 

In the year '86, La Fayette made a tour through various 
parts of Germany, >and visited the courts of Vienna and Berlin. 
But whilst extending his knowledge by acquainting himself with 
the affairs of other nations, the deep interest he felt in the wel- 
fare of America, was not in any degree impaired or diminished, 
and during his travels he was distressed and alarmed at the intel- 
ligence he received of the disorders which prevailed in the 
United States, the discords and disaffection of the people, the 
low state of public credit, the disregard of the authority of con- 
gress, and the crude political notions and general spirit of in- 
subordination which every where prevailed; and which in one 
itate had led to actual insurrection. Deeply impressed with 

61 



ij^Qi, MARQUIS DE LA lAYETTE. 

these alarming circumstances relating to his beloved Amcric'sj, 
be addressed to Washinijton a letter, filled with noble and patri- 
otic sentiments, and which shows the anxiety that he still contin- 
ued to feel in common with all real patriots here, fc- the w^el- 
fare and prosperity of the United States, then placed in the most 
critical condition. 

'' About this time," says Marshall, "Gen. Washington received 
a long and aflfectionate letter from the Marquis He La Fayette, 
who had just returned from a tour through the north of Europe. 
In communicating the occurrences at the courts he had visited, 
and especially at that of Prussia, whose aged and distinguished 
monarch, uniting tlie acquirements of the scholar with the most 
profound skill in the art of war, could bestow either literary or 
military fame, he dwelt with enthusiasm on the plaudits which 
were universally bestowed on his military patron and paternal 
friend. "I wish" he added, " the other sentiments I have had 
occasion to discover with respect to America, were equally sat- 
isfactory with those that are pergonal with yourself. 1 need not 
say that the spirit, the firmness, with which the revolution was 
conducted, has excited universal admiration. That every friend 
to the rights of mankind is an enthusiast for the principles on 
which those constitutions are built: but I have often liad the 
mortification to hear that the want of powers in congress, of 
union between the states, of energy in their government, would 
make the confederation very insignificant. By their conduct in 
the revolution," he added, " the citizens of America have com- 
manded the. respect of the world; but it grieves me to think 
they will in a measure loose it, unless they strengthen the con- 
federation, giving congress power to regulate their trade, pay 
off their debt, or at least the interest of it, establish a w^ell regu- 
lated militia, and in a word, complete all those measures which 
you have recommended to them." 

"Unhappy for us," said the general in reply, "though the re- 
ports you mention are greatly exaggerated, our conduct has laid 
the foundation for them. It is one of the evils of democratic 
governments, that the people not always seeing, and fre- 
quently mi&led, must often feel before they act right. But evils 



MAHQUIS DE LA FAYETTth 507 

of this nature seldom fail to work their own cure. It is to be 
lamented nevertheless, that the remedies are so slow, and that 
those who wish to apply them seasonably, are not attended t6 
before they suffer in person, in interest, and reputation. I am 
not without hopes that matters will soon take a favourable turn ' 
in the federal constitution. The discerning part of the commu- 
nity have long since seen the necessity of giving adequate pow- 
ers to congress for national purpwes, and those of a ditife rent de- 
scription must yield to it ere long." 

Hitherto the career of the Marquis de La Fayette had beeli 
uniformly successful and glorious; his advance in the path of 
honor and military fame, and in aidmg the cause of liberty, had 
been smooth, dignified, and without interruption; his popularity, 
like a placid but magnificent stream, increased in volume and 
force as it flowed smoothly along, occasionally ruffled by the 
winds, but never torn by cataracts or agitated by the rage of the 
clement'^. But the time had now arrived that he was no longer 
to enjoy a clear horizon and serene sky, without interruption; 
die smooth current of his popularity is exposed to be agitated 
and broken by the rage of the most tremendous storms, and alt 
the maddening fury of (he elements. 

To have been the successful hero and patriot of two r evolutions ,, 
would have been a more glorious destiny than belonged to any 
mortal; there is no such example in the history of mankind; it 
was not therefore reserved for La Fayette. He had acquired 
sufficient glory, and rendered sufficient service to his fellow mor- 
tals by the part he had acted in the American Revolution; this 
will render his name as immortal as that of the country whose 
independence and liberty he contributed to establish, and as 
venerated as those of the illustrious individuals with which it is 
associated. 

He was designed to act a part equally, and indeed much more 
conspicuous in the political revolution in France, than he had 
in America; but with much less success or glory; not, however, 
from any fault of his. He contributed as much, perhaps more 
than any other individual, to give an impetus ta the ball of the 
revolution, but having got in motion, it was no longer in his pow« 



50S MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

er to stop it, or even to regulate its course. If we look back (a 
the influence he had on the part taken by France in the Ameri- 
cau struggle, it cannot be doubted that he is entitled to the hon- 
or of having contributed directly and indirectly, much more to- 
wards producing the first movement in favor of a political reform 
in France, than any other individual. The struggle between 
the United States and Great Britain, and the part taken in it by 
France, is undoubtedly the principal cause of the dreadful revo- 
lution which soon followed in that kingdom. It added greatly 
to the public debt, and completely deranged the already embar- 
rassed finances of the nation. The American contest was pro- 
fessedly a war for liberty; it led to an examination and dis- 
cussion, both in the United States and in England, of the first 
principles of government, of the rights of man, and of the origin 
and nature of monarchy; and these discussions were generally 
republished in France, and from a national bias, the people ap- 
proved of the American side of the argument. The French of- 
ficers and soldiers who had been engaged in the American war, 
in some measure had the spirit of the revolution infused into 
their minds. Being engaged in the same cause with the Amer- 
icans, they imbibed the same feelings, and in no small degree 
adopted the same principles. It was natural, therefore, for those 
who had fought for liberty abroad, to look into the political state 
of their own nation; and it was a painful reflection to all who 
had contributed to establish the independence and freedom of 
America, to perceive the oppressed and degraded condition of 
their own country. 

In the commencement and early part of the revolution, the 
American hero and patriot, acted a most distinguished and influ- 
ential part. He '^^as a member of the Assembly of Notable^, 
which convened in 1787, and was nominated one of the mem- 
bers of the committee under the Count D'Artois, the present 
king of France. Here he was a zealous and intrepid advocate 
for the correction of existing abuses in the government and a 
j)olitical reformation. He read several memorials, distinguish- 
ed for their noble political sentiments, and freedom and bold- 
ness of language. His zeal and independence gave great of 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. ^OJ/ 

fence to the Count D'Artols, and called down upon him the sus- 
picions and hostility of the court, which placed him in a very 
delicate and critical situation; but he was supported by the com- 
mittee, who approved of his memorials. One of the members in 
the warmth of his feelings said to him — " Your achievements in 
America had already enrolled your name in the list of heroes, 
but never before have you so justly deserved that glorious dis- 
tinction. How happy I should be was there a sculptor present 
to perpetuate your zeal for the welfareof your country and your 
king?" Being encouraged from the support he received, La 
Fayette followed up his patriotic plans, and proposed a series of 
reforms, the suppression of the state prisons, and lettres de cachet, 
and obtained a resolution favoring the civil right of the protes- 
tants. But the most important measure which he proposed was 
the convocation of the States-General, which had so important 
an influence on the destinies of France and Europe. " What," 
said the Count D'Artois, "do you ask for the States-General f 
"Yes," replied La Fayette, "and for something more and bet- 
ter;" an intimation noi then understood. 

La Favette was chosen a deputy to this celebrated body, 
which convened in the month of May, 1789, and assumed the 
name of the National Assembly. He at once became a leading 
and influential member, and as vice-president, presided during 
the important sitting on the night of the 13th and 14th of July, 
the moment the Bastile was falling before the furious assaults of 
the populace. 

On the 11th of July, he submitted to the National Assembly, 
the first declaration of the rights of man, which he introduced 
with the following memorable language: 

" Although my powers do not extend to me the right of voting 
y,mong you, it is my duty to lay my opinion before you. 

" You have been presented with the declaration of rights, a» 
the first object of your labor and attention. 

"That declaration is indispensable. It is not founded upon 
metaphysicalopinions, but upon the very basis of social order. 

"It is of the first importance that those rights which are en^ 
graven on every man's heart, should be distinctly and nnequivo*^ 
cally recognized. 



510 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTEr 

'"Yet it is my opinion that this declaration should be confined 
to a statement of the unalienable rights of man, and of man as 
we tind him in a state of society. 

" I have now the honor to submit the first model of such a 
declaration. 

" 1 am far from insisting that it shall be adopted as it is ; 1 only 
ask ifiti.t it be copied, to be circulated freely among the different 
committees." 

M. de Lally Tolendal arose, and said — " With the exception 
of a few lines, which admit, perhaps, of some little discussion, I 
second the motion which has just been offered. All the princi- 
ples contained therein are the sacred emanations of truth; all 
the sentiments are noble and sublime. The author of the mo- 
tion now displays as much eloquence in speaking of liberty, as 
he has already shown courage in defending it." 

It was Under his influence ihat a decree was adopted provi- 
ding for the responsibility of the ministers, which was predicated 
on one of the elementary principles of limited and representa- 
tive monarchy. He took an active and influential part in the 
important discussions of this period, the bill of rights and the 
constitution, which having been matured, was adopted and 
sworn to, with the most solemn ceremony, by the members of the 
assembly in the Champ de Mars,on the 14th of July, 1790, tUe 
anniversary of the fall of the Bastile. 

After the fall of this strong castle of despotism, before the 
rude assault of an immense armed multitude, of ail ages and con- 
ditions,* great disorders prevailed; the people had become enra- 
ged and their passions inflamed; and being encouraged by suc- 
cess, it was diflicult to restrain them or check their excesses.-^— 
At this critical conjuncture, two days after the capture of the 
Bastile, La Fayette was appointed to command the National 
Guards of Paris, by M. Bailly, who had been elected mayor of 
that city. To increase the disorders, great scarcity prevailed 
in the large cities, which threatened a famine, and immense 
multitudes of both sexes were patrolling the streets with the 
cries of bread! bread! La Fayette did all in his power to pre- 
serve tranquillity, and protect the persons and property of |hr 



MARQlflS DE LA FAYETTST. .^14 

■f^izens. The assembly also exerted themselves to calm the 
public mind, and to maintain the public peace; they also steadi- 
ly advanced forward in the great objects of the revolution, and 
endeavored to act out the principles they had already recogni- 
zed. They passed a decree for the security of persons and prop- 
erty, aud enjoining the payment of taxes as usual; they also 
abolished the most odious features of the feudal system, which 
was followed by the suppression of tithes, and they declared that 
henceforth all distinctions, political and personal, should cease, 
and that France should be one nation, one family, governed by 
the same laws, and that all other titles should be merged in that 
of French Citizen. The constitution of '90, divided France into 
eighty-three departments, abolished the feudal system, and let' 
tres de cachet, fixed the qualifications of electors, provided that the 
representatives were to form but one chamber, and rendered 
the sale of ofiices criminal, annihilated all orders and distinc- 
tions, granted to the king his veto on all acts of the assembly, and 
established triennial legislatures. 

In all these important measures, calculated to give to man his 
dignity, his rights, his liberty, and to render a nation free, pow- 
erful, prosperous and happy. La Fayette took an active and de- 
cided part. If these measures did not produce the happy results 
intended, let it not be considered as an impeachment of the 
great principles on which they were founded, or of the patriotic 
motives of their authors. The leaders in the first or constitu- 
ent assembly. La Fayette, Miraubeau, Bissel, &c. were distin- 
guished men, and their patriotic conduct, although not successful 
to the extent they had reason to expect, is, nevertheless, the 
source of most of the political advantages which France 
BOW enjoys. And there is reason to believe, that neither 
the imperial despotism of Napoleon, or tlie re-establishment 
Cf( the throne and dynasty of the Bourbons, nor all the vio- 
■'lence and disorders of the revolution, can extinguish the light 
which these illustrious men contributed to disseminate. The 
seeds of liberty, sown in the early stages of the revolution, al- 
though at first producing a growth too rank and luxuriant 
fo ripen to maturity, and afterward for a long period, choked by 



512 AlARQUrS DE LA FAYETTE. 

thorns, uevei theless can hardly fail, in due time, of producing 
their proper fruits. But however this may be, it would be in 
vain for the minions of royalty to impeach the motives and in- 
tegrity of those distinguished patriots, or to sully the lustre of 
their well-earned fame. The fidelity of history will do them 
justice, and enrol their names among the first patriots and ben- 
efactors of their country. 

The situation of La Fayette as commander of the National 
Guards, was one of peculiar difficulty and delicacy, as it brought 
him into constant contact with the court and the throne. On the 
5th of October, 1790, a vast multitude, principally women, ap- 
peared in the streets of Paris, crying out bread! bread! Being 
joined by a company of the volunteers of the Basiile, they set 
out for Versailles, the residence of the royal family. From the 
contagion of example, the National Guards insisted on proceed- 
ing hither Ukewise; and La Fayette believing it difficult tore- 
strain them, and also that the guards under his direction might 
prevent the excesses of the multitude, thought it advisable to let 
them proceed: and having obtained the sanction of the munici- 
pal authority, he led the guards to Versailles, where he arrived 
about ten o'clock at night. He had been on horseback from 
before daylight in the morning, and made incredible exertions 
to calm the guards and repress violence. "The Marquis de La 
Fayette," says Madam de Stael, " entered the Chateau, and 
passing through the apartment where we were, went to the 
king. We all pressed around him as if he was master of events, 
and yet the popular party was already more poweiful than its 
chief, and principles were yielding to factions, or rather, were 
beginning to serve only as their pretext. M. de La Fayette's 
manner was perfectly calm ; nobody ever saw it otherwise ; but 
his delicacy suffix red from the part he was to act. He asked 
for the interior posts of the Chateau in order that he might en- 
sure their safety, but only the outer posts were granted to him."' 
This refusal was not from want of confidence in La Fayette, but 
because of the etiquette of the court, the immediate defence of 
the royal family could be intrusted to none but the guards of 
the royal household. La Fayette therefore held himself re- 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 5 1 3 

sponsible for the post committed to him and the National Guards. 
The king and queen retired to rest between two and three 
o'clock ; and about four, a portion of the populace found their 
way into the interior of the palace through an obscure passage, 
which liad been overlooked, and which was not in that part 
of the Ciiaceau entrusted to La Fayette. They were evidently 
led by persons acquainted wi^i the secret avenues, and soon 
made their way to the queen's chamber ; two of her guards 
were instantly cut down, and she narrowly escaped, almost 
naked. La Fayette rushed in at this instant, at the head of 
the National Guards and rescued the Swiss Guards from popu- 
lar violence, and saved the royal family, which came near being 
syicrificed to the etiquette of the court. 

At dawn of day, an immense multitude surrounded the pal- 
ace, and filled the vast space called, from the rich materials of 
which it is constructed, the court of marble. In loud and an- 
gry vociferations they called on the king to accompany them to 
Paris,andon the queen to present herself at the balcony. The 
king after a consultation with his ministers, concluded to set 
out foI*1,he capital. La Fayette, apprehending that it would be 
unsafe for the queen to go, knowing the violence of the popu- 
lace towards her, went and asked her if she intended to accom- 
pany the king to Paris. "Yes," she replied, "although I am 
sensible of the danger." Are you positively determined ?" 
" Yes sir." " Condescend, then," said La Fayette, " to go out 
on the balcony, and suffer me to attend you." " Without the 
king ?" she liesitafinglyreplied — ''' have you heard the threats?" 
" Yes, Madame, I have, but dare to trust me." He conducted 
her to the balcony ;; it was a moment of the most awful and 
delicate responsibility ; the agitations, cries and shouts of the 
vast multitude, like the sound of mighty waters, prevented his 
voice from being heard ; but not on this or any other occasion, 
did his presence of mind fail him ; he simply, with that easeajid 
grace which distinguished the old court of France, kissed her 
hand, in view of the multitude. This unexpected event was 
viewed ibr a moment with silent astonishment by the populace, 
but soon the air resounded with the cries of" long live the queen ! 

&5 



514 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, 

long live the general," from that same fickle populace, who a 
few hours before, had imbrued their hands in the blood of the 
guards who defended this same queen. It was on this occasion 
that the guards first placed the tricolored cockade in their hats, 
and supplicated for mercy in behalf of the king. The popular 
rage for a time sefemed to subside, but was soon revived by the 
cry of " to Paris ! to Paris !" •The king having thought it 
prudent to comply with the demands of the populace, accompa- 
nied by a deputation of two hundred of the assembly and the 
National Guards, set out for Paris. He was preceded by an 
executioner, between two wretches, e^ich with a bloody head 
suspended upon a pike, and followed by an immense multitude. 
La Fayette could not prevent this indignity being offered the 
king, but succeeded in preventing much violence and bloodshed. 

The discontents of the nobility and clergy broke out into a 
civil war in La Vendee, and faction raged in the capital. On 
the 20th of June, '91, the Royal Familyfled from the capital with 
the intention of leaving the kingdom and proceeding to Varen- 
nes, where they were discovered and conducted back to Paris, 
Conducted by the citizens of Varennes, and surrounded by an 
immense body of National Guards, the royal family passed 
along the streets and squares amidst half a million of spectators: 
no murmurs or reproaches were heard, nor a solitary voice 
greeted the royal ear with the expression of joy : not a hand 
was uplifted, nor a head uncovered, to honor tire sovereign, but 
a sullen silence prevailed. 

From the increasing strength of the Jacobin faction, the sit- 
taation of La Fayette became every day more difficult and crit- 
caj ; he was placed between Scylla and Charibidis ; the vio. 
lent leaders on the one hand tending to disorder and anarchy, 
and the kuigand the old aristocracy on the other. But by a steady 
adherence to principles he preserved his consistency and honor 
in the most difficult circumstances. As a member of the assem- 
bly he supported all rational plans of reform, in maturing and 
perfecting the revolution, and opposed all violent measures. On 
the 20th of June, 1790, he seconded a motion for the abolition 
of all titles of nobilitv. From this time he renounced his own 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 5 j 5 

Ule of Marquis, and has never since resumed it himself, 
,ilthough sometimes so called by others. He used all his influ- 
ence to complete the constituiion, which it was decided should 
be received and adopted in the assembly and the nation, in the 
most imposing and solemn manner, and for which purpose, the 
14th o( July, 1790, the anniversary of the destructiou of the 
Bastile, was selected as an appropriate occasion. The labor 
of from one to two hundred thousand persons of all conr'itions 
and sexes, dukes, duchesses, bishops, deputies, butchers, porters, 
&c. in a (ew weeks raised an ampitheatre of earth four miles 
in circumference, in the area behind the military school, called 
the Champ de Mars, from the Champus Matinus of the Romans. 
Seats rismg above each other were formed round the sides for the 
people, and in the centre was erected the throne and tlie altar. 
The king, officers of the government, the deputies of the na- 
tional assembly, a deputation of mihtary from each department, 
and a concourse of citizens amounting in all to more than four 
hundred thousand, were collected in the grand ampitheatre 
which gave a magnificence and sublimity to the national festival. 
Mass baring been said. La Fayette, who commanded the Na- 
tional Guards and the mihtary, approached the altar, and in the 
presence of this vast concourse swore to the constitution in be- 
half of the nation. It was an awful situation ; every eye of this 
vast assemblage was directed towards him, and every hand 
raised to join with him in the oath. The world has never 
witnessed so magnificient and solemn a ceremony, or perliaps an 
individual voluntarily raised to so exalted and conspicuous a 
situation. He had the command of six millions of men, directed 
this august national ceremony, and was the organ of the nation 
itself. After La Fayette, the members of the assembly swore 
to the constitution. 

On the 13th September, Louis informed the assembly that he 
had given his sanction to the constitution, which was solemnly 
proclaimed throughout the kingdom ; and on the 30th of the 
same month the president proclaimed — " That having concluded 
the object for which they had convened, the national assembly 
declares its powers to be at an end, and that it will set no longer." 



516 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETJE. 

Thus, after a session of two years, terminated the hibor? of the 
first, or constituent assembly ; a body of men as distinguished 
for talents and patriotism as any other ever convened ; and if wo 
except the American Congress of '76, perhaps the labours and 
discussions of no other, were ever more important. Soon afler 
La Fayette, having completed the organization of the National 
Guards, resigned, and retired to his estate. The second nation- 
al assembly, commenced by taking the oath to support the 
constitution. Alarmed for their security, the nobility and 
clergy fled from the kingdom ; and the princes of the blood 
having repaired to Cobleniz, that place became a general ren- 
dezvous of the emigrants ; and the Prince of Conde soon began 
to assemble an army of malcontents. 

When the political society, first called the " Friends of the 
People," and afterward the "Jacobin Club," having fallen 
under the influence of Robespierre and Danton, had become 
odious and a most dangerous engine, La Fayette, with Talley- 
rand, the Duke dc Rochefaucault and Laincourt, the two 
Lameths and others, attempted to counteract its pernicious 
iufluence, by the establishment of another societj', called " The 
Club of 1729 ;" but they were afterward commonly calletl the 
Fuillnns, from the convent where they assembled. This party 
were the constitutionalists, of whom La Fayette maybe regarded 
as the head ; they continued in general to act with the Girondisls^ 
who were believed to be favorable to a republic, and were 
distinguished for talents, patriotism and virtue. These two 
parties united, formed a decided majority in the assembly, and 
for a long time kept, down the Jacobin faction, headed by 
Robespierre and Danton. 

Whilst the nation was agitated with disorders and factions 
within, ii storm was gathering from without, which threatened 
the desolation of France. The treaty of Pilnitz, consummated 
the first coalition against France : the professed object of which 
was to regulate its internal alfairs, and to re-establish the mon- 
archy with all its original pov.-ers and perogatives ; but its 
real object probably was, had it been successful, to have subjected 
France to the fate of Poland. .This outrageous enterprize on 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. ;^17 

the part of the aHied powers, and the insulting demands of the 
Emperor of Austria, overcome the dread of war at fir?t felt by 
the people, and roused the spirit of the nation. This spirit was 
inflamed to the highest pitch by a popular and eloquent address 
to the nation, published bj the assembly, wiiich immediately 
followed the decree of war. And the conduct of the French 
emigrants, who assembled on the borders of the state in a hostile 
manner, ready to invade their country, excited the highest in- 
dignation of the people. 

The assembly displayed great activity in preparing to prose- 
cute hostilities. Three large armies took the field; one com- 
manded by La Fayette, who was called from his voluntary 
retirement for this purpose, one by Marshal Rochambeau, and 
the other by Marshal Luckner, Their first operations were 
not successful: the three generals had formed one plan of the 
campaign, and the cabinet had formed another, and the dissen- 
sions between them soon led to serious embarrassments and diffi- 
culties. By the former scheme, La Fayette w^js to have been 
entrusted with the execution 6f an enterp-ige at:ainst the Low- 
Countries, or Austrian Nefi.erlands, at the head of 50,000 n":erj, 
and was to have been supported by a second army und' r Ro- 
chambeau; whilst a third u-as to have taken possession of 
Mentz. 

The expedition against Tournay, and that against Mons. both 
failed; from which cause the advantages of the occupation of 
Furns were obliged to be relinquished. La Fayette \v\i\i the 
mwin army proceed to Givet, where i< was inter; Vd b- make 
a general rendezvous in the heart of tlie Austrian Nf therlands. 
The faiUire of the two first expeditions, disconcerted his plans 
and embarrassed hU^ operations; he was able how^-ver to ];: <p 
his ground. His army occupied the tract of country exteuiimg 
from Givet to Bouvines. In the month of June, t'v? i^'ivrich 
armies had made considerable progres' int-^e JN'^thc'dauds; but 
the Aastrians and Prussians advancing wiiti ;. siiperlor force, 
they were obliged to retreat to Givet and Valenciennes. Jn 
the mean <^ime the cabinet was distracted by contentions, vvhich 
led to the resignation of Rochambeau,and finally to a change of 



518 MARQUIS DE LA FAIETTE. 

the ministry, which was succeeded by an administration of the 
Fuillant part;)^'. They did not possess the confidence of the 
people, or the majority of the assembly, and their power was 
short. The dismission of the old, and the appointment of the 
new ministry, increased the strength and boldness of the Jacobin 
or violent party, both in the assembly and nation. This, and 
other measures of the king, together with the coalition of sove- 
reigns against France, for the avowed object of restoring Louis 
to his prerogatives and power, had occasioned suspicions that 
he secretly favored the designs of the enemies of France, and 
that if he could escape, would leave the country and throw him- 
self into their hands. The conduct of the allies and of the 
king, favored these suspicions, and enabled the leaders of the vi- 
olent party to inflame the fears and passions of the people to the 
highest pitch. The violent party were still a minority in the 
assembly; but by their boldness, their violent measures, and the 
control and direction they had acquired over public opinion, they 
over-awed the deliberations, and in a great measure dictated to 
the assembly. The leaders of this party feared no man so much 
as La Fayette: from his known integrit}', his attachment to the 
constitution, the nation and the king, from the popularity he still 
maintained with moderate men of all parties, and above all 
from his having the command of the army, they were sensible 
they could never succeed in their ambitious plans until he was 
out of the way; they were determined therefore to destroy him. 
He was derwunced in the assembly and the papers as having en- 
gaged in a conspiracy with the king against the nation. But 
neither the personal danger to which he perceived himself ex- 
posed^ nor the gathering storm which threatened to burst on his 
country, shook his firmness in the least, or deterred him from 
making a bold and resolute effort to save the constitution, the 
king and his country, from air the evils and anarchy of civil war. 
Accordingly, on the 16th of June, he addressed to the national 
assembly a long letter, in which he openly denounced the Jaco- 
bin faction as the authors of all the mischiefs which afflicted the 
nation, and conjured the assembly to crush the factions and save 
the nation. This letter nnfolded the situation and sentiments of 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYEl"!^. 5^9 

La Fayette so fully at this conjuncture, that it dught not to be 
omitted in a memoir of his life: — 

At the entrenched camp ofi 
Maubege, IGtk June, 1792. J 

*' Gentlemen^ 

"At the moment, perhaps tod long deferred, in Avhich I am 
about to call your attention to the highest public interests, and to 
point out among our danger, the condtict of a ministry/, whom I 
have for a long time censured in my correspondence, I learn that, 
unmasked in consequence of its own divisions, it has fallen a 
sacrifice to its own intrigues. [This was the Brissotin ministry.] 
It is not enough, however, that this branch of the government 
has been delivered from its disastrous influence. * The public 
welfare is in peril — The fate of France depends principally on 
its representatives — The nation expects from them its security. 
But in giving them a constitution, France has prescribed to them 
the only means by which she can be saved. 

"Persuaded, gentlemen, that as the rights of man are the la\t 
of every constituent assembly, a constitution ought to be the law 
of the legislators, which that constitution sliallhave established. 
It is to 7/ou that I ought to denounce the too powerful eflforts 
which are making to induce you to depart from that course which 
you have promised to pursue. 

^'JVbthing shall deter me from the exercise of this right of a free- 
man, to fulfil this duty of a citizen; neither the momentary errors 
of opinion ; for what are opinions vdien they depart from prin- 
ciples? nor my respect for, the representatives of the people; for 
I respect still more the people whose sovereign will it is to have 
a constitution; nor the benevolence and kindness which yoa 
have constantly evinced for myself; for I would preserve that as 
I obtained it, by an inflexible love of liberty. 

"Your situation is difficult — France is menaced from without, 
and agitated within. Whilst foreign powers announce the 
intolerable (inadmissible) project of attacking our national 
sovereignty, and avow it as a principle ! at the same time the 
enemies of France, its interior enemies, intoxicated with fanata- 
eSsm and pride, e:ntertttin chimerical hopes, and annoy ws with 



5 20 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

their insoJciit malrvolencc. You ought, genl,leme*ii to repress 
them; and you will have the power so to do, only zvheu you 
shall become consldutional and jt;sf. You wish it, 7io donhl; but 
cast your eyes upon all that passes within your own body and 
around you. Can you dissemble even to yourselves, that a 
faction (and to avoid all vague denunciations) tho jarnhin faction, 
have caused all these disorders? It is ihat -ohick J boldly accuse — 
organized like a separate empire in the metropolis, and its affil- 
iated societies, blindly directed by some ambitious leaders, this 
sect form?! a corporation entirely distinct in the midst of the French 
people, whose powers it usurps, by tyrannizing over its repre- 
sentatives and constituted authorities. 

'•It is in that body, in its public meeting, the love of the law» 
is denounced as aristocracy, and their breach as patriotism. 
There the assassins of Dessilles receive their triumphs, the crimes 
of Jourdan find panegyrists. There the recital of the massacre 
which has stained the city of Men tz, has also been received with 
fn/e?-na/acclamalions! Have they become sacred because the 
emperor Leopold has pronounced their name? And because 
it is our highest duty to combat theforcig^wrs who mingle in our 
domestic quarrels, are we at liberty te refrain from delivering 
our country from domestic tyranny? 

"Of what importance is it, as to the fulfilment of this duty, 
that strangers have their projects, and their connivance and 
concert with our internal foesi It is I, who denounce to you 
this sect (the jacobins;) I, who, without speaking of my past 
life, can reply to those who suspect my motives — " Approach, in 
this moment of awful crisis, when the character of each man 
must be known, and see which of us, more inflexible in his 
princip|,es, more obstinate in his resistance, will more courage- 
ously overcome those obstacles, and those dnngcrs which traitors 
to their country conceal, and which true citizens know how to 
appreciate, and to brave for her." 

"And how could I delay longer to fulfil this duly, whilst every 
successive dav weakens still jnore (he constituted authorities, 
substitutes the spirit of party fo\- the will of the people; whilst 
the audacity of the agitators, [the disorganizers] imposes silence 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 521 

on peaceable citizens, throws into retirement useful men, and 
whilst devotion to the sect or party stands in the place oi public and 
private virtues^ which, in a free country, ought to be the austere 
[severe, or strict] and only means of attaining to public office, 

"It is, after having been opposed to all the obstacles, and to 
all the snares, which were laid for me, the courageous and per- 
severing patriotism of an army, sacrificed perhaps to conspiracies 
against its commander, [La Fayette was the commander] that I 
now oppose to this faction the correspondence of a ministry, icorthy 
representative of its club — a correspondence, the calculations of 
which are false, its promises vain and illusory — its information 
deceitful or frivolous — its advice perfidious or. contradictory — 
correspondence, in which, after pressing nrie to advance without 
precaution — to attack without means — they finsilly began to tell 
me ih^ii resistance was mpo5Sii/c, when I indignantly repelled the 
cowardly and base assertion. What a reniarkable conformity 
of language, gentlemen, between the factions whom the aristo- 
cracy avow, and those who usurp the name of patriots! They 
both wish to overthrow our laws, rejoice in our disorders, array 
therpselves against the constituted authorities, detest the national 
guards (the militia) — preach insubordination to the army — sow, 
at one moment, distrust — at another, discouragement. 

"As to myself, gentlemen, who embraced the American cause at 
the moment when its ambassadors declq^ed to me that it was perilous 
•r desperate — who from that mom.ent have devoted my life to a 
persevering defence of liberty and of the sovereignty of the 
people — who, on the 14th of July, 1789, (after the taking of the 
Bastile,) in presenting to my country a declaration of rights, 
dared to say, "that in order that a nation should be free, it is 
only necessary that it should will so to be," I come, this day, full 
of confidence in the justice of our cause — of contempt for the 
cowards who deserted it, and of indignation against the traitors 
who would sully or stain it with crimes; I am ready to declare 
that the French nation, if it is not the vilest in the universe, can 
and ought to resist the conspiracy of kings who hav£ coalesced 
against it! 

66 



5e2 MARQUIS DE LA I'AYETTE, 

"It is not in the midst of my brave army that timid counsels 
should be permitted — patriotism, discipUne, patience, mutual 
confidence, all the military and civil virtues I find here. Here 
the principles of liberty and equality are cherished, the laws re- 
spected, property held sacred. Here calumnies and factions are 
unknown. And when I reflect that France has many millions who 
can become such soldiers, 1 ask myself, to what a degree of de- 
basement must such an immense people be reduced, stronger in 
its natural resources than in its artificial defences, opposing to a 
monstrous and discordant confederation, simple and united coun- 
sels and combinations, that the cowardly, degrading idea of sa- 
crificing its sovereignty, of permitting any discussion as to its lib- 
erties, of committing to negotiationitsrights,couldbe considered 
?imon^ iha possibilities of a rapidly advancing futurity! 

"But, in order that we, soldiers of liberty, should combat for 
her with efficacy, or die for her with any y*n<2Y or advantage, it is 
necessTry that the number of the defenders of the country should 
be promptly made in some degree proportionate to that of oux 
opponents ; that the supplies of all descriptions should be increas- 
ed so as to facilitate our movements; that the comfort and con- 
veniences of the troops, their clothes and arms, their pay, the 
accommodations for the sick, should no longer be subject to fatal 
delays, or to a miserable and misplaced economy which defeats 
its very end. 

"his above ally7iecessar}/ that the citizens rallied round their con- 
stitution, should be assured that the rights whichthat constitution 
guarantees shall be respected with a religious fidelit}'; which will 
of itself cause more despair to our enemies than any other measure. 

"Do not repel this desire — this ardqnt wish. It is that of all 
the sincerefriendsof your legitimate authority; Assured that no 
unjust consequences or eflTect can flow from a pure principle — 
that no tyrannical measure can save a cause, which owes its force, 
aye and its glory, to the sacred principles of liberty and equality. 
Let criminal jurisprudence resume its consliiulional power — 
Let civil equality — let religious freedom enjoy the application 
of their true principles. In fine, let the reign of the clubs be 
annihilated by you; let them give plncc to the laws— //«c?V 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE: 533 

usurpations to the firm and independent exercise of the powers 
of the constituted authorities — their disorganizing maxims to the 
true principles of liberty — their delirious fury jto the calm and 
constant courage of a nation which knows its rights, and is ready 
to defend them — in fine, their sectarian combinations to the true 
interests of the country, of the nation, which, in a moment of 
danger, ought to unite all,, except those to whom its subjection 
and ruin are the objects of atrocious pleasure and infamous 
speculation. 

LA FAYETTE." 

The sentiments contained in this letter, are bold, noble, and 
patriotic, worthy of the disciple of Washington, and of the hero 
and patriot of the American revolution. But the efforts of La- 
Fayette were in vain; the audacity and violence of Uiejacobia 
faction continued to increase ; the assembly had not the courage 
or the power to repress Ihem, and affairs rapidly approached a 
crisis. On the 20th of June, a vast and promiscuous multitude, 
headed by Santerre, armed with pikes and preceded with two 
cannon, advanced to the palace, and overcoming every obstacle, 
found their way to the presence of the king and royal family. 
They read a petition to his majesty, praying for the dismissal of 
the new ministry and the relinquishment of his veto,, by means of 
which he had suspended several decrees. Louis manifested 
great courage and firmness, and after an animated address from 
Vergniaux, a leading member of the assembly, and a {evr words 
from Petion, mayor of Paris, the populace withdrew, without 
committing any violence; but not until they had placed the red 
cap of liberty on the head of the king, to see how the symbol of 
freedom would become the brow of royalty. 

This and other outrages, together with the repeated denunci- 
ations against himself, induced La Fayette to confront his accu- 
sers, and make one more still bolder effort, to rouse the assembly 
to a sense of danger, and inspire them with that courage and 
firmness demanded by the crisis. Leaving the head-quarters 
of the army, he repaired to Paris, and fearlessly presented 
himself before the bar of the national assembly, confronted his 
enemies, and demanded to be tried. Being acquitted by a great 



524 MAllQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. * 

majority, "he entreated the assembly to come forward and save 
the country from ruin,b} dissolving the factious clubs and inflict- 
ing exemplary punishment on the authors of the late disgrace- 
ful riots." His friends in the assembly were numerous, and 
undoubtedly a majority of that body condemned the violent 
proceedings against which he raised his voice; but they had 
not courage to act; the assembly were overawed and er.islaved 
by the audacity and tyranny of desperate and unprincipled dema- 
gogues who controlled the fury of the populace. The presence 
of La Fayette revived the recollections of the national guards 
of Paris, of his unbounded popularity when he was placed at 
their-head; they assembled before the hotel where he lodged, 
planted the tree of liberty before the door, decorated it with 
ensigns and ribbons, and greeted him with enthusiastic exclama- 
tions of La Fayette and the constitutions! La Fayette and 
liberty, viva le La Fayette. 

Finding that all his efforts to preserve tranquillity, repress the 
factions, and preserve the constitution were unavailing, he left 
the cnpitol and returned to the army on the frontiers. On re- 
tiring he addressed the following note to the assembly, contain- 
ing the most noble and patriotic sentiments, expressed in digni- 
fied language. 

"Gentlemen — In returning to the post where brave soldiers 
are ready to die for the constitution, but ought not and will not 
lavish their blood except for that, I go with great and deep regret 
in not being able to inform the army, that the national assembly 
have yet deigned to come to any determination on my petition. 
[Alluding to the request in his letter to the assembly a short time 
before to suppress the Jacobin clubs.] The voice of all the 
good citizens of the kingdom, which some factious clamours 
strive to stifle, daily calls to the elected representatives of the 
people, that while there exists near them a sect vyho fetter all 
the authorities and menace their independence; and who, after 
provoking war, are endeavoring, by changing the nature of our 
cause, to make it impossible to defend it; that while there is 
cause to blush at the impunity of an act of treason against the 
nation, which has raised just and great alarms in the minds of 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 423 

all the French, and universal indignation; our liberty, laws, 
and honor are in danger. 

Truths like these, free and generous souls are not afraid of 
speaking. Hostile to the factions of every kind, indignant at 
cowards that can sink so low as to look for foreign interposition, 
and impressed with the principle, which I glory in being the 
first to declare to France, that all illegal power is oppsession, 
against which,, resistance becomes a duty, we are anxioQs to make 
known our fears to the legislative body. We hope that the 
prudence of the representatives of the people will relieve our 
minds of them. As for me, gentlemen, who will never alter my 
principles, sentiments, or language,! thought that the national 
assembly, considering the urgency and danger of circunnstances, 
would permit me to add my regrets and wishes to my profound 
respect." 

The boldness and intrepidity of the conduct of La Fayette 
on this occasion, when he was openly denounced by the violent 
leaders, and known to be the object of the hatred and vengeance 
of all the factious demagogues, could only have been inspired 
by a conviction that an awful crisis was impending, and a con- 
sciousness of the justness of his cause, and the integrity and 
'patriotism of his motives. 

"Thrice is he armed who has his quarrel just, 
And he but naked, though locked up in steel, 
"Whose conscience with injustice is corrupted." 

Among the accusations against La Fayette, he was charged 
with a design to march to Paris with his army, and to force the 
assembly to act agreeably to his wishes. In behalf of the as- 
sembly, the minister of the interior wrote to him on the subject, 
and General La Fajette in reply observed — "If I were ques- 
tioned respecting my principles, I should say that as a constant 
proclaimer and defender of the rights of man and the sovereignty 
of the people, I have every where and always resisted author- 
ities which liberty disavowed, and which the national will had 
not delegated; and that I have^very where and always obeyed 
those of which a free con?titution had fixed the forms and 



526 MARQUIS DE LA PAYETTE. 

limits. But I am questioned respecting a fact — Did I propose to 
Marslial Luckner to march to Paris with our armies? To 
which I answer in four words — it is not true.^^ 

Whilst faction raged within, the storm was gathering without ; 
the coalition having received the accession of several other 
powers, had collected an army of 80,000 men on the frontiers 
of France, for the invasion of the country. The Duke of 
Brunswick, who had been appointed generalissimo of the com- 
bined forces, on the 25th of July, issued a manifesto, in which 
he declared that the object of the coalition was to annihilate 
the existing government, liberate the king, and re-establish the 
nwnarchy and the ancient regime ; that the national assembly 
should be answerable with their heads for the safety of the royal 
family; and that the city of Paris should be held responsible for 
all disorders, and if the least violence should be offered to any 
one of the royal family, that city should be razed to the ground, 
and the inhabitants exterminated with the sword. He also 
denounced vengeance and military execution against all who 
should be found in arnvs in support of the existing government, 
and in defence of their own country. This infamous coalition, 
as weak as it was wicked, with the avowal of such abominable 
intentions and objects, confirmed the suspicions of the unfortu- 
nate monarch, inflamed the already exasperated feelings towards 
bim, and hurried on his fate, and that of France, by strengthen- 
ing the violent party, and giving them an ascendancy. 

On the 3d of August, Petion, at the head of the Sections of 
Paris, appeared before the bar of the assembly, and denuinded 
the deposition of the king; and numerous petitions to this effect 
were received from various quarters. Affairs having ripened 
to a crisis, on the night of the 19th of August, a conspiracy was 
formed by the leaders of the violent party, to overthrow the 
king, the monarchy, and the constitution, at one blow. Dantou, 
Desmoulins, Conville, Tallien Fabre d'Eglantine, Collot d'Her- 
bois, Saoterre, and others, met in the hall of the Cordeliers. 
Danton, with a loud and furious voice, concluded a vehement 
speech, in which he recapitulated the crimes of the court, 
with the following appeal: — "Let us cease to appeal to 



I 



MARQUIS t)E LA FAYETTE. 437 

the laws and the legislators, the greater part of them are noth- 
ing better than the accomplices of La Fayette, whom they have 
just absolved. To absolve that traitor, is to deliver ourselve,s 
to him, to the enemies of France, and to the sanguinary ven- 
geance of the coalesced kings. What do I say! it is this very 
night which the perfidious Louis has selected for delivering up 
to carnage and to the flames, that capital which he wishes once 
more to leave — To arms! to arms!" This cry in an instant was 
repeated from a thousand mouths; it spread like lightning in 
every direction; the bells were rung, and in a few minutes the 
dreadful tocsin of alarm resounded through the capital, filling 
the inhabitants with fear, and carrying terror and dismay to cv. 
ery department of the Thuilleries. More than 20,000 men, 
headed by Westermann^ armed in various ways, with forty 
pieces of cannon, made a furious assault on the castle of the 
Thuilleries. The Swiss Guards made a resolute and obstinate 
defence, but were overpowered by numbers, and nearly all mas 
sacred. Before the attack, the king and royal family fled for 
refuge to the national assembly, where they remained for four 
teen hours, in a small box appropriated to the reporter of a 
newspaper; he was finally conducted, under a strong escort, to 
the Temple. The king being thus deposed, in fact, and being 
overawed by the violent leaders, the assembly passed a series of 
acts declaring the executive power suspended, and the authori- 
ty "vested in the kiqg by the constitution, revoked, and inviting 
the people to meet in primary assemblies, and elect members to 
a national convention. A provisional executive council was 
established, and a decree of accusation issued against several of 
the late ministers. 

News of these violent proceedings reached La Fayette at his 
head-quarters, at Sedan, on the lOlh inst. He did not, for a 
moment, hesitate how to act: as he had been the first to oppose 
the despotism of the court, he was also the first to oppose the 
faction and tyranny of unprincipled demagogues, who trampled 
under foot the constitution they had sworn to support. He im- 
mediately addressed to the army under his command, the fallow, 
ing letter: — 



f>28 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.- 

"' Citizen Soldiers, 

« It is no longer time to conceal from you what is going for 
ward: the constitution you swore to maintain, is no more; a 
banditti from Marsailles, and a troop of factious men besieged 
the palace of the Thuilleries; the National and Swiss Guards 
made a vigorous resistance, but for want of ammunition they 
were obHged to surrender. 

"General D'AfTry, his aids-de-camp, and his whole family, 
were murdered. 

" The king, queen, and all the royal family, escaped to the 
national assembly ; the factious ran thither, holding a sword in 
one hand, and fire in the other, and forced the legislative body 
to supercede the king, which was done for the sake of saving his 
life. 

" Citizens, you are no longer represented ; the national assem- 
bly is in a state of slavery; your armies are without leaders; 
Petion reigns; the savage Danton and his sattellites are masters. 
Thus, soldiers, it is your province to examine whether you will 
restore the hereditary representatives to the throne, or submit 
to the disgrace of having a Petion for your king." 

"Gen Dillon, who commanded the northern army, and who 
had been a member of the first assembly, having assembled his 
troops, prevailed on them to take the oath of fidelity "to the na- 
tion, the law and the king." Marshal Luckner hesitated for a 
long time, but finally declared for the assembly; and the other 
generals, Biron, Montesquieu, Kellerman, and Custine, sent in 
their adhesion, and bowed to the new order of things, and to- 
gether with their troops, took the republican oath?, The effect 
of the appeal of La Fayette to his troops, was for a short time 
uncertain; the soldiers at first apparently responded to his sen- 
timents; but he soon found that the contagion had spread among 
the troops, and that their fidelity was no longer to be depended 
upon. The assembly, anticipating that La Fayette would not 
recogniae their authority, had despatched three commissioners 
to arrest him, or secure the army, by inducing the troops to dc' 
sert. On their arrival at Sedan, La Fayette ordered them to 
be arrested, and held as hostages for the safety of the king and 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 529 

his family; thej were detained from the 14th to the 20th inst» 
The situation of La Fayette became every day more critical; 
ihe assen:^bly passed a decree of accusation against him, and 
"iinding that he had lost the confidence of the army, and that his 
troops were ready to desert him, he deemed it prudent to seek 
an asylum in a foreign land, and intended ultimately to go to 
America. 

Thus terminated the revolutionary career of La Fayette in 
his own country; very different from the termination of his ex- 
ertions in the glorious struggle for liberty in America. Here, 
although a foreigner, he enjoyed the confidence of the govern- 
ment and of the nation, and the universal love and esteem of the 
people. There, after all his services and sacrifices, and the un- 
bounded popularity he had enjoyed, he was proscribed, and a 
reward offered for his head by the government, and the object 
of the suspicion, if not the hatred, of the people. 

In the early stages of the revolution, his popularity and influ- 
ence were very great. He proposed the first plan of a " decla- 
ration of rights" in the constituent assembly; he was first ap- 
pointed commander of the National Guards of Paris, and after 
the recall of Necker, he wa^ unanimously chosen commander-in- 
chief of the National Guards of the whole kingdom, which 
he, in a great measure, organised and instituted, the tri-colored 
tockade. In this capacity he presided at the grand national fete 
on the 14th of July, as the generalissimo of a greater body of 
troops, than had ever perhaps been under the immediate com- 
mand of one man, since the days of Xerxes. 

In 1791, after the constitution was established, and the new- 
government organized, he resigned his command and retired to 
his estate. He declined to receive any thing for his services, or 
the sacrifices he had made. On being pressed on this subject 
by the assembly and municipality of Paris, he replied — " My 
private fortune secures me from want; it has outlasted the two 
revolutions, and should it survive a third, through the compla- 
cence of the people, it shall belong to them alone." 

When the coalition was formed against France, near the close 
nf the year '91, he was recalled from retirement to take the com? 

67 



530 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

mand of the central arm} ; he was at that time major-general, 
but soon obtained the rank of lieutenant-general, and marshal of 
France. 

If La Fayette failed in his attempt to secure the liberties of 
his own country, and establish a free government founded on 
the immutable basi? of the sovereignty of the people, the delega* 
tion of authority, the representative principle, and the suprem- 
acy of constitutional law, it is no impeachment of his patriotism 
or his capacity. He did not fail alone ; the many illustrious 
and patriotic men who were associated with him, failed likewise. 
They succeeded, however, in accomplishing the revolution as 
far as they proposed to carry it, but the difficulty was in stop- 
ping it from going farther. In this they failed; and it is by no 
means probable, that any body of men, not even Washington and 
the American Continental Congress, could have been more suc- 
cessful. The circumstances of the times were unexampled, and 
events are not therefore to be decided on, according to ordinary 
principles. 

The overthrow of the monarchy and the constitution, on the 
10th of August, and the execution of the king, and all the vio- 
lent proceedings which followed, are more to be attributed to 
the infamous coalition formed against France than any other 
cause. Had it not been for this unholy interference of the 
"holy alliance" of that day, it is more than probable that La 
Fayette and his party would have succeeded in preserving the 
constitutional government, in saving the king from the guillo- 
tine, and the nation from all the horrors of anarchy and civil war. 
La Fayette was sincerely and ardently devoted to the constitu- 
tion; to popular and free institutions, and to regulated liberty; 
he could admit of no compromise of principle, or violation of 
constituted authority; and his personal integrity, as well as po- 
litical principles, required him to adhere in the most scrupulous 
manner to the oath he had taken, of fidelity to the constitution, 
the nation and the kinjj. And although he did not succeed in 
preserving the constitution or protecting the monarch, he did 
what was more important to his own reputation; he maintained 
his fidelity and integrity under the most trying circumstances, to 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 53^1 

li>e last. It was this fidelity that occasioned his proscription; 
had he yielded in some degree to the times, and gone along 
with the current of popular opinion, still endeavoring to main- 
tain what control and direction he could over it, he might have 
saved himself from the storm which at that time burst upon him, 
and possibly his country from the dreadful evils which after- 
ward befel it. This, however, is extremely problematical; and 
at any rate, it could not have been done, without compromising 
both his personal integrity and political principles, and would 
have destroyed that consistency of character for which he now 
stands so conspicuous. 

That La Fayette and his party were correct in their views 
and objects, the result has shown; their opinions of the jacobin 
leaders proved to be well founded, and had the counsels of the 
party of which he was the leader prevailed, France would not 
only have been saved from the anarchy which afterward aiflic* 
ted her, but would have preserved her liberty and all the bles- 
sings of free institutions. Although from the peculiar and ex- 
traordinary circumstances under which he was required to act, 
he may in some instances have misjudged, or committed errors, 
yet now, no one, unless it be the minions of royalty and the crea» 
tures of ' holy alliance,' can doubt the rectitude of his inten- 
tions, the soundness of his principles^ or that he was a sincere 
friend of liberty and his country. 

On the 20th of August, La Fayette,* with his three friends, v 
Generals Latour Maubourg, Alexandre Lametli,and Bureau de 
Puzy, the commandant of engineers, with his aids-de-camp and 
a part of his staff, mounted on horseback with an escort, started 
off, as if to reconnoitre, which was supposed to be the object by 
all except the three first, as they alone were in the secret. 



* The account of La Fayette's imprisonment and sufferings, and the particu- 
lars of the attempts made to effect his escape, are taken from the recent work 
of General H. L. Villaume Ducoudray tloLSTEiN, who, under the. fictitious 
name of Peter FeMmann, assisted in the liberation of La Fayette from the pris- 
ons of Olmutz. The accuracy of General Holstein's account of the attempts 
made to effect the escape of General La Fayette, has been questioned, and 
differs in many respects from former accounts. But as he possessed the meins 
of information, it would be strange that he should attach his name to a pub- 
lication professing the fidelity of history, which had more the character of 
romance. 



532 MARQUI55 t)E LA FAYEITE. 

They proceeded eight or ten miles, and dismounted at an mr? 
and established centinels to guard against surprise from the en- 
emy's patroles. Here general La Fayette communicated intel- 
ligence from the capital; that he had been declared a traitor 
and an enemy of his country, a decree of accusation passed 
against him, and a price set upon his head. He concluded by 
saying, that he had determined to quit his country for a time, 
and that he should consider any man her enemy who should 
propose to take up arms against her. Nothing could equal the 
astonishment and indignation of these young officers; and not- 
withstanding the injunction, they unanimously declared, that 
the only way left to save their country and their general, was to 
march direct to Paris, and disperse and put down the Jacobin 
faction. This their patriotic and persecuted general positively 
declined. They then insisted on emigrating with him; but he 
represented to them the danger of this, to themselves and fami- 
lies, and entreated them to return to the camp. He tinally 
consented that the two brothers, Latour and Louis Maubourg, 
Bureau de Puzv, Alexandre Lameth, Auguste Masson, Rene Fil- 
let, and Cadignan might accompany him. The rest of the offi- 
cers, with the escort of 150 cavalry, returned to the camp. The 
cavalry, at first, however, refused to return, and insisted on ac- 
companying their general. Here it is worth}-^ of remark, that 
La Fayette, persecuted and proscribed as he was, by an un- 
grateful country, did not attempt to procure the desertion of a 
single regiment; he would not even permit the escort that had 
accompanied him, to share his fortune, which they were desirous 
to do, but insisted on their returning. The situation of La Fay- 
ette at this time, and the dreadful reflections which agitated hi& 
mind, if they can be conceived, cannot be described. His own 
danger, and that of his family and his estate; the distracted con- 
dition of his ungrateful country, torn to pieces by factions, under 
the misrule of anarchists, and on the point of being invaded by a 
formidable army drawn from half of Europe, rushed on his mind 
and filled it with the most disagreeable reflections. 

About eleven o'clock at night, the seven fugitives arrived i& 
Aie neighborhood of the Austrians' advance guard,, and werf 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 5^S 

Arrested, and after being detained some tinie, sent under a strong 
escort to the Austrian head-quarters, and at length to Luxem- 
burg. Here they were recognised by a crowd of refugees, who 
regarding La Fayette as one of the first promoters of the rev- 
oluiion, treated him and liis companions with the greatest inso- 
lence and contempt. Being placed in rigorous confinement, 
they wrote to the Duke of Saxe Teschen for passports, which 
was answered by a savage threat of a public execution. The 
governor of Luxemburg having received orders to deliver his 
prisoners into t\K hands of the king of Prussia, they were trans- 
ported into a common cart like criminals, guarded by a strong 
escort, to Wesel. During the night when it was necessary to 
stop, they were confined in the common jails of the country. 
At Wesel, after being insulted by the populace, and treated like 
brutes, they were put in irons, and confined in separate cells in 
the castle, being denied ail intercourse with each other. They 
were daily told that " the king intended to have them hanged 
for wretches who desei-ved no favor." 

From the severity of his treatment, and his successive appre- 
hensions on the account of his wife and childfen, La Fayette fell 
sick; and whilst recovering, but yet in a languishing state, the 
king had the baseness to offer him his liberty on condition that 
he would betray his country ; and the decided refusal he receir 
ed, was followed by a more rigorous confinement and harsher 
treatment, and all information as to their families was denied 
them. From this place they were transported in a cart like 
convicts to Magdeburg; it was expected that this treatment 
would excite public scorn and detestation; but their tyrants 
were mistaken, for a lively sympathy and interest was everjr 
where manifested in their behalf. Here they were confined one 
year in a damp and subterraneous dungeon, but were permitted 
to remain together. From Magdeburg, with the exception of 
Alexandre Lambeth, they were all conveyed to Silesia, and were 
confined in an unhealthy and loathsome dungeon at Neisse. 

On making peace with France, the king of Prussia, fearing 
that he might be required to give up his prisoners, had them 
Qonyejed to Austria, where they were confined more than four 



53*4 MARQUIS DE LA FYAETTE. 

yenrs at Olmulz, about one hundred and fifty miles north ol 
Vienna, and near Silesia. Here they were stripped of what 
little the Prussians had left, and amonfj the articles were two 
books whose liberal sentiments did not accord with the despotic 
principles of the government, so that La Fayette inquired, 
*" whether they were seized as contraband." They were incar- 
cerated in separate cells, and informed that they would never 
again see the light of the sun, or hear a human voice; that their 
very names were to be annihilated, and that in future they would 
be designated in all despatches of the government, by the number 
of their respective cells. The prison walls were twelve feet 
thick; the cells were eight or ten paces deep, and six or eight 
wide; the light was let in through an opening two feet square, 
secured by massive iron bars transversely placed; before the 
loop-boles of the prison was a broad ditch, filled with stagnant 
water, which emitted a noxious effluvia, and beyond were the 
outer walls of the castle, which prevented the slightest breeze 
from passing to the grated windows of these miserable dungeons. 
When it rained, the water found its way into the prison through 
the loop-holes and off the walls, so that the prisoners often wa- 
ked in the morning wet to the skin. A quantity of rotten straw 
formed their bed, which, with a broken chair and an old worm 
eaten table, constituted the furniture of each apartment. A 
dim lamp glimmered in each cell at night, and very little light 
was introduced during the day, even when the sun shined, but 
when cloudy, which was very common in that wet country, it 
was total darkness. Such was the situation for 3^ear6,of one of 
the most illustrious men of the age. 



('i)3d) 



CHAPTER VII. 

iSentiments which his unjust imprisonment produced — Exertions of Washinrton 
for his liberation — in the House of Commons — Attempt of BoIIman to effect 
his escape — is favored in his efforts by Huger — They succeed in effectioi^ his 
escape — Are all arrested and confined in prison — La Fayette is put in irons, 
and receive^the most severe treatment — He is joined by his wife and two 
daughters, who share in his imprisonment — they are discharged and return to 
Holstein — they return to France — His interview with the first Consul — Pro- 
tests against his appointment of consul for life, and writes him a letter — This 
ends the connexion between him and Napoleon. 

The imprisonment and suffering of La Fayette excited the 
most lively interest with the friends of liberty and humanity 
throughout Europe and America; here, particularly, the deepest 
sympathy was manifested in his behalf. As was natural to have 
been supposed, no one was more sensibly affected at the misfor- 
tunes of La Fayette than his friend Washington at this time 
president of the United States. From the hostility both of the 
government of France and the coalesced sovereigns to La Fay- 
ette, it was a delicate matter for Washington to interfere offi- 
cially in his behalf, and at the same time very evident that this 
course was not the most likely to be successful; and on the other 
hand, it might have exposed him to severer treatment — 
Washington, however, was not unmindful of the situation of his 
personal friend, and the friend of America; he instructed our 
minister at St. James's, and those at the other foreign courts, to 
interest themselves in his behalf, and to make known the interest 
felt by the government of the United States in his fate. He 
also sent a messenger to Berlin, to solicit his release, but he did 
not arrive until La Fayette had been delivered over to the 
Austrian government. All his efforts having failed, Washington 
addressed the subjoined unofficial letter, containing the most 
noble sentiments, directly to the emperor of Austria. 

"It will readily occur to your majesty, that occasions may 

sometimes exist, on which official considerations would constrain 

the chief of a nation to be silent and passive, in relation even to 

objects which affect his sensibility, and claim his interposition 

as a man. Fiijding myself precisely in this situation at present. 



536 MARQUIS Db; LA FAYETTE. 

I take the liberty of writing this private letter to } our majesty- 
being persuaded that my motives will also be my apology 
for it. 

"In common with the people of this country, I retain a strong 
and cordial sense of the services rendered to them by the Mar- 
quis de La Fayette ; and my friendship for him has been constant 
and sincere. It is natural, therefore, that I should sympathize 
with him and his family in their misfortunes; and endeavor to 
mitigate the calamities they experience, among which his present 
confinement is not the least distressing. 

" I forbear to enlarge on this delicate subject. Permit me 
only to submit to your majesty's consideration, whether his long 
imprisomnent and the confiscation of his estate, and the indigence 
and dispersion of his family, and the painful anxieties incident 
toallthosecircuinstances, do not form an assemblage of sufferings 
which recommend him to the meditation of humanity? Allow 
me. Sir, on this occasion to be its organ; and to entreat that hft 
may be permitted to come to this country, on such conditions as 
your majesty may think it expedient to prescribe. 

" As it is a maxim with me not to ask what, under similar 
circumstances, I would not grant, your majesty will do me the 
justice to believe that this request appears <o me to correspond 
with those great priiiciples of magnanimity and wisdom, which 
form the basis of sound policy and durable glory." 

This appeal to the magnanimity and humanity of the emperor 
was in vain; these sentiments are not often found in the bosoms 
of kings, and where they do exist, they are suppressed b} 
'•reasons of state." 

The subject of the cruel imprisonment of La Fayette, equally 
in violation of the laws of nations and the dictates of humanity, 
was brought before the house of commons in Great Britain. — 
General Fitzpatrick, on the 16th December, 1796, moved for 
an address to his majesty, stating that the detention of La Fayette 
and others, by order of the king of Prussia and emperor of 
Austria, wms dishonorable to the cause of the allies, and praying 
him to interfere for their release. The motion called forth a 
most animated and spirited debate; it was ably and eloquentl\ 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. §37 

supported by the mover, Mr. Fox ; and other members of the 
opposition ; and was opposed by the chancellor of the exchequer, 
and other ministerial members. The motion afforded a striking 
illustration of the inconsistency of conduct or waywardness of 
fortune in two individuals. Among the supporters of the motioa 
was Colonel Tarlton, then a member of Parliament, and who 
had been opposed to La Fayette in America, in the campaign of 
1781, and at that time so obaoxious to all the friends of liberty 
in the United States, and the friends of La Fayette. He dis- 
played much zeal in supporting the motion in favor of his former 
military opponent, and did great justice to his cliaracter and 
merits. While Tarlton, who had been so active in supporting 
the oppressive plans of the British government for enslaving 
America, was advocating the cause of La Fayette, who was a 
champion in her struggle for liberty, Edmund Burke, who during 
the American war, was the fearless advocate of the rights and 
liberty of the Americans, was now the most violent opposer of 
this early and steadfast friend of America and of liberty. He 
was very severe in his remarks, and charged La~ Fayette with 
being the first mover and author of all the evils which had afflc' 
ted France, and of the general war in Europe. 

In Germany, also, ihe liberal and enlightened, the friends of 
justice, liberty, and humanity, manifested great admiration of the 
patriot and hero of two revolutions, in both of which he had 
been the champion of liberty and of the rights of mankind, and 
an honorable sympathy for his cruel sufferings. Many of the 
public journals had sufficient mdependence to openly advocate 
his cause, and to condemn the conduct of his persecuters. — 
Among his greatest admirers was Henry Bollman, a young 
physician of Gottingen, who was so affected by the barbarous 
treatment which he experienced, that he determined to attempt 
his liberation at the hazard of his own life. In the beginning 
of the year 1794, he sold his library to raise funds for his journey, 
and set out on foot for Hamburg. Here he became acquainted 
with Mr. Sievsking,a most liberal and benevolent man, and a 
great admirer of La Fayette ; he undertook to assist Bollman in 
his enterprizcjand gave him a letter of introduction, and also 

68 



538 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

a letter of credit for 10,000 florins on Hirsch, a banker of 
Olmutz. 

Bollman, having by his conduci; excited suspicions among the 
police, he was advised by Hirscli to leave Ohnutz, aisd go to 
Yictina for the present. Here he became acquainted with 
Francis Huger, an American, son of Colonel Kuiier of Charles 
Ion, South Carolina, who was the tir&t man that received La 
Fayette on his arrival in the United States, in 1777. Young 
Huger was active, generous and brave ; and the admiration 
which every American feels for La Fayette, in him was increased 
from the circumstance of his being the personal friend of his 
father. These circumstances induced Bollman to confide his 
intentions to Huger, and to solicit his assistance. The proposi- 
tion was assented to with enthusiasm by the young American, 
who declared that his purse and his blood should be devoted to 
so honorable and meritorious an enterprise. They left Vienna 
with a faithful seivant, all on horseback, and traversed the sur- 
rounding country, under the pretence that Huger, being unwell, 
was travelling for his health with his physician. They examin- 
ed the roads in various directions, and particularly the great 
road leading from Olmuiz to Trappan. 

The illustrious prisoner was guarded with the greatest possible 
strictness — how then could they communicate with him ! This 
was a difficult point 5 but by means of the banker and one thou- 
sand florins, they engaged in their interest the head surgeon of 
the garrison through whose assistance they opened a communi- 
cation with La Fayette. Tlie surgeon asked permission to 
make a medical visit to the prisoners, and in that way conveyed 
to La Fayette a note, which informed him that several of his 
friends had arrived with the intention of effecting his escape, 
and advising him to feign indisposition, and to request the jailer 
that he might have (he assistance of a medical gentleman. This 
note was the first La Fayette had received since he had been 
at Olmutz, and was read with great eagerness ; he wrote an 
answer ©n the back with his blood, and returned it through the 
hand of the doctor. 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE 53g 

After the feigned sicknes? of La Fayette had continued for some 
time, his physician represented to the governor of Olmutz, that it 
was necessary for his recovery, that he should ride without the 
walls of the place in an open carriage, to take the fresh air. This 
advice was reduced to writing, and the reasons for it assigned; 
and the attendant made a certificate in confirmation of this state- 
ment. Those documents being sont to Vienna, the desired per- 
mission was obtained, accompanied with the injunction that the 
governor should always accompany the prisoner in person, and a 
strong guard to prevent his escape. For several weeks La Fay- 
ette daily rode out with the governor, and by his prepossessing 
manners, succeeded in attaching the governor very much to him. 
The plan being matured and the arrangements completed, the 
27th of October was fixed on, as the day for carrying into execU' 
tion their bold enterprise. Bollman and Huger mounted their 
horses at the hour the governor and his prisoner were to take 
their accustomed ride, and not either of them being known to 
La Fayette, as the carriage passed them, whilst riding very slow, 
they took out a white handkerchief, wliich was a signal agreed 
upon, and La Fayette did the same. When the carriage had 
arrived at the place designated, the general made some pretence 
for advancing some distance beyond the governor; at the same 
moment, Bollman and Huger spurred theii horses forward, and 
as they came up with La Fayette, Huger sprang off to assist 
him to mount behind Bollman; but before this was effected, the 
governor, notwithstanding his age and infirmities, came up and 
seized the general by the arm as he was mounting, and one 
of the guards approached and seized him behind. Huger 
seizing the sjuard by the hair, ihrew him on the ground, and told 
La Fayette to make his escape with Bollman. But before he 
could do this, he had a severe struggle with the guard and the 
old governor; in attempting to thrust his handkerchief into the 
mouth of the former to stifle his cries for help; the general had 
two fingers severely bit, and in extricating them, the skin and 
flesh was torn away and left in the mouth of the guard. In the 
acutfle which ensued, Huger's horse took fright and fled into the 
fields. The general having cleared himself, w^as coming to the 



540 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

assistance of Huger, but was entreated by the latter, to mount 
insfartlj behind BoUman and fly, and that he would take care 
of himself. The general having nnounted, Bollman rode off at 
full speed. Huger made his escape into a thicket, but was soon 
pursued and taken by a peasant; being much exhausted, hia 
hands were tied and he was taken back to town, where he was 
imraediately put in irons and thrown into prison. 

Bollman and the general had not gone three miles before they 
Iieard the report of the alarm-guns of the fortress. The police 
in Austria is so strict, that when a prisoner escapes, or a soldier 
deserts, three alarm guns are fired, which is the signal for the 
mayors and municipal officers of the neighboring towns, as far 
as the report is heard, to close the town gates, and cause the 
alarm-bells to be rung, which are heard from one village to 
another, by which means the alarm is spread to the distance of 
iifty or sixty miles. The cavalry is despatched in pursuit, and 
all the inhabitants, who are organized into a kind of militia, are 
obliged on heavy penalties to meet at appointed places, where 
they receive arms and instructions. By these means, the alarm, 
and mtelligenceof the escape of a prisoner, had been spread to 
a great distance. Notwithstanding these measures. La Fayette 
and Bollman proceeded safely eleven miles: here Bollman was 
at a loss which road to take; after some hesitation he took the 
wrong one, which was uneven and rough; the horse being fa- 
tigued, stumbled and threw both of them off, several times, at 
one of which La Fayette received a severe contusion ; it was 
extremely dark, and they had advanced about three miles on the 
road they were travelling, when Bollman bemg satisfied they 
were wrong, they concluded to return; at this time a patrolling 
party came up and took them inlo custody, without, however, 
knowing who they were. They were confined in a barn, with 
a guard that night, and the next morning were taken before the 
mayor of Biaunseifer. Perceiving that there was no other re- 
source, Bollman informed the mayor that his companion was the 
great and good La Fayette, whom he had assisted to escape, and 
entreated him to save the general, offering him all the gold he 
had about him, besides bills of exchange to the amount of 20,000 



]tfARQUIg DE LA FAYETTE, 541 

florins, and telling him that La Fayette would promise him one 
hundred thousand more, if he desired them: and added, ttiat he 
had brought La Fayette into that situation, and ought to be re- 
sponsible for its consequences, and that he would remain a pris- 
oner. Mr. Richter, the mayor, was a benevolent man, and had 
great veneration for La Fayette, but dared not assume liie re- 
sponsibility of permitting him to escape. Soon the aids-de-camp 
of the governor arrived with orders for the prisoners to be con- 
ducted back to Olmutz, and both were thrown into prison. 

La Fayette was put in irons, and subjected to the most rigor- 
ous confinement, the most severe suffering. No light was admit- 
ted into his cell, shackles were placed on his feet, and an iron 
found his waist, to which a chain was fastened and secured to 
the wall, with sufficient length barely to permit him to turn from 
one side to the other; his bed consisted of a little damp and 
mouldy straw. He had suffered severely from fatigue and the 
bruises he had received in attempting to escape, which with the 
unspeakable anxiety and anguish he felt on finding himself again 
in the hands of his tormentors, brought on a violent fever. The 
winter was severe, but his jailors did not relax the severity of 
his treatment, but increased his sufferings as his constitution 
seemed to sink under them, so that it appeared as if it was their 
object to put an end to the existence of their victim. He was 
emaciated almost to a skeleton, and the hair fell from his head. 
His mind was, at the same time, filled with anxiety, and the 
deepest concern for the fate of his wife and children, of whom 
he had obtained no other information but that they had been 
confined in the prisons of Paris. To fill the measure of his af- 
flictions, his inhuman jailors informed him that his generous 
friends, Bollman and Huger, were soon to be brought to a pub- 
lic execution, and expiate their enormous crime on the scaffold. 
In this state of rigorous confinement and suffering he remained 
for several months, when, from the influence of his friends, the 
Jewish banker and the chief surgeon, who had not been sus- 
pected of aiding his escape, his irons were taken off, and he was 
permitted to walk before the front of the prison, attended by a 
strong guard, but no one was allow<;d to speak tp him. 



.^42 MARQUIS DE LA FAVETTE. 

Bollman and Huger suffered a cruel imprisonmenrfor their 
patriotic attempt to rescue La Fayette, in the same building with 
him; but each were confined in a separate cell, and they were 
not permitted to have any communication with each other: they 
however devised and practised several ingenious modes of com- 
municating with each other, which afforded them much satisfac- 
tion, and escaped the scrutiny of their jailers. At lengtli Roll- 
man and Huger were brought to trial, and were first sentenced 
to imprisonment for life, which was commuted to a term of 
years, and finally they were offered their liberty on the payment 
of a large sum of money to the government, which, by the help 
of friends, they raised, and were accordingly released. 

The fate of madame La Fayette does not less demand our 
sympathies, or even admiration, than that of her illustrious hus- 
band. On the flight of La Fayette, she and her two daughters, 
one fifteen and the other twelve, were seized and cast into pris- 
on at Paris. The family estate was confiscated, and 'most of 
the political and personal friends of her husband were crushed 
by the Mountain,* and fell under the stroke of the guillotine. 
For twenty mcJnths, she and her daughters suffered this degra- 
ding imprisonment: during a reign of anarchy and terror, daily 
hearing of the death of her IHends, anxious aboat her own fate, 
and siill more about her husband's. She bore her severe and 
complicated distresses with great firmness and fortitude: repo- 
sing, when all earthly succour seemed to have failed, on Divine 
Providence, she was often found in a retired part of her prison, 
with uplifted hands and holy supplications to that Being who 
holds in his hands the destinies of man. When she was libera- 
ted, from the feeble state of her health, she was advised by her 
physicians to seek repose in some retired part of the country ; but 
in opposition to this advice, and the entreaties of her friends, she 
resolved to repair to Olniu'z, and if she could not procure the 
liberation of her husband, to share in his imprisonment. She. 
went first to Vienna, and through the influence and assistance 
of two noble females, obtained an audience with the Em- 



* The violent party was called Hie Mountain party. 



Marquis de la fayetts. , 54,3 

peror. His majesty received her graciously, and expressed a 
personal desire that her husband should be set at liberty; but 
said the subject was too complicated for him to interfere with if, 
and that he could not do it, consistent with his political engage- 
ments with other powers. He was graciously pleased, however, 
to permit her to visit her husband, and share in his captivity. — 
This, with her two daughters, she immediately did, whose pre*- 
sence spread a ray of light in the gloom of the dungeon, and 
rendered the most cruel imprisonment tolerable. It is impossible 
evea to conceive of the joy which La Fayette experienced on 
receiving his bekved wife and daughters, or the consolation 
wliich she administered to him in his affliction. Of women it 
is truly said — 

" When pain and sickness cloud the brow. 
A ministering angel thou." 

And of no one could this be more true than of Madame La Fay- 
ette, who was one of the best and most sensible of women. For 
nearly two years she and her two daughters remained in prison. 
At one time, her health being much impaired, she asked permis- 
sion to visit Vienna for a week: and was informed that her re- 
quest would be granted, provided she would consent never to 
enter the prison again, and to have her daughters confined in a 
separate apartment from their father'. The base offer was de- 
cHned with becoming spirit, in a letter which concludes with the 
following dignified language: " Whatever may be the state of 
my own health, and the inconvenience attending the stay of 
my daughters in this place, we will most gratefully take advan- 
tage of the goodness his imperial majesty has expressed towards 
lis, by permission to share in the miseries of this captivity*'' 

La Fayette, his wife, and daughters, and his two friends, 
were all discharged on the 25th of August, 1797, for which 
they were indebted to General Bonaparte. The victorious 
general peremptorily insisted on the liberation of the prisoners 
of Olmutz, as a preliminary condition fo peace. He inquired 
if the prisoners at Olmutz were free, and as the ambassadors 
hesitated in a reply, he observed with great warmth, — " Gentle- 
men, yoa may take my worol for it, that if these prisoners are 



544 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

not instantly set free, I sign no treaty of peace with his imperial 
majesty." He was obliged, however, to despatch one of his 
aids to Vienna to demand of the emperor himself, the liberation 
of his prisoners, which was accompanied with a threat, that if 
it was not immediately done, he would march to the capital and 
throw open the prison doors himself. Such was the reluctance 
of the emperor to give up his victims; but he was obliged 
to yield to the conqueror: the prisoners were discharged, and 
soon after, the celebrated treaty of Campo Formio was con- 
cluded. 

The emperor prescribed several conditions to the liberation 
of La Fayette, one of which was, that he should leave Europe 
immediately for America; and another, that he should never set 
his foot on the Austrian territory' without special permission, as 
his pi^mciples were dangerous to the Austrian government. The 
general replied, that although it was his wish and intention to go 
to America, yet he could not consent to such a condition, as that 
would be recognizing the right of his majesty to impose it; and 
as to his never entering the Austrian dominions, he owed certaia 
obligations, both to France ahd America, of which he could not 
divest himself, and he should enter into no engagements which 
might interfere with the rights of his native or adopted country 
to his personal services. With these exceptions, he would assure 
his majesty that it was his determijiation never again to set his 
foot on the territory of the emperor. 

La Fayette, with his fajnily and his two friends, who had been 
his fellow-sufferers,afterbeingliberated, proceeded to the neutral 
city of Hamburg, where they were received and treated with 
great attention by a number of distinguished Americans and 
tlie French minister, who gave them a public entertainment. 
Here they put on the tri-coloured cockade, to show that they 
werenotemigrants, but friends to their country and the principles 
of '89. After a few days stay they accepted the invitation of a 
Hanoverian nobleman, and spent some time at his chateau in 
Holstcin. Previous to this, they were joined by George Wash- 
ington La Fayette, who had ajrrived from America, where he 
had spent considerable time at Mount Vernon. This rendered 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 545 

the family complete, and consummated their happiness. At the 
tnansion of his noble friend, the general's eldest daughter, Ana- 
itatia, was married to Latour Maubourg, brother of the prisoner 
of that name, who had been one of La Fayette's aids-de-camp. 
The celebration was in a plain and simple style, which best ac- 
corded with the truly republican ideas of La Fayette. 

George Washington La Fayette, in 1795, went to the United 
States. He landed at Boston, and immediately wrote to Wash- 
ington, then president, acquainting him with his situation, and 
requesting his advice as the friend of his father. General La 
Fayette then being proscribed 'by the government of France, 
and as an unfriendly disposition had already been manifested 
by the directory towards the United States, the president felt 
constramed to decline interfering officially in behalf of the son 
of the illustrious friend of America. He, however, wrote H 
private ktter to the Honorable George Cabot, requesting bins 
to acquaint young La Fayette with the reasons why he could 
not officially interfere in his behalf, and at the same time to as- 
sure him that he might consider him as a father, and rely on hie 
protection and assistance. He also advised to have 'him enter 
the university at Cambridge, and told Mr. C. that he would 
^ee the expenses paid. But young La Fayette did not avail him- 
self of this offer, as the private tutor, who had accompanied 
him, wished to have him under his sole instruction. 

General La Fayette and his family, including his son-in-latr, 
went from the house of hi^ Hanoverian friend to the chateau, 
of the Count de Tesse, one of the French emigrants, and who 
Jiad married the sister of Madame La Fayette's mother. Being 
unable to return to this country, he remained in his retreat, in 
the mansion of his uncle, for a considerable time, and amused 
himself with studying the agriculture of the country, particu- 
larly the raising of merino sheep, in which the inhabitants of 
Holstein excel, and to which afterward he very successfully 
turned his attention at La Grange. 

In this situation, La Fayette remained, happy in the enjoy- 
ment of his family and friends, until the revolution of the 18th 
of Brumaire, (Nov. 10, 1799,) which established the consular 

69 



i,46 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

constitation, and placed Napoleon Bonaparte at the head of 
■ the government. Among the first acts of the new ^overnmeDl: 
was a proclamation, inviting all emigrants and other French 
citizens to return, and assuring them of protection. La Fayette 
and his iamily immediately returned to France, after an absence 
of nearly eight years, and with his son-in-law, Maubourg, soon 
after visited Paris, 

The first Consul, to give splendor and support to the new 
government, intended to draw around him all who had been 
distinguished in the field or in the cabinet, during the revolu- 
tion, and among the rest General La Fayette was invited to 
the Thuilleries. La Fayette admired the youthful genius of 
Bonaparte, and the astonishing victories he had achieved, which 
had saved Fiance, and cast a lustre on the French name; he 
also felt grateful to him for the services rendered to himself. 
An interview took place between these two distinguished char- 
acters, wliich convinced Bonaparte that the patriot of two revo- 
, lutiofts, was too inflexible in his principles to become an instru- 
ment of his ambition. He did not, however, immediately relin- 
quish his design of availing himself of the name and reputation of 
La Fayette, by inducing him to take a part in the new government. 
He retained him in the office of general of division, and offered 
him a seat in his conservative senate. To this office there was 
a salary of 7000 dollars, which would have been very acceptable 
to La Fayette, as his income was now reduced to about two 
thousand dollars, which had been thirty thousand at the com- 
mencement of the revolution. But being satisfied that it was 
the intention of the First Consul to establish a military gov- 
ernment, of which he was to be the chief, and that the conser- 
vative senate, and the constitution itself, were only empty forms, 
intended to give more security and stability to the power of 
Bonaparte, La Ffiyettedid not hesitate to decline the offer, al- 
though strenuously urged lo accept of it by his friends. With 
this office would have been connected that of count of the em- 
pire. He preferred to remain in retirement, and forego the ad- 
vantages of so honorable and lucrative a station, to any com- 
promise with principle, or placing himself in a situation which 



MAKQUIS DE LA FAYETTI?. 547 

?Right cast a suspicion on his political integrity, or occasion even 
a doubt as to the siKcerity of his devotion to liberal principles 
and free institutions. Such noble and disinterested sentinnents; 
such political consistency, firmness and integrity, if not wholly 
unparalleled, was without an example, on that occasion, except 
the case of the celebrated Carnot. 

The First Consul, however, did not entirely abandon the idea 
of obtaining the approbation, if not the support of La Fayette; 
and previously to his election as consul for life, he invited him 
to the Thuilleries, and a remarkable interview took place be- 
tween them. Napoleon ordered every one to retire, and com- 
mencing a conversation on the subject, attempted to show that a 
permanent magistracy was necessary for the security and happi- 
ness of France. General La Fayette boldly replied, that " be- 
fore venturing on such a step, France expects of you a guaran- 
tee of her liberties; when they are satisfied on this score, they 
will comply with your wishes unasked." In conformity to the 
sentiments disclosed on this occasion, his vote was expressed in 
the following words; — " I cannot vote for such a magistracy, 
until the liberties of the people are secured ; in that case, I vote 
for Napoleon Bonaparte." In further explanation of his views 
and motives, he addressed to the First Consul the following noble 
and independent sentiments: 

"General — 

"When a man who is deeply impressed with a sense of the 
the gratitude he owes you, and who is too ardent a lover of glory 
to be wholly indifferent to yours, connects his suffrage with con- 
ditional restrictions, those restrictions not only secure him from 
suspicion, but prove amply, that no one will, more gladly than 
himself, behold in you the chief magistrate for lite, of a free and 
independent republic. 

"The eighteenth of Brumaire saved France from destruction; 
and I felt myself reassured and recalled by the liberal declara- 
tions to which you have connected the sanction of your honor. 
In your consular authority, there was afterward discerned that 
salutary dictatorial prerogative, which, under the auspices of a 
genius like yours, accomplished such glorious purposes: yet, less 



;',4S MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

glorious, let mc add, than the restoration of liberty woula 
prove. 

*' It is not possible, general, that you the first amidst that order 
of mankind, which surveys every age and every country, before 
the stations of its members in the scale can be determined, that 
you can desire that a revolution, marked by an unexampled 
series of stupendous victories and unheard of suffermgs, shall 
give nothing to the world but a renovated system of arbitrary 
government. The people of this country have been acquainted 
with their rights too long, to forget them forever; but perhaps 
they may recover and enjoy them better now, than during the 
period of revolutionary effervescence. And you, by the strength 
of your character, and the influence of public confidence, by 
the superiority of your talents, your power, and your fortunes, 
in re-establishing the liberties of France, can allay all agitations, 
calm all anxieties, and subdue all dangers. 

"When I wish, then, to see the career of your glory crowned 
by the honors of perpetual magistracy, I but act in correspond- 
ence with my own private sentiments, and am influenced 
exclusively by patriotic considerations. But all my political 
and moral obligations, the principles that have governed every 
action of my life, call on me to pause before I bestow on you 
my suffrage, until I feel assured that your authority shall be 
erected on a basis worthy of the nation and yourself. 

"I confidently trust, general, that you will recognize here, 
as you have done on all other occasions, a steady continuance 
of my political opinions, combined with the sincerest prayers 
for your welfare, and the deepest sense of all my obligatious 
to you." 

This letter, which was not answered, closed all intercourse 
between Bonaparte and General La Fayette; and they did not 
see each other until after the wonderful restoration of the em- 
peror, in June, 1815. These two distinguished individuals 
were not kindred spirits, or in any degree assimilated in their 
characters; and their objects were entirely different. One in- 
fluenced by an unbounded ambition, aimed at unlimited power, 
not 80 much for bis own aggrandizement as for the execution of 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 549 

great and magnificent plans; he wished to concentrate dvery 
thing in himself, and to be the source and fountain of power, 
the arbiter of the destinies of France, and to hold in his own 
hands the guarantees of the rights and liberties of the people. 
The other possessed a more exalted, rational, and philosophic 
ambition. He aspired only at the honorable fame and distinc- 
tion of rendering the most important services to the human race, 
and from the most disinterested motives; he wished to be the first 
of patriots, and the first of heroes, in defence of the rights and 
liberties of the people. One aimed at sovereignty in his own 
person, the other wished to establish the sovereignty of the peo- 
ple. Their principles and views were directly opposite, although 
both were opposed to the reign of anarchy and violence, and 
Were for giving vigor and energy to the laws on which the se- 
curity of personal liberty and private property depends. 

After the event which we have noticed, Bonaparte manifested 
decided hostility to La Fayette, and on all occasions treated 
him with the most studied neglect. But it was in vain that he 
attempted to impair the respect or lessen the consequence of 
the veteran patriot of two revolutions; the constant, undeviating, 
and incorruptible friend of liberty. Not the eclat of splendid 
victories, the glory of conquest, or all the gorgeous pageantry 
of the imperial courts could cast into the shade the illustrious 
name of La Fayette, although a private citizen, and living in 
retirement. 

The hostility of Napoleon was not confined to the general, 
but extended to all who bore the name (the most illustrious in 
France) of La Fayette; to all who were connected with the fam- 
ily, and even the particular friends of the Marquis. Perhaps 
there is nothing more dishonorable in the character of Bona- 
parte, than his treatment of the La Fayette family. George 
Washington La Fayette, the only son of the General, was a 
brave and excellent officer; he was general of division; Gen. 
Grouchy appointed him his aid; he was distinguished on man^ 
occasions, and particularly at the battle of Eylau, where he 
saved the life of Grouchy twice, his horse being killed under 
liim. His general made a very favorable report o{ his conduct, 



550 MARQUIS DE L.\ FAYETTE. 

and recommended him very strongly for promotion: yet tlm em- 
peror instead of promoting him, struck his name out of the offi- 
cial bulletin. But notwithstanding the unworthy treatment he 
received, he continued in the service from the commencement 
of the consular government, in 1800, until after the peace of 
Tilsit. It was attempted atone time to persuade him to resign, 
hut he nobly replied "' that so long as his country was involved 
in war, he should consider himself disgraced by a resignation, 
and that he should be ashamed ever to think of it, while all his 
companions were daily exposing themselves to dangers of every 
sort." It was true he was an American citizen, but he was first 
of all a Frenchman, and a loyal Frenchman. 

Gen. La Fayette's son-in-law, De Lasteyrie, who married 
his second daughter, Virginia, was also a meritorious officer, 
and was treated with the same neglect by Bonaparte, and 
this was likewise the case with the two former aids of General 
La Fayette. 



CHAPTER Vfll. 

He remains in retirement at La Grange — Situation of La Grange — His faniilj 
and descendants — he employs himself in agricultural pursuits — Loses his 
wife — Napoleon, after his return from Elba, attempts to obtain his influence 
— He nrotests asjainst the additional act — Is elected representative to the 
chamber — Hfis speech and resolutions after the defeat of the emperor — Is one 
of the committee who attend the grand council of ministers, and one of the 
commissioners to treat with the allies — Capitulation of Paris — He retires to 
La Grange — Is elected a representative after the restoration of the Bourbons. 

After the appointment of Napoleon consul for life, from 
wliich time he manifested a strong dislike to La Fayette, who 
had voted against his election, the latter lived in retirement at 
*his estate of La Grange, situated in the province of Brie, forty 
miles from Paris, engaged in the pursuits of Agriculture; a spec- 
tator of political events, tranquil and happy, in the midst of his 
numerous and interesting family. What viscissitudes in the life 
of an individual! and how extraordinary, that one of the njost 



MARQUISDE LA FAYETTE. 55I 

illustrious men of the age, in the prime of life, should remain 
for years in retirement during the most eventful period the world 
ha? ever witnessed, when Europe was convulsed to its centre, 
and which embraced two mighty revolutions, afTecting the whole • 
continent: one the establishment of anew system of monarchy, 
and a new order of things, by the emperor Napoleon; and the 
other, in thfc complete overthrow of that system, and the re-es- 
tablishment of the old regime and the Bourbon dynasty; and 
that individual, the first and principal promoter of that political 
revolution, which, in its progress, had led to these momentous 
events, and at one time possessed of an unbounded popularity, 
and commander-in-chief of the armies of France. He was not, 
however, an unobserved spectator of passing events, or indiffer- 
ent to the welfare of his country; but whilst that country was 
no longer free, his principles and his honor required of him to 
remain in retirement. With him the post of honoi was only to 
be found in a private station. 

" La Grange is situated in the fertile district of La Brie, forty 
miles from Paris, remote from any common road, and far distant 
from a bustling world. In the midst of a luxuriant wilderness, 
rising above prolific orchards and antiquated woods, appears the 
five towers of La Grange, tinged with the golden rays of the 
declining sun. The deep moat, the draw-bridge, the ivied 
lower and arched portals, opqning into a large square court, has 
a feudal and picturesque character; and the associations which 
occur on entering the residence of a man so heroic, so dismteN 
ested, so celebrated, fill the mind with peculiar admiration, and 
excite the most lively interest. The family party, partaking 
more of patriarchal than of courtly manners, is composed of 
individuals mutually attached, and anxious only for mutual im- 
provement and happiness. It represents the younger members, 
as employed in their studies, or engaged in innocent recreations 
so salutary to the youthful temper and constitution; and the 
elder as occupied in useful and literary pursuits, or devoted to 
the more enlivening pleasures of conversation. 

" The venerable head of this happy family, at the age of sixty- 
seven is in the full possession of every talent and faculty. His 



■ii*?2 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

memory has all the tenacity of youthful recollection. On hif 
person, time has yet made but Httle visible impression. Not a 
wrinkle furrows the ample brow; and his unbent and noble 
figure is still as upright, bold and vigorous, as the mind which 
informs it. Grace, strength and dignity, still distinguish the 
fine person of this extraordinary man; who, though more than 
forty years before the world engaged in scenes of strange and 
eventful conflict, does not yet appear to have reached his grand 
climacteric. Active on his farm, graceful and elegant in his 
saloon, it is difficult to trace, in one of the most successful 
agriculturalists, and one of the most perfect of fine gentlemen 
of France, a warrior, and a legistor. But the patriot is al- 
ways discernable. His conversation is enriched with anecdotes 
of all that is celebrated in character or event, for the last fifty 
years. His elegant and well chosen collection of books, oc- 
cupies the highest apartment in one of the towers of the 
chateau ; and like the study of Montaigne, hangs over the farm- 
yard of the philosophical agriculturalist. 'It frequently hap- 
pens,' said M. La Fayette to one of his visiters, as they were 
looking from a window on some flocks, which were moving be- 
neath, 'that my merino's and my hay-carts dispute my attention 
to Hume or Voltaire.' 

The practice in Europe, parHcularly with the landed nobility 
and gentry, is very ditferent from that which prevails in the 
United States. Here the paternal home becomes the home of 
one of a man's descendants ordy, and the family estate is given 
to him, or divided among several heirs: the members of the same 
family, and descendants of the same ancestors, are scattered 
over the country ; one remains in the paternal mansion, one goes 
to seek his fortune at the south, and becomes a planter on the 
banks of the Mississippi; another emigrates to the west, and 
settles on the borders of the Ohio or the Maumee; and perhaps 
a fourth becomes a successful merchant in some large seaport. 
But in Europe, the paternal chateau frequently becomes the 
home of all the descendants of the owner, and his whole poster- 
ity, children, children-in-law, grand-children, and greai-grand- 
r.hildreiK all reside under the same roof with himself. He 



MARQUIS 1)E LA FAYETTK. 5.5:3 

becomes the patriarch of a niirnerous race, which forms a com- 
munity of themselves. This practice is not favorable to enter- 
prise, but there is something very agreeable in it, and conducive 
to social happiness. 

At La Grange are found all the descendants of Lafayette, 
who is the venerable head and patriarch of the interesting 
groupe. He has three children : — George Washington La Fay- 
ette, who was married in 1803, and has five children, Oscar, 
Edmund, Natalia, Matilda, and Clementina ; the eldest daughter 
is twenty years of age, and a favorite of her grandfatlier. This, 
the only son of the general, is now with him in the United 
States. His eldest daughter, Anastasia, a^ we have already 
mentioned, was married to Charles Latour Mauburg, brother 
of the companion of the general in his misfortunes, of tliat name : 
they have three daughters, Louisic, Jenny, and Mrs. Brigode, 
the latter of which is married, and has two daughters, named 
Georgiannia and Gabriella. Virginia La Fayette, his seaond 
daughter, married M. de Lasteyrie, who served with his brother- 
in-law George, in several campaigns, and was distinguished at 
Jena, Eylau, and Friedland ; Mrs. Lastyrie has three daughters 
and one son, Paulina, Melaire, Octavma, and Jules. 

All these descendants, to the third generation, reside at the 
hospitable mansion of La Grange, and it is said are principally 
dependent ori^he incom.e of that estate for support. 

The spacious chateau has not onlyrapartments for live families, 
that of the father, son, two sons-in-law, and grand son-in-law ; 
but there is also an apartment for M. D. Maubourg, the compan- 
ion and fellow prisoner with the general, and others for a brother 
and two sisters of the same family. 

In this retired situation, these several families, the descendants 
of the illustrious patriot who is their patriarchal chief, live in a 
quiet, agreeable, and simple manner ; contented and happy in 
the enjoyment of each other, neither caring for, nor disturbed 
by the turbulent pleasures of the world. Noisy dissipation, 
splendid equipage, and corrupting luxury, are strangers at this 
favorite abode of peace and innocence, and rural simplicity. 

70 



5*54 .MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

Business and amusement divide their attention, and afford sutti- 
cient occupation. 

" Little rural bah? are frequently given in the park, in the 
midst of the honest farmers and peasants of the neighborhood, 
and plays are performed daily by both old and young members 
of the family in the open air. 

" Early in the morning, every one is occupied in his own apart- 
ment, where a servant brings him coftf e, chockolat3, or tea : 
scarcely an individual makes his appearancft in fhe saloon, till 
ten or eleven o'clock- The utmost quiet and silence reigns 
throughout the chateau until this time. Then all the families 
meet together at breakfast, and the delightful prattle of the 
children is amusingly contrasted with the kind and constant 
attention of their parents. Each mother is surrounded by her 
little ones, the fathers assist in taking care of them, and the 
grandfather presides over the whole. 

" After breakfast each one retires till 5 o'clock, when dinner is 
brought up ; the families a^ain meet, converse, laugh, sing, and 
dance, every one amusing himself according to his age and taste."* 

In this felicitous retirement, the dislinguished patriot and 
philanthropist, who is the subject of this memoir, has lived sar- 
rounded by his numerous descendants, with patriarchal simpli- 
city and happiness since 1800. He has frequented no places of 
amusement, and had httle intercourse with the world, he has 
lived like an intelligent and independent agriculturalist, and 
exhibiting the bright example of a public man, content with a 
moderate income, free from all envious and angry feelings ; and 
willing to live in dignitied silence when he had not the power or 
influence to do good. He has spent his time in the cultivation 
of his farm, in study, and answeriug the letters of his numerous 
correspondents, and iji the enjoyment of the society of his family 
and many friends who visit La Grange. He has been a skilful 
and scientific agriculturist, and that agreeable employment 
has affbi ded him much satisfaction, whilst it has been Iho. source 
of the support of his large family. His flock of merino have 
afforded him both profit and pleasure, and he has been very 



*Ocncral f-Jolstein's Memoirs of La Fayette. 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 555 

successful in breeding them, having made himself aciijuainted 
with the subject when residing in Holstein. "My dear friend," 
said he to one of his visiters, "you cannot conceive how much 
pleasure I enjoy in watching the yearly growth of this fine flock; 
do you know that each fleece will give me twelve francs, and 
that I get two sheerings every year?" To another visiter he 
observed, "That his merinos and his hay carts often disputed 
his attention to Hume or Voltaire." Most of the distinguished 
American and Englieh travellers in France visit La Grange. 

In the year 1 S02,the celebratedCharles James Fox, the distin- 
guished British orator and statesman, and General Fitzpatrickj 
also a distinguished member of parliament, visited La Grange. 
As we have already stated, these two distinguished men exerted 
all their powerful eloquence in the house of commons, when La 
Fayette was incarcerated in the prisons of Olmutz, to induce the 
British government to interfere for his liberation. Although 
their efforts were not successful, they were not the less honorable 
to them, or the less calculated to excite the gratitude of La Fay- 
ette. Gen. Fitzpatrick had known La Fayette in America, arid 
admired his character and principles. The union of these three 
distinguished patriots and philanthropists, after the momentous 
events they had witnes'^ed,and in many of which, acted a distin- 
guished part, was highlj^ gratifying to themselves, and a pleasmg 
sight to the friends of liberty. "I have often," says the writer, 
who gives an account of this interview, " contemplated with great 
pleasure, Mr. Fox, General Fitzpatrick, and M. de La Fayette, 
walking in the long shady grove near the chateau, speaking of 
past times, the war in America, and the revolution in France. 
The rare sight of three such characters, was grateful to any 
one who felt friendly to the cause of civil liberty, and valued 
men for their services to humanity, rather than for successful 
ambition." 

Among the numerous visiters to La Grange, was lady Morgan, 
who, in her "France," gives a very interesting account of her 
visit to this hospitable seat, which the virtue and renown of its 
present owner will render celebrated forever: and of the 
numerous inmates of the venerable chateau. 



56(5 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

In 1 807, General La Fayette was affected with a domestic 
calamity, which more sorely affected his heart than the sufferings 
of six years imprisonment. The imprisonment of Mndame La 
Fayette nt Paris, and her voluntary confinement in the damp 
and unwholesome dungeons of Olmulz, had undermined her 
constitution, and she never enjoyed perfect health afterward; 
but her fortitude, patience, equanimity, and sociableness of 
temper, were not impaired with her health, and enabled her to 
contribute to the happiness of her husband and family. In 
December this virtuous and distinguished woman fell a victim to 
the barbarous persecutions of her husband, in which her affection 
and fidelity led her to be a voluntary sharer. The same winter, 
General La Favctte had the misfortune to fall and break his 
leg, which confined him to his bed, and without being able to 
change his position for nearly six months, during which he suf- 
fered severe pain. This is the cause of his present lameness. 

The dreadful struggle in which France was^ engaged with the 
combined forces of all the powers of Europe, did not call the 
patriot of La Grange from his retreat: it is not to be supposed, 
however, that he did not feel great anxiety for the impending 
fate of his country; as much as he disliked the disposition of 
Bonaparte, he was evidently opposed td the restoration of the 
Bourbons, as they intended to seize upon the crown as their own 
right, by the aid of one million of foreign bayonets, and to re-es- 
tablish the absolute power of the monarchy and the old regime, 
as far as it could be done, and thus destroy all the fruits of the 
revolution. He visited Louis but once in 1814, after his resto- 
ration, and although well received, he did not repeat the visit. 
Whilnt others deeply stained with tlie crimes of tlie revolution, 
and against the Bourbon family, offered their adhesion, and 
changed as the political tune turned, he made no compromise of 
principle, neither supplicated for favor, nor even expressed his 
approbation of the re-establishment of the Bourbon throne. 

That most marvellous event in the history of nations, the 
return of Napoleon from Elba, the re-establishnient of the 
inetpcrial throne, and the threatened invasion of France, with 
more than a million of iiien, did not call him from his retirement. 



MARQUIS t)E LA FAYETTE. 557 

The emperor, knowing his influence with the friends of liberty, 
endeavored to obtain his approbation; he sent his brother Joseph 
to invite General La Fayette to an interview with the emperor, 
that he might judge for himself the guarantees proposed to bo 
offered to the French people. This invitation he declined. 

Napoleon, on the 22d of April, with a view to conciliate the 
nation, issued his Mete Additionel, or additional act, as he called 
it, being an addition to the constitutions of 1799, 1802, and 
1804, which provided for the establishment of a chamber of re- 
presentatives to be elected by the elective colleges and an here- 
ditary chamber of peers. This act was accepted by the French 
people under the influence of existing circumstances; but it was 
not satisfactory to La Fayette, who entered his solemn protest 
against it, in the same spirit and from the same considerations 
that he did against the consulship for hfe. But the same college 
of electors to which he presented his protest, notwithstanding 
first chose him their president, and then their representative. 
The emperor too, anxious to secure his influence, or at least his 
silence, placed his name first on the hst of peers; but true to 
his principles, he declined this, and accepted of the situation of 
representative. 

General La Fayette and his son were both returned as depu» 
ties to the chamber. The emperor used all his influence to pro- 
cure one of the presidents of the department of state, to be 
chosen president of the chamber; but the votes were divided 
between Lenjuinais and La Fayette, and after several ballots, 
the former was chosen president and the latter vice-president. 

During this short reign of one hundred days. La Fayette had 
butlittle confidence in the emperor; he saw him for the first time, 
at the opening of the session on the 7th of June. "It is above 
twelve years since we have met," said Napoleon in a very kind 
and affectionate manner. But this had no influence on La Fay- 
ette. The defeat of the emperor at Waterloo, and his attempt, 
and that of his personal friends, to prorogue the chamber, and 
declare himself dictator, aflforded a crisis which called ibrth all 
the energies of the patriot of '89. Napoleon arrived at Paris, 
on the night of the 20th of June, and confirmfed all that had been 



558 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

feared as to the defeat of the army, and the critical situation of 
the country. The chamber was throwninto great agitation, not 
only from tlie approach of foreign armies, but from a report 
that the emperor was about to dissolve the chamber; various 
piopositions were moved and withdrawn, and no one seemed to 
know what to do. At length the venerable patriot, La Fayette, 
arose, ascended the tribune, and addressed the chamber — " This 
is the tirst time that I have raised my voice within these walls, 
and I feel the necessity of opening my whole soul to my col- 
leagues. In a time of public distress, the true frieods of liberty 
will perhaps recognize this voice which has always been raided 
in its defence, and never has been mingled with the cries of fac- 
tion. Our armies have suffered a reverse, and our territory is 
threatened. It is to you, representatives of the people, that it 
belongs to rally the nation round the tri-colored banner of '89, 
that sacred standard which is the signal of the revival of liberty, 
independence and public order. It is to you that it belongs to 
sumnwn the whole nation to the defence ofits rights, its indepen- 
dence, and its territory against foreign usurpation. A \eteran 
of liberty, and, i repeat it, a stranger to the spirit of fat tion, I 
am about to propose to you those measures which our present 
critical circumstances imperiously require." 

He then submitted the following propositions: 

''^Article 1 — The chamber of representatives declare that the 
independence of the nation is endangered. 

'•^Article 2 — The chamber declare themselves in continued ses- 
sion; (hat every attempt to prorogue the sess^ion shall be consid- 
ered high treason; that any one guilty of such attempt shall be 
deemed a traitor to his country, and be instantly proceeded 
against as such. 

^•JirUcle 3 — The army of the line and the national guards, 
who luive fought and are stil! fighting for the independence of 
France deserve the gratitude of their country. 

^^AiiideA — The Minister of the interior is requested to as- 
semble the General Staff, the Commandants and Majors of the 
Legions of the National Guaids of Paris, to consult on the 
means of supplying them with arms, and to render complete 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 559 

the citizen-guard, whose patriotism and zeal having been prov- 
ed for twenty six years, offer a sure guarantee of the liberty, the 
property, and the tranquillity of the capitol, and of the inviola- 
bility of the representatives of the nation. 

'■'- Article 5 — The Ministers of War, those of Foreign Relations, 
of the . Interior, and of the Police, are invited to attend the as- 
sembly immediately." 

These resolutions were adopted with some slight alterations. 

Gen. La Fayette had been informed by Regnault de St. Jean 
d'Angely, and Thibaudeau, two of the emperor's council, who 
were opposed to this violent measure, that it was the intention of 
Napoleon immediately to dissolve the chamber. It wa-s a great 
crisis; either the emperor or the chamber must fall that day; 
and the courage and influence of La Fayette decided this mo- 
mentous question. The emperor was said to be greatly agita- 
ted when he was informed that La Fayette was addressing the 
chamber. "What," said he, "La F^ayetle in the tribune?" 
He was greatly agitated and embarrassed from the measures 
which had been adopted in the chamber; he hesitated nearly 
the whole day what course to pursue; his friends were also divi- 
ded in their opinions; his courage and firmness seemed to have 
forsaken him, and it is said that Lucien told hi.n, " that the 
smoke of the battle of Mount St. Jean had turned his brain." 
It was finally decided to send Lucien and three of the ministers 
to the chamber, in conformity to their resolution, (o make a par- 
tial exposition of the state of affairs. Bonaparte relied, princi- 
pally, on the eloquence of Lucien, to which he was indebted 
for success in the revolution of the 18th of Brumaire, to bring 
the chamber into his views. It was past five o'clock in the 
evening when the ministers and Lucien arrived ; the appearance 
of the latter occasioned loud murmurs; which, however, subsi- 
ded on the house being informed by the president that he ap- 
peared as the commissioner of the emperor. The ministers 
made a partial exposition of the state of affairs, of the resources 
6f the nation, and of the hopes and projects they still enter- 
tained. A short, but painful silence ensued, which was inter- 
rupted by an animated debate, attended with great agitation. 



^60 MARQUIS DE LA I'AYETTE. 

M. Duchene, and other members, (among whom was Mr, Jaj-, 
who, twenty years ago was well known in Boston, under the as- 
sumed name of Renaud, as a teacher of the French language, 
and a writer in the public newspapers,) took a hasty, but spirited 
view of the alarming state of affairs, the impossibility of oppo- 
sing the advance of the enemy, and concluded, by strongly ur- 
ging, that as the allies had refused to treat with the man at the 
head of the government, it was a duty which the chambers owed 
the nation, to insist on the unqualified abdication of the empe- 
ror. This bold proposition had been apprehended, and to resist 
which, Lucien had attended the chamber. He had exhibited 
great impatience and esicitement during the discussion. His 
situation was the most critical and trying; the power and polit- 
ical existence of the emperor, and all the hopes and objects de- 
pending upon them, were confided to him, and depended on the 
success of his efforts. He was sensible too of the disposition of 
the chamber, and of the alarm which prevailed among the mem- 
bers. At length Lucien arose, and ascended the tribune, and 
in the doubtful and gloomy light which two vast torches shed 
through the hall, and over the anxious features of the members, 
commenced a reply. Momentous as was the occasion, he was 
found fully eqaal to it; he never before appeared equally power- 
ful, or poured forth such a strain of impassioned and vehe- 
ment eloquence. It was a speech worthy the defence of a 
throne and a dynasty. The scope of his argument was designed 
to prove that the pretensions of the allies, that their designs 
were directed against the emperor, and not against France, were 
deceptive, and intended to delude the French people, and lead 
to the subjugation of the nation; that the people of France 
were still attached to the emperor; that momentous as was the 
crisis, the resources of the country were adequate to its defence, 
and that the genius and talents of the emperor were necessary 
for this object. He insisted that the emperor was necessary to 
the salvation of France, and that to se.parate him from the na- 
tion, would be to deliver it up to their implacable enemies. " It is 
not Napoleon," he cried, " that is attacked, it is the Frencli 
people; and a proposition is now made to this people to abandon 



MARQms DE LA FAYETTE. 561 

their emperor; to exj'ose the French nation before the tribunal 
of the world to a severe judgment on its levity and inconstancy. 
No sir, the honor of this nation shall never be so compromised 1" 
As soon as this solemn declaration was made, La Fayette arose, 
and interrupted the speaker. Standing in his place, and without 
going to the tribune, which was contrary to the rules of the 
house, he observed, in a manner calm and dignified, addressing 
himself to Lucien, and not to the president — "The assertion 
which has just been uttered is a calumny. Who shall dare to 
accuse the French nation of inconstancy to the Emperor Na- 
poleon? That nation has followed his bloody footsteps through 
the sands of Egypt, and through the wastes of Russia; over fifty 
fields of battle; as faithful in disaster as in victory: and it is for 
having thus devotedly followed him, that we now mouni the 
blood of three millions of Frenchmen." These words and the 
solemn truths they conveyed, made a visible impression on the 
chamber, which Lucien perceiving, he bowed respectfully to 
La Fayette, and sat down without resuming his speech. 

Finally, a resolution was carried to appoint a deputation of 
^ve members from each chamber, to attend the grand council 
of ministers which was to be held that night to determine on 
the measures to be adopted. La Fayette was one of the num- 
ber. Cambaceres, the arch-chancellor of the empire, presided 
at the sitting. A motion was made by La Fayette that a de- 
putation, the next morning, wait on the emperor and request his 
abdication: this motion the president refused to put; but it was 
as much decided as though it had been formally adopted. The 
following morning, the 22d of June, Napoleon sent lo the cham- 
ber his abdication ; and a committee was thereupon appointed, of 
which La Fayette was one, who went to the Thuilleries to thank 
him for it, in behalf of the nation. It was this bold asserter of 
the rights of the people, also, who proposed that the life of Na- 
poleon should be put under the protection o( the French people. 
A provisional government was established, which appointed 
commissioners, of whom La Fayette was the head, to treat with 
the allies, for the suspension of hostilities; but their etfor;* were 
unavailing, as this did not agree with their legitimata viewsv 

71 



^Q MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

Ort returning to the capitol, he learned with surprise and regret, 
that the city had capitulated, and the army been withdrawn; 
The chamber continued in session until the 7th of July, and on 
the next day, the doors being closed by the gens cfarmes^ although 
it is not known by whose orders, a number of the deputies 
met at the house of La Fa\ette, from whence, at his instance, 
they repaired to that OJ the president, and entered a formal 
protest rtgainst this forcible and unjust exclusion, and each one 
went his own way, perceiving that nothing more could be 
done to secure the liberties of the people, La Fayette retired 
to his estate. He did not, like some of the mistaken friends in 
America, hail the restoration of the Bourbons, as having rei> 
dered the "family of nations complete," or as a glorious termi- 
nation of'' the long agony" for liberty. He did not acknowledge 
the "legitimacy" of a dynasty and government established by 
force ahd violence, the invasion and subjugation of the country, 
by foreign armies; he did not supplicate for favor or preferment; 
he did not even visit the king; and the minions of the "holy 
alliance" knew him too well to consult him, or invite him to take 
any part in the new government, although many of the creatures 
of Bonaparte were employed. 

Since this era. General La Fayette has remained in retire- 
ment, and taken but little part in public affairs. He has been 
twice returned a member of the chamber of deputies since 1817, 
in opposition to all the influence of the ministerial party. He 
in general, has taken but little part in the business of the legis- 
lature, believing that he could do no good. But the plan of the 
miniv'ter tc- establish a censorship over the press, aroused the pa- 
triotism and spirit of this veteran of two revolutions. He de- 
clared with great energy, that the law was incompatible with 
even the most limited freedom, and an outrage on the rights of 
the people; and he "conjured the servants of the crown to 
maintain the liberties of France within the limits prescribed by 
the constitution. To violate it, is to dis^solve th^ mutual guar- 
antees of the nation and the throne; it is to give oui selves up i£> 
fcital primitive freedom from all duties and from all laws." 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. ^5 

The proposed law was adopted by a small majority; which 
led to the institution of a society, consisting of the members of 
the opposition, and other liberals^ for the reUef of those who 
might suffer on account of the unjust restrictions on the pre«S; 
General La Fayette was placed at the head of this sotietyu 



CHAPTER IX. 

S^eTieral La Fayette receives numerous invitations to visit the United States 
once more — Resolution of Congress on this subject — He arrives at New York 
—The reception he has met with by the people — Detail of the manner of his 
reception by congress — Address of the speaker and his reply— feJrant made 
him by congress — His services for America, and character. 

As Gen. La Favette could discover but little gratifying to 
bim, in the present political condition and future prospects of 
his native country, for several years past, his heart seems td 
have inclined, with unusual fondness, to the country of his adop- 
tion — to his dear America, the theatre of his early and success- 
ful struggles in the cause of liberty; where his patriotism 
and services in that sacred cause -ire deeply appreciated, and 
where he is honored, venerated, and almost adored. Having 
signified to many Americans and others, his intentions oi visiting 
the United States once more, numerous public and private let- 
ters were written to him, from this country, expressing much 
satisfaction at this intelligence, and the hope that the citizens 
of the United States would soon be gratified by seeing among 
them this distinguished friend of America and great apostle of 
liberty. Among other communications were letters from the? 
mayors of New York and Boston, inviting him to visit those 
cities; and in January, 1824, congress adopted a resolution re- 
questing the president to "offer him a public ship for his ac* 
commodation, and to assure him, in the name of the people oi 
thisgreatrepublic, that they cherished for him a grateful and 
affectionate attachment." This national respect, more honor- 
able, perhaps than any individual ever received before, under 
similar circumstaaces, he declined probably from motives of 



564 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE, 

delicacy; but embarked at Havre, the (port at which he had 
tliree timea before set sail for the United States,) in a private 
tessel, and arrived at New York on the 15th of August, 1824. 
He was accompanied by his son George Washington La Fay- 
ette, and his: friend and private secretary, M. La Vassieur, 

The reception which General La Fayette met with at this 
commeicial metropolis of the United States, and in every other 
town which he has visited, or through which he has passed, has 
been such as became the free citizens of the freest nation on 
earth, to offer to the first and most venerated patriot of the age, 
and the early and undeviating friend of America, who had sacri- 
ficed his fortune and his blood in establishing its independence 
and liberty. Although he came among us as a private indivi- 
dual, he has been received as a public or national character, as 
the guest of the country, and honored as the distinguished and 
di-interested benefactor of America; to whom ten millions of 
freemen acknowledged themselves measurably indebted for the 
poliiical privileges and blessings which they enjoy. No man 
ever received, and no one can receive greater honor than this: 
the homage and gratitude of an entire nation ; unbribed and un- 
bought, flowing spontaneously, the free-will offering of the heart; 
a universal impulse which vibrated as the pulse of the nation. 
To this universal feeling, manifested in a thousand ways, and by 
the strongest demonstrations, there is not a solitary discordant 
voice; there is " no rebellious string, that jars in the grand chorus 
and dissents." All are united^ there is but one sentiment, and 
the wish of the imperial tyrant of Rome that the Roman people 
had but one neck that he might sever it at a blow, is in some 
measure, reahzed here on the present occasion, as the American 
people have but one heart and but one voice. This honor, un- 
exampled and distinguished as it is, does not exceed the merits 
of the individual who is the subject of it, as his character and 
service^ for America are equally unexampled. The moral 
grandeur of this scene is unequalled, and its political influence 
must be great and salutary. It is not only to the benefactor of 
America that such distinguished honors are offered ; but it is 
also to the uniform and coniistentpatriotf and steadfast and undevi- 
ating friend of liberty^ 



MA1?QUIS DE LA PAYETTE. 566 

Theise honors from the people, in their individual and prima- 
ry character, caUed for corresponding conduct from the nation, 
in itscolleclive and corporate capacity; and the representatives 
of the people have met the wishes of their constituents, and as 
the organs of the public will, have, in the nant^e of the nation, 
shown that respect to the distinguished benefactor of the coun- 
try, which corresponded with the sentiments manifested by 
the people. They have done more; they have offered a more 
substantial tribute of respect, and in some measure discharged 
the obligations of the nation to its disinterested and illustrious 
benefactor. 

We cannot, from our prescribed limits, follow General La 
Fayette in his tour through the United States, and his visits to 
the principal towns, and notice the various manifestations of 
respect and gratitude, by addresses, illuminations, military 
escorts, parades, and public entertainments: besides, these de- 
tails have so recently appeared in the public papers, that they 
are fresh in the minds of all, and a repetition of them would 
afford but little interest. The respect, however, shown him by 
congress, possessing a national character,, is more deserving of 
notice. 

President Monroe, in his message at the opening of the ses- 
sion, recommended to congress to make some remuneration to 
Gen. La Fayette, for his services and sacrifices in the revolution 
ary war, worthy the national character. The suggesffon of the 
president, which was in accordance with the seijtiments of the 
people, has been very honorably followed up by congress, which 
has manifested its respect and liberality, both in a manner whol- 
ly unexampled. 

At the commencement of the session, a joint committee was 
appointed to consider and report, what respectful mode it miglit 
be proper for congress to adopt to receive Gen. La Fayette, a: id 
to testify the high gratification which he has afforded, by liis 
present visit to the United Slates. The committee, on the part 
of the house, recommended the following resolutions, which 
were unanimously adopted :-~ 

^^ Resolved, That the congratulations of this House be publicly 
girtn to General La Fayette, oa hia. arrival in the United States^ 



5fiG MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE/ 

m compliance with the wishes of congress, and that he be assured 
af the gratitude and deep respect which the House entertains 
for his signal and illustrious services in the Revolution, and the 
pleasure it feels in being able to welcome him, after an absence 
of so many years, to the theatre of his early labors and early 
renown. 

^^ Resolved, That for this purpose General La Fayette be in- 
viteti by a Committee to attend tlie House on Friday next, at 
one o'clock; that he be introduced by the committee, and re- 
ceived by the members stan^ling, uncovered, and addressed by 
the Speaker in behalf of the House." 

The committee, on the part of the senate, recommended "that 
(he president of the senate, invite General La Fayette to take a 
seat, such as he might designate, in the senate chamber; that 
the committee deliver the invitation to the general, and introduce 
him into the senate, and the members to receive him standing." 
This resolution was unanimously adopted : and about one oclock 
on the 9th of December, Gen. La Fayette entered, supported 
on the left by the Hon. Mr. Barbour, chairman of the committee, 
and followed by the rest of the committee; he was conducted to 
a seat on the right of the president pro. tem. the Honorable Mr. 
Gaillard, in the presence of the senators, all of whom were 
standing. As he entered, Mr. Barbour addressed the senate in 
these words: — "We present General La Fayette to the senate 
of the United States;" and as he advanced to the president's 
chair, the president addressed him : — " On the part of the senate 
r invite you to take a seat," pointing to the seat on the right of 
the chair. A motion was then made "that the senate do now 
adjourn, for the purpose of allowing the members, individually, 
to pay their respects to Gen. La Fayette;" which was unanj* 
roously adopted ; and thereupon the members, leaving their seats, 
in turn saluted him in the most cordial manner. This is the 
first instance in which an individual was introduced to the sen- 
ate of the United States whilst in session. 

Cagsar never received greater honor from the servile senate 
of Rome, when his victorious legions surrounded the capital^ 
hot one was the coiistrained homage bestowed on a conqueror* 



QIARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 567 

At the head of a victorious army; the other, the free and spon- 
taneous honor sh<ivvn to a private individual, without nr 
influence to command it, or any other consideration, but his unr- 
exampled patriotism and distinguished services. 

At an early hour on the next day, crowds were flocking into 
thfegalieriesof the house of representatives, and before eleven 
o'clock, a concourse of ladies entered the hall and took the seats 
and sofas prepared for them; it was found necessary to provide 
additional seats, and soon the house presented an exhibition of 
beauty and fashion, which it is presumed has never been equalled, 
that gave a more imposing interest to a scene naturally grand and 
affecting. A motion having been adopted, to invite the members 
of the senate to attend on the occasion, they entered in proces- 
sion, and took seats on the right of the speaker. At one o'cloclc, 
George Washington La Fayette and Colonel La Vassieur, the 
secretary of the general, entered and took seats by the side of the 
secretary of state: and in a few minutes. General La Fayette 
entered the house, supported on his right by Mr. Mitchell, chair- 
man of the committee, on his left by Mr. Livingston, and followed 
J)y the rest of the committee. 

The speaker and members then rose, and the procession ad- 
vanced towards the centre of the house, w^hen Mr. Mitchell in- 
troduced General La Fayette in the following words: — "Mr. 
Speaker — The select committee appointed for that purpose have 
the honor to introduce General La Fayette to the House of 
Representatives." 

General La Fayette being conducted to the seat prepared for 
him, the speaker, Mr. Clay, arose and addressed him in the fol- 
fowing dignified and impressive manner: — 

"General: — The House of Representatives of the United 
States, impelled alike by its own feelings, and by those of the 
whole American people, could not have assigned to me a more 
gratifying duty than that of presenting to you cordial congratu- 
lations upon the occasion of your recent arrival in the United 
States, in compliance with the wishes of congress, and to assure 
you of the very high satisfaction which your presence affords on 
fhis early theatre of your glory and renown. Although but few 



568 MARQUrS DE LA FAYETTE 

of the members who compose this body shared with you in ihi 
war of our revolution, all have, from an impartial history, or 
from faithful tradition, a knowledge of the perils, the sufferings, 
and the sacrifices which you voluntarily encountered, and the 
signal services, in America and Europe, Which you performed 
for an infant, a distant, and an alien people; and all feel and 
own the very great extent of the obligations under which you 
have placed our country. But the relations in which you have 
ever stood to the United States, interesting and important as they 
have been, do not constitute the only motive of the respect and 
admiration which the house of representatives entertain for 
you. Your consistency of character, your uniform devotion to 
regulated liberty, in all the vicissitudes of a long and arduous 
life, also commands its admiration. During all the recent con- 
vulsions of Europe, amidst, as after the dispersion of, every 
political storm, the people of the United States have beheld 
you, true to your old principles, firm and erect, cheering and arw 
mating with your well known voice, the votaries of liberty, its 
faithful and fearless champion, ready to shed the last drop of that 
blood which here you so freely and nobly spilt, in the same holy 
cause. 

The vain wish has been sometimes indulged that Providence 
would allow the patriot, after death, to return to his country, 
and 'o contemplate the intermediate changes which had taken 
place — to view the forest felled, the cities built, the mountains 
levelled, the canals cut, the hii^hways constructed, the progress 
of the arts, the advancement of learning, and increase of popu- 
lation. General, your present visit to the United States, is a 
realization of the consoling object of that wish. You are in the 
midst of posterity. Every where, you must have been struck 
with the great changes, physicnl a; d moral, which have occurred 
since you left us. Even this very city, bearing a venerated 
name, alike endeared to you and to us, has since emerged from 
the forest which then covered its site. In one respect you behold 
us unaltered, and that it is in the sentiment of continued devotion 
to liberty, and of ardent affection and profound gratitude to 
your departed friend, the father of his country, and to you, and 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. jtiy 

to your illustrious associates in the field and in the cabinet, for 
the multiplied blessings which surrounded us, and for the very 
privilege of addressing you, which I now exercise. Thissenti' 
ment, now fondly cherished by more than ten millions of people, 
will be transmitted with unabated vitjor, down the tide of time, 
through the countless millions who are destined to inhabit this 
continent to the latest posterity." 

While the speaker was addressing him, General La Fayette 
was very evidently affected. At the close of the address, he 
seated himself for a few seconds, and then rose, and in a tone 
influenced by powerful feeling, made the following reply ;■ — 

Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen 

of the House of Representatives : 

While the people of the United States, and their honorable 
representatives in congress, have deigned to make choice of me, 
one of the American veterans, to signify in his person, their 
esteem for our joint services, and their attachment to the prin- 
ciples for which we have had the honor to fight and bleed, I 
am proud and happy to share those extraordinary favors with 
my dear revolutionary companions; yet it would be onmypar(> 
uncandid and ungrateful not to acknowledge my personal share 
in their testimonies of kindness, as they excite in my mind 
emotions which no adequate words could express. 

My obligations to the United States, sir, far exceed any merit 
I might claim ; they date from the time when I have had the 
happiness to be adopted as a young soldier, a favored son of 
America ; they have been continued to me during almost half 
a century of constant affection and confidence ; and now, sir, 
thanks to your most gratifying invitation, I find myself greeted 
by a series of welcomes, one hour of which would more than 
compensate for the public exertions and sufferings of a whole 
life. 

The approbation of the American people, and their represen- 
tatives, for my coaduct during the vicissitudes of the European 
revolution, is the highest reward I could receive. Well may I 
stand firm and erect, when in their names, and by you, Mr. 
Speaker, I am declared to have, in every instance, been faithful 

72 



57Q IVIARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

to those American principles of liberty, equality, and true social 
order, the devotion to which, as it has been from my earliest 
youth, so it shall continue to be to my latest breath. 

You have been pleased, Mr. Speaker, to allude to the pecu- 
liar felicity of my situation, when, after so long an absence, I 
am called to witness the immense improvements, the admirable 
communications, the prodigious creations, of which we find an 
example in this city, whose name itself is a venerated palladium; 
in a word, all the grandeur and prosperity of these happy United 
States, who at the same time they nobly secure the complete 
assertion of American independence, reflect on every part of 
the world, the light of a far superior political civilization. 

What better pledge can be given, of a persevering national 
love of liberty, when those blessings are evidently the result of 
a virtuous resistance to oppression, and of institutions founded on 
the rights of man, and the republican principle of self govein- 
ment. 

No, Mr. Speaker, posterity has not begun for me, since, in 
the sons of my companions and friends, I find the same public 
fei Ungs, and permit me to add, the same feelings in my behalf, 
which 1 have had the happiness to experience in their fathers. 

Sir. Ihave been allowed forty years ago, before a committee 
of a congress of thirteen states, to express the fond wishes of an 
American heart 5 on this day, I have the honor, and enjoy the 
delight, to congratulate the representatives of the Union, so 
vastly enlarged, on the realization of those wishes, even beyond 
every human expectation, and upon the almost infinite prospects 
we can with certainty anticipate ; permit me, Mr. Speaker,and 
gentlemen of the house of representatives, to join in the expres- 
sion of those sentim.ents, a tribute of my lively gratitude, affec- 
tionate devotion, and profound respect. 

This scene, this simple and unstudied expression of a nation's 
feelings towards its early and disinterested benefactor, was 
truly affecting and sublime ; how unlike the kingly pomp, the 
idle and ceremonies pageantry of courts ! it gives a moral ef- 
fect and grandeur to the republican (haracter and free institu- 
tions, w^-ich exalt ihem far above any thing which the records 
of monarchy atford. 



MARaurS DE LA FAYETTE. 571 

The noble sentiments, worthy of the best days of Rome, of 
the address of the speaker, and the reply of the general, were 
listened to with the profoundest attention; the deepest interest 
was manifested; and both on the floor and in the galleries, the 
most unbroken silence prevailed: every eye was strained, and 
every ear on the alert, that not a word, nor a movement of th« 
countenance of the venerable object of such unexampled nation- 
al honor, should be lost. 

As soon as the general resumed his seat, a motion was made 
and adopted to adjourn; and immediately the speaker left the 
chair, and offered him his personal congratulations, shaking him 
cordially by the hvand. This was followed by the speaker's in- ^ 
troducing all the members of the house individually to the gen- 
eral, which closed a scene the most imposing in its character, 
and instructive in its effects, which, perhaps, has ever been wit- 
nessed by any age or nation. 

But congress did not stop here; they have left on record a 
more substantial and imperishable testimonial of national grati- 
tude. A committee was raised in each house, to consider and 
report what provision it would be proper to make for Gen. La 
Fayette; which reported a bill granting to him two hundred 
thousand dollars, in stock to be created for that purpose, and a 
township of land, to be located on any of the unappropriated 
lands of the government. This bill, after some slight opposition, 
which only served to call forth a disclosure of the immense ex- 
penditures and sacrifices of this veteran patriot during the six 
years he was engaged in our revolutionary struggle, was adop- 
ted, there being only seven dissenting voices in the senate, and 
twenty -six in the house. It was stated by Mr. Haynes in the 
senate, that he had documents in his hand, which had been ob- 
tained without the interference or knowledge of La Fayette, 
from which it incontestibly appeared that during six years of the 
American war, he expended in the service 700,000 francs, or 
140,000 dollars. This sum at compound interest for forty-three 
years, would amount to more than a million of dollars. Mr. 
Haynes also stated another fact, highly honorable to the gene- 
ral. In 1803, congress granted him a tract of 11,6'20 ocrc5. 



572 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

of land, to be located in any of the unappropriated lands oi 
the government; and his agent located one thousand acres in 
the county of Orleans, in the vicinity of the city of N. Orleans. 
Without attending to this fact, congress subsequently included 
this tract in a grant of land made to that city. This tract was 
then worth ^50.000, and is now said to be valued at $500,000. 
Notwithstanding this, and although advised that his title was in- 
dubitably valid, the general, with singular delicacy of feehng, 
immodiately relinquished his claim, and caused a deed to be re- 
corded, remarking, " that he would not enter into controversy: 
the act had been gratuitous, and congress best knew what they 
intended to bestow." 

The following is the act: — 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
the United States of America, in cont»ress assembled, That in 
consideration of the services and sacrifices of General La Fay- 
ette, in the war of the revolution, the secretary of the treasury 
be, and he is hereby authorised to pay to him the sum of two 
hundred thousand d' llara out of any money in the treasury not 
otherwi.se appropriated. 

Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, that theie be granted to 
the said Gen. La Fayette, and his heirs, one township of land, 
to be laid out and located undei the authority of the president, 
in any of the unappropriated lands of the United States. 

H. CLAY, 
Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
JOHN GAILLARD, 
President of the Senate pro tempore. 
Washington, Dec. 28th, 1824 — Approved: 

JAMES MONROE. 

This grant, liberal as it is, does not exceed the merits of the 
illustrioHS patriot who is the worthy object of it, or the wishes 
of the American people; it is worthy the national justice and 
munificesK.e, and the character and services of La Fayette. In 
addition to this and the grant of land in 1 803, already alluded to, 
in 1794, wben he was persecuted and proscribed at home, his 
estates confiscated and his family impoverished; when he was 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 573 

the victim of the vengeance of coalesced kings, he was not 
forgotten in America, and congress granted liim the pa} of a 
major-general, for the period of his service in the army of the 
United States ; he having dedined receiving any compensation 
at the time. 

General La Fayette is undoubtedly the most interesfing 
character now living; and with the exception of a venerated 
name, who was his own leader and guide — who was " Firsi ia 
war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen," 
probably the most interesting character in the annals of history. 

His services for America, whether we consider the disinier- 
ested and patriotic motives which produced them, the great 
individual sacrifices which attended them, or their important 
consequences to the sacred cause of independence and liberty 
in which they were employed, are without any example, and 
can never be sufficiently appreciated. Whether the American 
colonies alone, and unaided by any foreign assistance, would 
have been able to have sustained themselves in the mighty 
struggle with Great Britain, and to have established their inde- 
pendence, must now forever remain a problem; but it is evident 
that the war could not have been brought to a conclusion at the 
time and manner itwas; for, to say nothing about the assistance 
of the French troops, amounting to above seven thousand, the 
successful operations at Yorktown, which so gloriously termina- 
ted the war, were entirely dependent on the co-operation of the 
French fleet. It was the assistance of France that brought 
the revolutionary struggle to a close, and how far we are 
indebted to General La Fayette for that assistance, cannot now 
be well determined; but it is a position by no means extravagant, 
that it is to his exertions and influence, directly and indirectly, 
that we are to attribute the assistance afforded America by 
France. 

General La Fayette possesses the highest and most .honorable 
character which has ever adorned human nature, that of a dis- 
tinguished^ consistent, and mideviatin^ patriot and philanthro- 
pist — the lover of liberty and the friend of mankind. 



574 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

The subjoined extract from Madame de Stael, who was per- 
sonally acquainted with nil the distinguished characters who 
figured in the French revolution, and with the events of that im- 
portant epoch, is an honorable testimony of the worth and cliar- 
acterof Gen. La Fayette: 

" M. de La Fayette having fought from his early youth for the 
cause of America, had early become imbued with the principles 
of liberty, which formed the basis of that government. If he 
made mistakes with regard to the French revolution, we are to 
ascribe them all to his admiration of American institutions, and 
of Washiiiffton, the hero citizen, who guided the first steps of 
that nation in the career of independence. La Fayette, young, 
affluent, of noble family, beloved at home, relinquished all these 
advantages af the age of Viineteen, to serve beyond the ocean in 
the cn)]se of that liberty, the love of which has decided every 
action of hi? life. Had he had the happiness to be a native of 
theUnifed States, his conduct would have heen that of Wash- 
ington: the same disinterestedness, the same enthusiasm, (he 
same perseverance in their opinions, distinguished each of these 
generouF friends of humanity. Had General Washington been 
like tlu; Marquis de La Fayetle, commander of the National 
Guards of Paris, he also might have found it impossible to con- 
trol the course of circumstances: ^ealso might have seen his ef- 
forts baffled by the diflicuUy of being at once faithful to his en- 
p'agements to the king, and of establishing at the same time the 
liberty of his country. 

" M. de La Fayette, I must say, has a right to he considered 
as a true republican: none of the vanities of his rank ever 
entered his head: power, the effect of which is so great in 
France, had no ascendency over him: the desire of pleasing in 
a drawing-room conversation, did not with him influence a single 
phrase: he sacrificed all his foHune to his opinions, with the 
most generpus indifference. When in the pri-on of Olmufz, as 
when at the height of his mfluonce, he was equally firm in his 
attachment to hi? principles. His manner of seeing and acting 
is open and direct. Whoever has marked his conduct, may 
foretell with certainty what he will do on any particular occasioDi 



ftJARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 575 

'^ Hii political feeling is that of a citizen of the United States ; 
and even his person is more English than French. The hatred 
of which M. La Fayette is the object, has never embittered his 
temper; and his gentleness of soul is complete: at the same 
time nothing has ever modified his opinions; and his confidence 
in the triumph of liberty, is the same as that of a pious man in 
a future life. These sentiments, so contrary to the seliish cal- 
culations of most of the men who have acted a part in France!, 
may appear pitiable in the eyes of some persons — "it is so silly," 
they think "to prefer one's countiy to one's self; not to change 
one's party when that party is worsted; in short, to consider 
mankind, not as cards with which to play a winning game, but 
as the sacred objects of unlimited sacrifices." If this is to form 
the charge of silliness, would that it were but once merited by 
eur men of talents! 

"It is a singular phenomenon, that such a character as that of 
M. de La Fayette, should have appeared in the foremost rank 
of the French no6/e5se; but he can neither be censured or ex- 
Qulpated with impartiality, without being acknowledged to be 
such as I have described him. It then becomes easy to under-' 
stand the different contrasts which naturally arose between his 
disposition and situation. Supporting monarchy more from 
duty than attachment, he drew involuntarily towards the prin- 
ciples of the democrats, whom he was obliged to resist; and a 
certain kindness for the advocates of the republican form, was 
perceptible to him, although his reflection forbade the admis- 
sion of their sysiom into France. Since the departure of M. 
de La Fayette for America, now forty years ago, we cannot 
quote a single action or a single word of his, which was not 
direct and consistent. Personal interest never blended itself in 
the least with his public conduct: success would have displayed 
such sentiments to advantage; but they claim the attention of 
the historian in spite of circumstances, and in spite of faults, 
which may serve as a handle to his opponents." 

We would not wish to write an eulogium on La Fayette; he 
certainly requires none; a simple relation of the facts con- 
nected with his life and conduct, is the highest panegyric that 



576 MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

can be bestowed on him; the faithful page of history will be the 
proudest monument of his fame, and sufficiently substantial to 
sustain all the laurels that adorn his name. It is not on the ex- 
traordinary talents l^e has displayed, or the brilliancy of any 
particular action or event; it is not on the number of pitched 
battles he has fought, or the victories he has won, that his repu- 
tation depends. It rests on a more substantial and noble basis 
— private worth and public virtue. There have been greater 
generals and orators in almost every age; and there were many 
greater, at least more fortunate, among the distinguished cJiar- 
acters which the memorable revolution in his own country called 
forth. But the powers of his mind, and the adequacy of his 
talents to any service, whether in the civil or military concerns 
of government, are sufficiently established from the fact, that 
he sustained the very first rank, and perhaps more influence than 
any other individual among that brilliant galaxy of genius and 
talents which irradiated the horizon of France during the early 
part of the French revolution. To be in the first rank, if not 
the very first, among such an assemblage of learning and elo- 
quence, is sufficient to establish his claim to superiority. But 
it is certain, that in the progress of the revolution, there ap- 
peared individuals possessed of greater learning and talents; 
greater orators, statesmen, and warriors ; yet, nevertheless, there 
is no one who has gone through that mighty ordeal with a repu- 
tation that will in any respect compare with his. It is true 
that many of the greatest and best men were cut off by the 
guillotine; but of those who survived the restoration of the 
Bourbons, which ended the revolutionary period. La Fayette 
seems to have been almost the only one, among the distinguished 
actors, who has passed through this long and eventful period, 
so fruitful in dangers and trials, with an unsullied reputation; 
who ended with the same principles with which they com- 
menced, and maintained a perfect consistency of character. If 
there is any other, it must be Carnot; and he yielded in some 
measure, to the usurpation of Bonaparte, but not until his 
country was about to be invaded by foreign armies, which 
threatened a. greater evil to France, and obstacle to the Jiber- 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 577 

tie's of the people, than existed in the despotism of Napoleon, 
by the restoration of the Bourbons. 

La Fayette possessed the same political principles, the same 
attachment to freedom, the same sacred regard to the rights 
of the people, and steady adherence to the cardinal bases of 
civil liberty, resting on free institutions, under all circumstances, 
on both sides of the Atlantic ; As a volunteer in the struggle 
of a distant and alien people for their political rights; in the 
mighty contest in his native country against oppression; in 
success and a popularity never equalled; in the sudden loss of 
that popularity, followed by proscription and exile; and he has 
ex^iibited the same confidence in his principles and professions, 
the same integrity of purpose, in glory and in suffering, in pop- 
ularity and power, and in proscription and disgrace. When di- 
recting the revolution, or the victim of its injustice and violence, 
he "has maintained the same tone, the same air, the same 
open confidence amidst the ruins of the Bastile, in the Champ 
de Mars, under the despotism of Bonaparte, and in the dun- 
geon^ of Olmutz." It is the character of a consistent, uniform, 
and incorruptible patriot, or rather the services he has performed, 
and the sacrifices he has made, which afford the evidence of 
this character, on which the magnificent fabric of his reputation 
rests; this is a foundation which time will not impair; and the 
fame which it supports, undimmed by age, will shine brighter 
and brighter, as long as liberty has an abode on the earth, or 
virtue is revered. 

It must be admitted that La Fayette, like most others, is in 
some degree indebted to fortune for his extraordinary character. 
He lived in the most eventful period, and one the most import- 
ant to the destinies of mankind, comprising that portion of time 
when philosophy, applied to the nature and end of government, 
made mankind acquainted with their political rights, and in 
which, as a consequence thereof, the great struggle, so interest- 
ing to the human race, commenced between the oppressors aod 
the oppressed ; between the people, for the rights of self-govern- 
ment, and those who claim the prerogative of governing them, 
according to "legitiniate" principles; who claim an interest and 

73 



g78 iVlARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

inheritance in them; a struggle which has been crowned witli 
success in America, made great progress in Europe, and which 
will not cease, although it maj be apparently suppressed until 
^11 the nations of that portion of the earth shall become free. 

Among all the individuals, who have taken a distinguished 
part in the events of this period, no man, it is believed, with 
one illustrious exception, will leave a reputation so dear to the 
friends of freedom as La Fajelte. And in one respect, his 
character has no example: he alone, during this important epoch, 
has acted a distinguished part in two hemispheres, and exerted 
a leading and controlling influence in the two mighty revolutions 
by which this period is distinguished, which, from their moral 
and political influence are the most importanj, events in the 
annals of the world. To have acted an important part in one, 
and a commanding part in the other, of the two most conspicu- 
ous struggles for liberty which have ever occurred, is a circum- 
stance so extraordinary as would of itself confer great celebrity : 
but to have acted from the purest and most disinterested patri- 
otism; to have sacrificed a princely fortune; to have been the 
rictim of injustice and proscription, for a faithful adherence to 
principle; to have endured the severest sufferings: and to have 
passed through these momentous struggles, abounding in difficul- 
ties and trials, with perfect consistency of principle, a steady- 
adherence to his original objects, and without a stain on his 
escutcheon, is what constitute the chief glory and renown of the 
man who is the subject of these remarks. 

Who has done more, who has suffered more in the cause of 
freedom? Who has been more consistent and uniform in the 
pursuit of the only worthy object of human ambition, that of 
benefitting mankind? And, notwithstanding the failure of the 
immediate object of the struggle in France, it may also be asked 
who has accomplished more in this sacred cause? To whom, 
then, is the world more indebted? Who ought to be more 
revered by the friends of liberty? Not only the prime of his 
days, but his early youth and declining years have been de- 
voted to subserve the interests of humanity. The glowing pa- 
triotism of the young volunteer of nineteen, was matured by his 



MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 579 

meridian sun, and is now scarcely less ardent, under the chilling 
influence of age. The corrupting influence of a long partici- 
pation in public affairs, and the cold, calculating policy of age, 
have produced no effect on him. Neither triumphs nor sufferings, 
the rage and persecutions of demagogues, or the eru€lties of 
despots, the temptations of power, or the provocation of unjust 
suffering, have had any influence on his principles. He is the 
same patriot now, and almost as sanguine in his hopes, as when 
fighting the battles of Americaor directing the French revolution, 
literally "a tempestuous sea of liberty." After nearly half a 
century, devoted to the interests of humanity and the cause of 
civil liberty, in two hemispheies, he may well be regarded as 
the "veteran patriot," and as the "great apostle cf liberty." 

Since he has been among us, in his answers to public addresses, 
and in the toasts he has given at public entertainments, we per- 
ceive the same principles, the same loveofliberty,and apparently, 
the same confidence in its ultimate triumph, not only in France, 
but throughout Europe, which influenced his conduct through a 
long and active life. It is true he has not since his return to 
France, taken an active part to promote the freedom of his coun- 
try ; he has not attempted to^make himself a tribune of the people, 
or to stir up commotions, being as little iaclined to faction as to 
despotism; and he has believed that neither the military usurpar 
tion of Bonaparte, nor a revival of the feudal despotism by the 
Bourbons, afforded favorable opportunities to attempt to combine 
the elements of freedom which exist in France: he has been con- 
tented to wait the slow, but sure progress of public opinion, being 
persuaded that the operation of this would not fail in due time of 
producing the emancipation of his country. Ty this event, as 
Madame de Stael has well observed, "he looks forward with 
the same hope, the same consoling confidence, as a pious roan 
does to a future state of existence and felicity." 

Such is the Iffe and character of the man who is now on a 
visit to the United States, as tl>e "guest of the nation," and on 
the invitation of the nation; but, although it is the same nation, 
it is not the same people with whom he fought and bled: almost 
the entire populatioH, then on the stage, has pas.sed away ; the tep. 



5^50 MARQUIS DE LA FAYEITE. 

millions of freemen, which greeted his arrival, and who, wherever 
be goes, offer him the sincere trihute of grateful hearts, nearly all 
belong to a new generation, which have come on the stage pf 
action, since that great struggle, in which he acted so prominent 
and useful a part. It cannot, certainly, be a matter of surprise, 
that there is an universal interest and curiosity manifested to see 
such an individual — a man who has acted a prominent part in 
the most important concerns and events of half a century past: 
To see such a character is, as was remarked by Mr. Speaker 
Clay, "like seeing and conversing with one from the dead;" is as 
beholding one of the grave actors in the great events of which 
history informs us ; it is almost the same as would be the appear- 
ance ofone of Plutarch's heroes on the earth. These conside- 
rations alone are suificient to render him an object of the greatest 
curiosity and interest; but it is not from these circumstances that 
he is welcomed and greeted with the admiration and gratitude 
of the entire population of the country 5 these feelings proceed 
from causes that make a deeper and more lasting impression on 
the heart; from his character as a disinterested and distinguished 
patriot and sincere friend of liberty; but chiefly from his having 
been the benefactor of America, and having devoted his fortune 
and bis blood to establish its independence and freedom, the 
acknowledged sources from whence flow the fertilizing streams 
of public and private prosperity, which happily distinguish our 
country above all others on earth. 

General La Fayette constantly speaks of himself as an Ameri- 
can citizen, which it is well known he is; and he has exhibited 
abundant proof that he takes as lively and deep interest as any 
native citizen can do, in the success of our institutions and the 
prosperity of the country ; and it has even been supposed that 
he intends to spend the remainder of his days here; but he has 
given no such intimation, nor is it probable; for however much 
more interest he may feel, in the institutions, and even in the 
people of his ado'pted, than in those of his native country, it is 
natural that he should wis'i to close the evening of his hfe in the 
midst of his numerous descendants, and to leave his bones to 
repose with those 0/ his ancestors. 



BIOGRAPHY 

ov 
OFFICERS FROM FOREIGN COUNTRIES, 

COMMISSIONED BY CONGRESS. 



KOSCIUSKO. 

The American revolutionary contest is memorable, for having 
called into its service the aid of many distinguished foreigners, 
soldiers of liberty, and volunteers in the cause of an oppressed 
people, struggling to defend their liberties. Among the most 
celebrated of these, was Kosciusko^ one of the first and bravest 
of the Polish patriots. Although it does not appear that he per- 
formed much, or any very important service in the American 
war, yet from his distinguished character as a patriot, and the 
noble struggles he has made in defence of the independence of 
his own country, and to realize the last hopes of its friends, a 
sketch of his life cannot but be interesting, and properly belongs 
to a work containing the memoirs of the military heroes of the 
American revolutionary war. This high-minded patriot was 
first distinguished in the war which terminated in the first dis- 
memberment of Poland by Russia, Austria, and Prussia. 

Poland had long been distracted with dissensions, often break- 
ing out into civil war; and particularly since the conquest of the 
country by Charles XII. of Sweden, which led to the interference 
of Russia, and afterward that dangerous neighbor always had a 
strong party in Poland, and generally a controlling influence. 
Charles XII. conquered Augustus, and compelled him to abdi- 
cate in favor of Stanislaus Leczinski, whom he had previously 
caused to be elected king. The armies of the Czar, which Au- 
gustus had availed himself of, had not been sufficient to save 
him from this humiliating result. The battle of Pultowa over- 



582 KOSCIUSKO. 

threw the power of Charles; and Augustas was restored by the 
aid of Russia, the latter taking care to be well paid for its friend- 
ly interference. During the reign of thi? prince, and his son, 
Augustus II. Poland was little better than a Russian province, 
surrounded by Russian troops; and the country torn to pieces 
by contentions among the nobles, they were kept on the thfone 
only by the power of Russia. 

On the death of Augustus II. in 1764, Catharine II. Empress 
of Russia, compelled the Diet to elect Stanislaus Poniatowski, a 
Pole of noble rank, who had resided for some time at Peters- 
burgh, and made himself agreeable to the empress, who suppo- 
sed that his election would promote the influence and designs of 
Russia, This increased the disorders, and inflamed the rage 
of the two great parties, the Russian and anti-Russian, towards 
each other. At this time, to their political causes of dissention, 
were added those of religion. The protestants, who in Po- 
land were called dissidents, had long been tolerated, but still suf- 
fered under many civil disabilities, which were greatly increas- 
ed by a decree that was passed during the interregnum that 
preceded the election of Poniatowski. They were, in a great 
measure, denied the free exercise of religious worship, and 
excluded from all political privileges. This unjust and impoli- 
tic nteasure roused the spirit of the protestants; they petitioned 
and remonstrated; they applied to the courts of Russia, Prussia, 
England and Denmark, all of which remonstrated to the govern- 
ment of Poland, but without any essential effect. Some unim- 
portant concessions were made, which did not satisfy the dissi- 
dents, who were determined to maintain their rights with their 
blood, being encouraged to this determination by assurance 
of support from Russia, Austria and Prussia. The Catholics 
were not behind their opponents in preparations for war, and 
the " Confederation of the Burr," formed the bulwark of their 
strength and hopes. With both parties, religion and liberty 
became the watchword and a signal for war. The confederates, 
as the Catholics were denominated, not only wished to overcome 
their opponents, but to dethrone Stanislaus, and rescue the coun- 
try from the influence of Russia. This desperate civil war was 



KOSCIUSKO. 583 

*fery giatifvi-ng to the ambitious neighbors of Poland, who, a 
t;onsiderable time before, had entered into a secret treaty for 
the conquest and partition of Poland. The armies of Russia, 
Prussia and Austria, invaded the country in various directions, 
and seized on different provinces. 

The confederates, or the anti-Russian party, comprising most 
of the distinguished Polish patriots, made a resolute and deter- 
mined struggle; but, being feebly supported by S^ixony and 
France, and having to contend with numerous forces of the co- 
alition which invaded the country, as well as those of their op- 
ponents at home, they were defeated in every quarter, and the 
country left a prey to the three royal plunderers. They issued 
a manifesto, declaring that the dissensions and disorders of Po- 
land had rendered their interference necessary, and that they 
had adopted combined measures for the re-establishment of good 
order in Poland, and the settlement of its ancient constitution, 
and to secure the national and popular liberties of the people on 
a solid basis. But the security and protection which they af- 
forded to unhappy Poland, was like that which the wolf affords 
lo the lamb, and the tears they shed over her misfortunes, were 
like those of the crocadije when preying on its victim. Instead 
of securing the rights of the dissidents, which was the professed 
object of the war, the combined sovereigns thought only of ag- 
grandizing themselves; and, after great difficulty, they finally 
succeeded in dividing the spoil, a treaty for the partition of Po- 
land being concluded at Petersburg, in February, 1772. Rus- 
sia took a large proportion of the eastern provinces; Austria ap- 
propriated to herself a fertile tract on the southwest, and Prus- 
sia the commercial district in the northwest, including the lower 
part of Vistula; leaving only the central provinces, comprising 
Warsaw and Cracow, the modern and ancient capital. Thus 
was Poland despoiled by three royal robbers, which Europe wit- 
nessed, not without astonishment, but without any effectual in- 
terference. The courts of London, Paris, Stockholm, and Co- 
penhagen, remonbtrated against this violent usurpation, which 
probably had as much effect as was expected — none at all. 



584 



KOSCIUSKO.. 



In this unjust and cruel war, Kosciusko had taken an active 
and zealous part in defence of the independence of his country ; 
but his patriotism and exertions were unavailing; the patriotic 
Poles could not resist the power of faction and the invading ar- 
mies of three formidable neighbors. To strengthen their acqui- 
sitions, the allied powers insisted on Stanislaus convoking a diet 
to sanction the partition; and, notwithstanding the influence of 
three powerful armies, the diet refused to ratify this injustice for 
a considerable time; but, by promise of favours, and by profuse 
use of money among the members, together with the influence 
©f military force, a majority of six in the senate, and of one in the 
assembly, was at length obtained in favour of the iniquitious 
measure, and commissioners were appointed to adjust the terms 
of the partition. This completed the humiliation and degrada- 
tion of Poland, and occasioned many of her most distinguished 
patriots to leave their dismembered and unhappy country. This 
took place in May, 1773. Kosciusko was among those who re- 
tired from the country. 

The war that broke out between the American colonies and 
Great Britain, opened a field for military adventurers from Eu- 
rope, it being supposed that America was destitute of men of 
mihtary science and experience, and being justly regarded as a 
contest for liberty, between an infant people, few in number, 
and with feeble means, and the most powerful nation on earth, 
many patriots of the old world repaired to America as volunteers 
in the cause of freedom. The first events ai>d successes of the 
contest, and the dignified attitude assumed by the solemn decla- 
ration of independence, produced the most favorable impression 
abroad, which brought many distinguished foreigners to our 
shores in the early part of the year 1777. This distinguished 
Pohsh patriot, who is the subject of this brief notice, and his 
countryman. Count Pulaski, were among the number. It is not 
known at what time either of them arrived, but it is believed it 
was early in the year '77, as the latter was present and distin- 
guished himself in the battle of Brandy wine. So many foreign- 
ers of distinction arrived,that congress was embarrassed in giv- 
ing them employmeTit, corresponding with their expectations 



KOSCIUSKO. 585 

and rank ; and, from the commissions which were given to for- 
eigners, disagreeable jealousies were produced among the native 
officers of the continental army. Kosciusko, like the Marquis, 
de La Fayette and others, had been influenced wholly by patri- 
otic motives, and an ardent attachment to liberty; he had no 
occasion to acquire military fame, and he possessed a soul which 
raised him infinitely above becoming a mercenary soldier. He 
wanted neither rank nor emolument; his object was to serve 
the cause, not to serve himself. He however received a Colo- 
nel's commission, and w^as employed under General Greene, in 
the southern campaign of '81. In the attack on Ninety-Six, a 
very strong post of the enemy in South Carolina, Kosciusko 
being a skilful engineer, Greene intrusted to him the important 
duty of constructing and preparing the works for the siege. He 
continued in the service until after the capture of Cornwallis 
at Yorktown, which terminated all the important operations of 
the war. 

On leaving America,Kosciusko returned to his native country, 
where he exerted himself for the improvement of the political 
condition of his countrymen, and promoting the general pros- 
perity. Stanislaus exerted himself to improve what territory 
was left him by his friendly neighbors; a taste for agriculture 
was cherished, the condition of the peasantry who had been so 
long enslaved and degraded, was raised, and a national system 
of education established. But the most important improve- 
ment was in the constitution of the state. The disorders and 
factions which had so long and so unhappily prevailed, had 
convinced all enlightened patriots, that the existing constitution 
was the fertile source of their internal dissentions; and that it 
was incompatible with the tranquillity or prosperity of the 
country. After repeated attempts, the diet in 1791, succeeded 
in establishing a new constitution on just and liberal principles, 
so wisely framed that Mr. Burke commended it, by saying that 
the condition of all was made better, and the rights of none in- 
fringed. 

But the prosperity and hopes which these improvements 
were calculated to afford, were soon dissipated, Poland was 

74 



58ti 



KOSCIUSKO. 



asjain desHned to become the victim of the "she bear' of thr 
north. A. few of tlie noble?, disaffected at the new constitution, 
which had deprived them of some of their privileges, presented 
their complaints to the court of Petersbnrjffh, which, ^lad of 
a pretext for interfering in the affairs of Poland, immediately 
marched a numerous army ii>t<> the countrv, for the ostensible 
object of re-establishing the constitution of l??"?. But the real 
designs of Russia were too apparent to be mistalcen; and the 
Poles did not delay in making preparations for hostilities. This 
base aggression, and the remembrance of her former rapacity, 
aroused the nation (o a sense of its danger; all dissentions and 
animosities were forgotten in the common struggle; a spirit 
worthy the occasion was excited* and every class and rank were 
resolved to conquer or die in defence of the independence and 
liberties of their country. The nobles presented their plate and 
valuable jewels to enrich the treasury, and afforded the means of 
carrying on the war. The prince Poniatowski, nephew of the 
king, and Kosciusko, were at the head of the armies, and dis- 
played prodigies of valor. But with all their exertions, bravery, 
and perseverance, they v^ere unable to resist the power of 
Russia, whose armies were almost every where successful. And 
being threatened by the empress with a devastation of the 
country, if he made farther resistance, aud that she would double 
her present force, Stanislaus, to prevent further effusion of blood, 
surrendered at discretion, and was conveyed to Grodno, to await 
the decision of the conqueror. Neither the king nor the nation 
were long kept in suspense, for soon the courts of Russia and 
Prussia promulgated a manifesto, declaring their intention of 
annexijig to their dominions several of the adjoining provinces 
of Poland. This was early in the year 1793. 

Not satisfied with their former spoliations, tiie King of Prussia 
and Empress of Russia resolved to lighten the burdens of gov- 
ernment, which they believed loo heavy for Stanislaus to sustain, 
by a second partition of his kingdom. Accordingly the latter 
seized on the country from the Dwina to the Neister, and as- 
suming the civil government of the territory, the inhabitants were 
ordered to take the oath of allegiance to her Imperial Majesty, 



KOSCIUSKO. . 537 

or abandon the conquered district; and the King of Prussia, not 
to be behind his ally in a neighborly regard for Poland, wrested 
from it several provinces, besides the cities of Dantzlc and 
Thorn. These high handed depredations were made with the 
assent of the Emperorof Austria, and pretended to be necessary 
precautions against the contagion of jacobinal principles, which 
might otherwise infect their dominions bordering on Poland. 
Again a diet was convoked, and compelled, by military power, 
to sanction ihis second partition of the Polish dominions. The 
Russian ambassador informed the diet "that to prevent any 
kind of disorder, he had caused two battalions of grenadiers, 
with four pieces of caimon, to surround the castle to secure the 
tranquillity of their deliberations." But although the country 
had been rent in pieces, the spirit of the nation was not destroy- 
ed; and a's long as a particle remained, such injustice and 
violence was calculated to call it into action. The nation was 
roused, and the patriotism of the Polish nobles was once more 
called forth. It was readily perceived that nothing «ould be 
done without a leader, aiid the eyes of all were directed to Kos- 
ciusko, who had taken refuge in Saxony, with Polocld, Kolontay 
and Zajonzek. These four resolute patriots rejoiced at the 
spirit of resistance to oppression that was roused among their 
countrymen, and were prepared to €xert all their energies, and 
to shed the last drop of their blood, for the independence and 
freedom of their oppressed and much injured country. Zajonzek 
was despatched to Warsaw, to learn the state of alfairs, io confer 
with the chief malcontents, and concert the plan of operations. 
And in the mean time Kosciusko repaired to tlie frontiers, and 
anxiously waited the result of this mission, it was determined- 
(o make an attempt to rescue the country from the slavery of 
Russian domination; but suspicions of the designs having been 
excited, it was thought advisable that no movements should be 
made at that time. Kosciusko retired to Italy for greater satety, 
where he was soon joined by Zajonzek,who had been banished 
from the Polish territories as a promoter of sedition. He in- 
formed Kosciusko, that his countrymen were ripe for a revolt, 
and that they wjshed to have him appear without delay, as a 



588 KOSCIUSKO. 

more favorable opportunity would not occur. The ambitious 
designs of Russia were no longer concealed: the annbassador oi 
the empress ordered the constitution of 1791 annulled, and the 
military force of Poland reduced to 16,000 men, thus intending 
to deprive the nation of all power of resistance. The patriotic 
Moiidalinski, placing himself at their head, the troops were 
invincible and refused to lay down their arms. The spirit of 
resistance was spread through the country, and the ardor of the 
nation roused to the highest pitch. The Russians, to enforce 
their mandates, sen* a numerous army into the country, whose 
rutbless conduct drove the Poles to desperation. The peasantry 
were compelled to feed, lodge, and convey their enemies from 
place to place, without compensation, and thus to become the 
instruments of enslaving their own country. This severe and 
cruel treatment exasperated the public feeling, and the spirit of 
revenge and resistance became inveterate and universal. 

At this time, the great patriot and hero to whom all looked 
as a leader, appeared, and was immediately appointed general- 
issimo of the patriot army, and chief of the confederacy. He 
took the oath o( fidelity to the nation, and of adherence to the 
actof insurrection by which war was declared against the ruth- 
less invaders of the rights and independence of Poland. — Like 
Washington, he had conferred on him such ample powers, as,ia 
the possession of any other man, would have been a source of 
jealousy if not of real danger; but this country had the most 
unbounded confidence in Kosciusko, which was not misplaced. 
He issued a proclamation, containing an appeal to every rank 
and class of the people, to rally round the standard of their 
country and of freedom, and to break the chains which enslaved 
them, or perish in the attempt. This appeal was not made in 
vain: he was soon surrounded by a large number of armed pea- 
santry; and the nobility having proclaimed the constitution of 
1791, departed to their respective estates, to bring their vassals 
into the field. The Russians were soon driven out of Cracow, 
which became the head quarters of the patriot army. A Rus- 
sian force of 6,000 men marched toward Cracow, under Gen. 
Wononzow, to attack the patriots, was engaged by their brave 



KOSCIUSKO. 58^ 

leader, and defeated with the loss of 1000 men, and eleven pie^ 
ees of cannon, and their general made prisoner. This splendid 
success became the signal for general hostilities, and had the 
most favorable influence. The Russian general, Igelstrom, at- 
tempted to make himself master of the arsenal at Warsaw, but 
was resolutely repelled by the inhabitants, who, after a bloody 
contest of three days, drove the Russians from the city with the 
loss of more than fifteen hundred men. The enemy retired to 
the camp of the Prussian general Wolki. 

In other towns the inhabitants displayed similar bravery and 
resolution, and in many their exertions were successful. These 
successes served to inspire confidence, and to animate the most 
desponding; the whole country was soon in arms, and 60,000 
iroopi: were in the field, exclusive of the peasantry, who were 
armed with pikes. These movements filled with astonishment 
the courts of Petersburgh and Berlin, who had flattered them- 
selves that Poland was so far humbled, and the spirit of the na- 
tion so bioken, that it had no longer the power to make any re- 
sistance. Being exasperated at this unexpected resistance^ 
Catharine and Frederick made great exertions to overcome the 
insurgents, as they called them, and to defend the country they 
had forcibly annexed to their o-.vn dominions. These two pow- 
ers marched 1 10,000 men into Poland, all regular and well disci- 
plined troops, which gave them a decided superiority. Kosci- 
usko, however, made a skilful retreat upon Warsaw, where he 
was besieged by a large Prussian army. He defended the place 
for ten weeks, when, after sustaining a loss of 20,000 men, the 
Prussian commander was obliged to raise the siege and retire to 
his own territories. During this siege the Russians had over- 
run Lithuania and Volhynia; and Kosciusko being at liberty, 
marched to oppose them. The eyes of Europe and America 
were fixed on him, as this was justly viewed as the last struggle 
of an oppressed but brave people; all who loved liberty or re- 
garded justice, felt an ardent desire for their success; and from 
the noble spirit which pervaded the nation, and from the victo- 
ries which had been achieved, great hopes were entertained. — - 
These, however, were too soon found to be fallacious: fortune 



gyO . KOSCIUSKO. 

did not favor the patriot chief,^ and Poland was destined to fall,- 
never to rise again, and to be erased from the map of nations. — 
Kosciusko and liis brave companions in arms, fighting for their 
liberty, the independence of their country, the safety of their 
wives and children, displayed feats of bravery and determined 
perseverance, worthy of the sacred cause in which they were 
engaged, with the disciplined but ferocious barbarians of the 
iiorth. 

After some less important operations, a great battle was fought 
at Matchevitz, on the 1 9th of October, (1794,) in which Kosci- 
usko was defeated, and his brave patriot army almost annihilated. 
Tlie Russian General, Baron de Fersen, on learning that Kosci- 
usko expected to be joined by Poniski, resolved to attack him 
before a junction could be etfected. The action commenced 
before light, and continued to rage until past mid-day; the pa- 
triots animated by an example of their intrepid chief, fought like 
men determined to conquer or die, and the latter dreadfnl alter- 
hative was the unliappy fate of a large portion ofthese brave men; 
6000 lay dead on the tield, and nearly 2000 were wounded oi 
captured. Tlieir intrepid leader was wounded and made pris- 
oner. He was advancing a few steps after he received his 
wound, when a Cossack approached and aimed at him a dreadful 
blow, which would inevitably have proved <atal, had not a Rus- 
sian officer, wliose wife had been a prisoner to Kosciusko, and 
been treated with great kindness by him, interposed and stopped 
the blow. The prostrate hero, however, not wishing to survive 
the fill of his country, requested the officer if he really wished to 
do him a ki-idoess, to permit the soldier to put an end to his exis- 
tance. Bat he was made a prisoner, conveyed to Petersburgb, 
and there confined in a fortress. The last vial of wrath waf 
poured out on Poland, and her fate was irrevocably sealed: 

' " Oh ! bloodiest picture in the book of time ! 
Sarmatia I'tll unwept without a crime, 
Found not a generous friend, a pitying foe, 
Strrugth in her arms, or mercy in her wo ; 
Dropv'd froui her nerveless grasp the shattered speat; 
Clos'd her brii^ht eye and curb'd her hiy^h career ; 
Hope, for a f^eason bade the world fannvell, 
An<3 Freedom shriek'd as Kosciusko .fell ." 



KOSCIUSKO. 591 

The whole country was now in the possession of the Russians 
and Prussians, except Warsaw, where the troops of the invaders 
were marching to besiege it. Trie brave Poles, '• few but undis- 
mayed," consistingof not more than 10,000 men, were determined 
to make a desperate resistance, andto sell their lives as dear as 
possible. As soon as the Russian army reached the suburb of 
Prague, they erected during the night several batteries, and a 
furious assault was then commenc<;d. The two first divisions, 
after suffering severely from a vigorous fire of the inhabitants for 
more than eight hours, at length overcoming all obstacles, rushed 
into the place, pursued the routed foe through the streets, 
slaughtered about 2000 of them, and drove one thousand into 
the Vistula. The entrenchments were every where forced, and 
the streets filled with the dead ; a regiment of Jews having made 
an obstinate defence, were nearly all killed; the fugitives being 
pursued to the river, which stopped their flight, several thou- 
sands were massacred. Not satisfied with the slaughter of the 
battle, about ten hours afterward, the ruthless and infamous Su- 
warrow, the Kengis-Khan of modern times, ordered the city set 
on fire, and delivered the inhabitants up to plunder and massacre. 
No age, sex, or condition was spared, but all were alike exposed 
to the brutal violence of a ferocious soldiery, and were involved 
in one common ruin. More than fifteen thousand persons were 
killed OT drowned, and about the same number made piisoners; 
a majority of whom were soon after released. Humanity weeps 
over this horrid scene, and Christianity blushes that such savage 
monsters should assume her name. 

King Stanislaus was again taken to Grodno, and compelled to 
resign his crown, and from thence was removed lo St. Peters- 
burgh, where he remained a prisoner until his death. As Rus- 
sia and Prussia were about dividing the spoil, Austria suddenly 
stepped in and demanded a share; and unwilling to incur her 
displeasure, and as stolen property is always valued rather 
lightly, they concluded to gratify her in her wishes, and the re- 
maining territorie o{ Poland were divided among the three 
royal robbers. All the patriotic associates of Kosciusko shared 
the same fate us their leader; they were imprisoned at Peters- 



59x; COUNT PULASKI. 

burgh, and in other fortresses, where they remained until the ac- 
cession of Paul, in 1796. He showed great Hbeiality to the 
persecuted Poles, and set most of them at liberty. Kosciusko 
was among the number, he being permitted either to remain in 
(he Russian dominions, or to emigrate to America. He prefer- 
red to retire to the country of freedom, which he had assisted in 
its struggle for its independence, and not long afterward came 
fo the United States. 

We are not informed how long he remained here ; but he had 
returned to Europe previously to the last mighty struggle b^ 
tween France and the allied powers, and in 1815, when the ar- 
mies of the latter entered Paris, he was residing in thatcapitah 
He was sought out by the Polish soldiers, who regarding him as 
the great patriot of their country, and remembering his toils-, 
exertions and sacrifices in defence of its independence, and to 
redeem its fading glory, could not sufficiently express their grat- 
itude and veneration for him, then weighed down with years 
and sufferings, yet illustrious in his misfortunes. He died soon 
after in France, at an advanced age; and since, his remains 
have been removed from a foreign grave, and deposited in the 
cemetery of the kings of Poland, at Cracow, where they repose 
with those of the great Sobieski. A monument of Carpathian 
marble has recently been erected to the memory of Kosciusko, 
on the summit of Mount St. Bronislaway, in the neighborhood 
of Cracow. The emperor Alexander has since caused th^ re^ 
mains of Stanislaus Poniatowski to be removed from St. Peters^ 
feurgh, where he died in 1798, to the same cemetery. 



COUNT PULASKI. 



Count Pulaski a distinguished patriot of Poland, and a par 
tizan warrior; he was one of the distinguished foreigners, 
who during our revolutionary struggle came to America as a 
soldier of liberty, to assist in fighting the battles of freedom. 



go UNT PULASKI. * 593 

He bad signalized his patriotism and valor in the disastrous war 
in which his countr}* was engaged in 1772, wliich terminated 
in the tirst dismemberment of Poland. This unhappy war ori- 
ginated from internal dissenlion, occasioned by an unjust and 
impolitic decree respecting the privileges of the Protestants, in 
Polaiid called the dissidents. Having petitioned and remon- 
strated in vain, the dissidents, being encouraged by Russia, 
Prussia, and Austria, were resolved to appeal to the sword for 
the defence of their rights. A civil war was thus commenced, 
which afforded an occasion for theambitious and rapacious neigh- 
bors of Poland to interfere, and as the pretended allies of one 
of the contending parties, invade the country. This unjust in- 
vasion aroused the spirit of the nation, and active preparations 
were made to defend the country. The anti-Russian party, con- 
sisting principally of the Catholics, were called the confederates^ 
and the other party, comprising the adherents of Russia, acted 
in concert with the troops of the allies. The original cause of 
the contest was changed, and it became really a struggle be- 
tween the Russian and the anti-Russian parties, the former 
being supported by troops of the allies, and the latter feebly 
issisted by Saxony and France. Some time previous to the 
breaking out of this war, Stanislaus Poniatowski, a Polish noble- 
man of high rank and distinction, had been elected king of Po- 
land by the influence of Russia. The confederates, or the anti- 
Russian party were jealous of him, considered him as being 
subservient to the court of Petersburgh, and believed that he 
was secretly in favor of the malecontents, who had invited 
foreign armies into the country, and were acting with them 
in carrying on hostilities. From these views, it became a great 
object with the confederates, to depose Stanislaus and crush the 
Russian faction, and rescue the country from the influence of 
that dangerous neighbor. 

Among the ardent partizans and leaders of the confederates, 
was Count Pulaski. By him, and other distinguished Poles, be- 
longing to the anti-Russian association, it was believed that 
Poland could never be safe nor tranquil, until it was resciied 

75 



594 1? 



COUNT PULASKI, 



from the paralyzing influence of Russia. And regarding tlic 
king, (although as subsequent events proved, rather unjustly,) 
as subservient to that power, Pulaski conceived and planned 
the bold enterprise of seizing the king, and conveying him to 
the camp of the confederates. Matters having been arranged 
for the execution of this daring achievement, Kosinski, and other 
members of the anti-Russian association, who were intrusted 
with its execution, surprised and seized the king at Warsaw, al- 
though surrounded by a numerous body of guards, and convey- 
ed him into a neighboring forest. But his expostulations and 
entreaties had such an eifect on Kosinski, that he released him, 
and saved him from farther violence, he having been wounded 
by the assailants. The king was so exasperated, that he de- 
clared Pulaski an outlaw. 

But the confederates receiving little or no assistance from 
France or Saxony, and the combined powers, bent on the con- 
quest of the country, filling it with their troops, the contest re- 
sulted as might have been expected, from the unequal means of 
the belligerent parties. The brave Poles were almost every 
where defeated, and the numerous armies of the combined pow- 
ers overcame all resistance, and made themselves masters of the 
country. Their unpi incipled designs were no longer disguised ; 
but they openly avowed their intention of seizing on a consid- 
erable portion of the conquered country, and dividing the spoil 
among themselves. A treaty to this effect having been signed 
on the 'Sd of February, 1772, they inmedialely ordered the 
Poles to convoke a diet, and sanction this violent dismember- 
ment, under a threat of subjecting the country to military exe- 
cution, and treating it as a conquered state. By these violent 
measure?, a majority of the diet was constrained to sanction such 
injustice and rapacity. 

Many, however, of the noble-minded Poles, rather than to be 
the unwilling instruments of bringing their country to ruin, 
preferred exile and poverty; and to avoid witnessing the degra- 
dation of their native land, sought an asylum abroad. Among 
this nnmber were count Pulaski, and the illustrious Kosciusko. 



COUNT PULASKf. 59i, 

War breaking out two years after, between the American 
colonies and the parent country, this strue^gle of an infant peo- ' 
pie with their powerful oppressors, excited the sympathies of 
the friends of liberty throughout Europe, and invited many pa- 
triots to our shores, who volunteered their services in the glo- 
rious cause. Pulaski and Kosciusko were among the r)umber: 
they arrived, it is believed, early in the year 1777. Pulaski, 
who had been an experienced cavalry officer at home, had a 
command given him in the light horse. He was first engaged 
in the battle of the Brandywine, in which the young Marquis de 
La Fayette and many other foreigners were employed. Count 
Pulaski, who commanded a party of horse, sustained his high 
reputation for courage, his activity and exertions were conspi- 
cuous throughout the engagement, and he was particularly no- 
ticed by the commander-in-chief, as having distinguished him- 
self. And congress were so much gratified with his conduct 
and promise of usefulness in that branch of the service in which 
he was employed, that they a few days afterward appointed him 
a brigadier general, and commander of the horse. He contin- 
ued with the army in Pennsylvania, during the remainder of the 
campaign in 1777. Early the next year, when Baron Steubea 
was appointed inspector-genera!, and ^reat exertions were made 
by Washington to improve the discipline, and effect a radical 
reform in the army. Count Pulaski vi^as empowered to raise an 
independent legion; which he afterward accomplished, and or- 
ganized and disciplined his menin an excellent manner. In the 
fall of this year, he was unfortunately surprised by a party of 
the enemy, and sustained considerable loss. Captain Ferguson, 
having returned to Egg-Harbor from a predatory incursion, 
there obtained information of some deserters from Pulask's 
legion, of the situation of that corps, which induced him to at- 
tempt to surprise and attack it. Accordingly, Ferguson, with 
about two hundred and fifty men, embarked in barges in the 
night, and landed near where a part of Pulaski's legion was 
quartered, who, being asleep, and wholly unprepared, and un- 
suspicious of danger, were fallen upon, and about fifty of them 
massacred, including several officers of distinction. Pulaski, 



596 «* COUNT PULASKI. 

having rallied his men as soon as he could, made an attempt to 
cut off this party, which immediately retreated, but without 
success. 

In January, 1779, General Lincoln having been appointed to 
the command of the Southern department. Count Pulaski's light 
horse were ordered to the South. After the shameful flight of 
General Ashe, the British, under General Prevost, obtained pos- 
session of the whole state of Georgia. The appointment about 
this time of John Rutledge governor of South Carolina, clothed 
with ample powers, produced a favorable eflfect, and soon 
changed the gloomy aspect of affairs. Lincoln, finding himself 
at the head of 5000 men, again resolved to act on the offensive. 
He once more crossed the Savannah River, and took such a po- 
silion as would enable him to intercept the supplies of the ene- 
my, from the hack parts of Georgia ; leaving General Moultrie, 
with 1000 men at the Black Swamp. Count Pulaski's legion 
of light-horse, formed a part of the force under Lincoln. The 
American general had no sooner made this movement, than ttie 
British commander determined to penetrate into South Carolina. 
Having collected a force of 3000 men, he crossed the river in 
several places, and, traversing swamps that had been deemed 
impassable, appeared so unexpectedly, that the militia under 
General Moultrie made very little resistance, and retreated 
towards Charleston. 

The British general, who at first probably intended his move- 
ment as only a feint, to draw Lincoln back from his expedition, 
emboldened by his success, resolved to push on to the capital 
of Soutli Carolina. He accordingly marched in pursuit of the 
retreating militia, and coming up with Col. Laurens, who had 
been left with a party to defend a bridge, after a short conflict for 
some time, in which Laurens was wounded, compelled the Ame- 
ricans to retire, pnd continued his march. Gen. Lincoln, judging 
that the movement of Prevost was only a feint to draw him back^ 
despatched Colonel Harris, with 300 continentals, to reinforce 
Moultrie, and continued his march towards the capital of Geor- 
gia : but three days after, being convinced that the British gene- 
:al meditated a serious attack upon Charleston, Lincoln turned 



COUNT PULASia. 597 

^itoutand retraced his steps. Count Pulaski's legion of light 
troops, were immediately ordered to join General Moultrie, 
who moved with such rapidity, that they came up with him be- 
fore he reached Charleston, and in conjunction with parties of 
miJitia, made repeated stands on the retreat, and skirmished 
with the advance guard of the enemy, which seemed to check 
their march. General Moultrie and Colonel Harris reached 
Cha^-leston on the 9th of May ; and governor Rutledge, with a 
body of militia, ^\iiich had been stationed at Orangeburg as a 
reserve, on the 10th ; Pulaski arrived with his legion on the 1 1th, 
and on the same day, near one thousand of the enemy came up, 
crossed the ferry of Ashley River, and advanced towards the 
town. 

Pulaski immediately conceived a plan to draw the enemy into 
ail MH-.^uscade ; as soon as they appiui.< 'led, he marched at the 
head of a single company of infantry, and posted them behind 
a small breastwork which had previously been thrown up in a 
valley, with orders to remain concealed ; he then returned, and 
placing himself at the head of a small party of horse, sallied out 
and advanced a mile beyond the concealed infantry, with a view 
to draw the enemy's cavalry into action, intending after a slight 
skirmish to retreat, and thus draw the enemy's cavalry within 
the reach of the concealed infantry. But the object was de- 
feated by the ardor of the infantry; disregarding their orders, 
they rushed out from behind the breastwork to join in the at- 
tack, in consequence of which, being inferior in numbers to the 
British, Pulaski was obliged to retreat. The enemy pressed 
hard upon them, but they were met and resisted in the most in- 
trepid manner by Pulaski, whose example animated his men to 
deeds of heroism, worthy of their brave leader. After this, se- 
veral skirmishes during the day and succeeding night occurred, 
between the cavalry of the two hostile parties, in all of which 
Pulaski's legion, led on by their intrepid chief, displayed a cool- 
ness and bravery which has seldom been surpassed, and which 
reflected great honor on their gallant commander, whose ex 
ertions and example stimulated his brave men to noble deeds. 
Perhaps a braver man than Pulaski never drew a sword ; during 



59S COUNT PULASKI. • 

these various encounters, he was repeatedly engaged ui single 
combat with individuals of the enemy, and sometimes with fear- 
ful odds. In the mean time, the troops within the town, and 
the inhabitants of all ages and both sexes, were actively employ- 
ed in strengthening their defences. 

On the next day, the 12tl}, the town was summoned to sur- 
render, and although the conditions offered were considered 
favorable, they were not accepted, and the negociation was pro- 
tracted through the day, by which means further time was ob- 
tained for improving the means of defending the city. On the 
13th, a most extraordinary proposition was submitted to the 
British commander, which was, that the whole state would re- 
main neutral daring the war, and its ultimate destiny to depend 
on the peace. If any thing could exceed the pusillanimity and 
folly of this proposition, it was the conduct of General Prevost 
in refusing to accept it, and immediately breaking up his camp 
and retreating, without farther negotiation, or making any at- 
tempt upon the town. 

General Lincoln pursued the enemy to Stono-Ferry, where 
on the 20th of June he attacked apart of Prevost's force, under 
Colonel Maitland, and sustained a sharp conflict for an hour and 
a half with great advantage, when the enemy receiving a rein- 
forcement, the Americans were compelled to retire, and being 
hard pressed with fresh troops, considerable confusion ensued, 
at which juncture Pulaski's horse charged the enemy with such 
gallantry and spirit,«,s checked their advance, and enabled Ma- 
son's Virginia brigade to move up and cover the retreat. 

In the unfortunate siege of Savannah, Count Pulaski was 
engaged with his legion, and displayed his accustomed activity 
and valour, which however proved fatal, and terminated his 
military and earthly career. The unexpected appearance of 
the French fleet on the American coast, alarmed the British 
forces in Georgia. On the 13th of September, 1779, the Count 
D'Estaing landed 3000 men at Beaulieu, which, on the 15th, 
were joined by Count Pulaski with his legion; but the rest of 
the troops under General Lincoln, from the difliculties of the 
route, did not arrive until the 16th, when the allied armies united 



COUNT PULASKI. ^ 599 

iu' front of the town of Savannah. Previously to this, Count 
D'Estaing had appeared with ,his fleet before the town, and 
summoned the garrison to surrender. General Prevost artfully 
replied by requesting a truce for four and twenty hours, to adjust, 
the terms of capitulation; his only object, however, being to 
obtain time to strengthen his works and means of defence. — 
This request unfortunately was granted, and the time was em- 
ployed by the besieged, in the most active exertions; and 
witliin the time. General Prevost was reinforced by the arrival 
of the outposts, which increased his force one-third. At the 
close of the truce, Prevost informed the Count that he should 
defend himself to the last extremity. On the 23d, the allied 
armies broke ground for the siege, and proceeded in their work 
with great activity. In ten days, more than 50 pieces of bat- 
tering cannon and fourteen mortars were mounted; which were 
opposed by nearly one hundred of different sizes, and on the 
fourth of October, a tremendous fire was commenced upon the 
town. After the batteries had played on the town for several 
days without much effect. Count D'Estaing being anxious about 
the safety of his fleet, if the siege should be prolonged, proposed 
to change the plan of operations, and make an attempt upon the 
town by storm. This, Lincoln was obliged to agree to, as other- 
wise the Count threatened to abandon the siege altogether. — 
Unfortunately, information of the intended assault was conveyed 
to Prevost, by fin officer who deserted from the Charleston 
volunteers, which enabled him to prepare for it. Savannah is 
protected from an attack by land by the river on one side, and 
a deep morass on the other, extending parallel with the river in 
the rear of the town. The assault was made on the morning of 
the 9th, before daylight, by two columns on the enemy's right; 
one commanded by Count D'Estaing and General Lincoln in 
concert, and the other by Count Dillon. The former moved 
along the margin of the morass, covered by the darkness, to 
within a short distance of the enemy's line, when their concealed 
batteries being unmasked, a destructive fire was opened upon 
them, which made great havoc. Undismayed by this slaughter, 
the column continued to advance, and D'Estaing and Lincoln 



goo COUNT PULASKI. 

forced the abattis, and placed their standards on the parapet; 
at this time had the other column came up, the assault would 
have succeeded, and the possession of the enemy's works been 
certain; but Count Dillon unfortunately lost his way in the dark- 
ness, and failed in affording, the expected co-operation. At 
this crisis. Colonel Maitland made a vigorous attack on the 
brave soldiers who had planted their standards on the parapet, 
who were forced into the ditch, the flags torn down, and the 
whole column compelled to retire through the abattis. This 
disastrous result of the attack, would probably have been avoi- 
ded, but for the fatal termination of the gallant career of the 
brave Pulaski. At the moment Colonel Maitland, with his own 
corps united with the marines and grenadiers, under Lieut. Col. 
Grazier, pushed forward to attack the assailants, Pulaski per- 
ceiving the danger to which the allied column was plared, made, 
a bold effort at the head of two hundred horse, to force his way 
through the enemy's work-, and gain the rear of Maitland, 
which would have placed that brave and skilful officer in a 
critical situation, and in all probability have changed the fate 
of the day; but whilst advancing at the head of his men, expo- 
sed to the most tremendous fire, the intrepid Pulaski received a 
mortal wound, and fell from his horse. The fall of their heroic 
leader stopped the progress of the squadron, and they immedi- 
ately retreated. He lived two days, and expired on the 11th of 
October, 1779. Thus fell, in a most bold and daring achieve- 
ment, the distinguished Pohsh patriot and hero, in the cause of 
American liberty: his memory is entitled to our veneration, as 
his life forms an item in the price of our independence. Soon 
after. Congress resolved^ that a monument should be erected to 
his memory; but this paper statue, and the heroic deeds of a 
bold and adventurous life, constitute the only monument that 
has been erected to his memory, or which serves to perpetuate 
his fame. 



(601) 



BAKON DE KALB, 

Baron De Kalb was a native of Germany; but, having long 
been employed in the services of France, previous to the com- 
mencement of the American Revolution, he possessed the char^ 
acter of a French officer, if not of a French citizen, when he 
came to the United States. He arrived here in 1777, and being 
an officer of great experience, and undoubted courage, he re- 
ceived the commission of major-general from Congress. Early 
in the year following; he was selected as one of the officers in the 
expedition, which had been planned against Canada, and pro- 
ceeded to Albany to engage in the enterprise, the command of 
which was entrusted to the young Marquis de la Fayette; but 
the preparations being wholy inadequate, the expedition was 
abandoned. Generals Conway and Stark were also to have 
joined in the enterprise. 

In the summer of 1780, after the surrender of Charlestown 
and the submission of the whole of South Carolina to tlte royal 
authority, and all resistance in that quarter had nearly ceased, 
the Baron de Kalb was ordered by congress to the south to re- 
vive a spirit of resistance and arrest, if possible, the prevaling for- 
tunes of the victorious enemy. The situation of the southern 
states, at this time, was truly alarming; Georgia and South 
Carolina were conquered, and North Carolina was quiet, and 
apparently overawed; and congress felt the necessity of direct- 
ing their attention in a particular manner, to that quarter, and of 
making every possible effort to retrieve their fallen fortunes, in 
that department of the war. The ordering of Baron De KaJb, 
at this time to that station, is a strong evidence of the confidence 
congress reposed in his talents. General Gates, whose reputa- 
tion at this time was perhaps second to tliatof no officer, except 
the commander-in-chief, was appointed to the chief command 
in the southern department ; and great hopes were indulged 
from the exertions of two such distinguished generals. Baron 
de Kalb arrived at Hillsborough in North Carolina, at the head 

76 



f,02 BARON DE KALB. 

of two tliousand continentals, consisting of the Maryland and 
Delaware lines. His approach revived the despondent hopes 
and animated the drooping spirits of the inhabitants ; the militia 
flocked to his standard from North Carolina and Virginia, and 
were soon organized and prepared to join him on his march. He 
had not proceeded far, before he was overtaken by General 
Gates, who assumed the chief command ; and this increased the 
joy which had already been excited, and produced sanguine 
hopes of a successful campaign. The aspect of affairs was at 
once changed ; the gloom of despondency was succeeded by the 
brightening rays of high expectations ; which counteracted the 
effects of the proclamations of Clinton and Cornwallis, and 
brought many to the American standard, who a short time before 
had exchanged their paroles for the oath of allegiance. 

General Gates, relying on these favorable circumstances, 
and not sufficiently cautious, seen>ed only desirous of meeting 
the enemy. He changed the route, which the prudence of the 
Baron de Kalb had selected, leading through a district which 
afforded abundant supplies for the troops, and pursued a nearer 
route, but which led through a barren county scarcely settled, 
and where no provisions could be obtained, but green corn and 
unripe fruits. This occasioned a fatal sickness, of which many 
died, and more became unfit for duty; and the horses also suffered 
for want of forage, which rendered them of little use : Gofiera! 
Gates moved to Lynch's Creek, which alone separated him from 
Lord Rawdon, when the latter immediately retreated to Camden 
and despatched intelligence of the approach of the American 
army to Cornwallis. General Gates moved on to Ridgley's 
Mills, where he halted and encamped. Here being informed 
by General Sumpter, that a party of the enemy were on their 
way, with stores for the army at Camden, and that with a detach- 
ment of artillery he could intercept them. Gates ordered Col. 
Woolford, with four hundred men and two field pieces to his aid. 
General Gates was joined here by General Stevens, with several 
hundred Virginia militia ; and although he had weakened his 
force by detaching Colonel Woolford, he still prepared to march 
to Camden, and seemed lo suppose that Lord Rawdon would 



BAHON DE KALB. 603 

retreat at his approach, as he had done at Lynch's Creek; and 
he was entirely ignorant of Lord Cornwallis' arrival. 

The very night that Gates moved from Rudgley's Mills^ 
CornwaHis marched from Camden, with the intention of surpri- 
sing him in his position. The advance guards of the two ar- 
mies met on the morning of the leih, some hours before dawn 
of Hght. Armond's squadron of cavalry, which was in advance, 
was immediately thrown back in confusion on the Maryland re- 
giment, which occasioned some disorder; but the light infantry, 
which flanked the army, opposed the advance of the enemy's van, 
and this first apprized the two generals of the proximity of their 
armies. Neither being willing to risk an action in the dark, 
both immediately halted and prepared for action. The situa- 
tion, which was the result of accident, and not of choice on ei- 
ther side, was precisely what the enemy desired, as the deep 
swamps, on both sides, prevented the Amerirans from presenting 
a more extended line than the enemy, which, from their superi- 
or numbers, they might have done, would the ground had admit- 
ted of it. There were about two thousand of the British, and 
about 3,700 Americans, of which, however, one thousand only 
were continentals. The enemy were drawn up in one line, ex- 
tending across the whole ground, and flanked by the swamps on 
both sides. Colonel Webster was stationed on the right, aad 
Lord Rawdonon the left: in front of the line, the artillery, with 
four field-pieces, were posted; the reserve were posted at two 
stations in the rear, near the centre of each wing, at each of 
which was one six pounder; and the cavalry occupied the road 
in the rear, which, with the reserve, formed the second line. — 
General Gates changed the first disposition of his troops; the 
seqond Maryland brigade and the Delaware regiment, were pos- 
ted on the right, nnder General Gist: the centre was occupied 
by General Caswell, with the North Carolina militia; and the 
Virginia militia, commanded by General Stephens, were placed 
on the left, being opposed to tlie best troops of the enemy .-^ 
The artillery was divided among the several brigades; and the 
first Maryland brigade, under General Smallwood, formed the 
reserve. The line of battle was intrusted to the Baron dc 



(J04 BARON DE KALB. 

Kalb, who was posted on the right, great reliance being placed 
on his experience and known intrepidity ; he was to watch the 
movements of the whole line, and direct his exertions where cir- 
cumstances might indicate. General Gates was stationed in the 
road, between the reserve and the front line. 

The action was commenced by a vigorous attack on the Amer- 
ican left, by the enemy's right, which were their best troops; 
this was immediately followed by the discharge ©f artillery from, 
our centre, and the action was soon commenced along the whole 
line. The Virginia militia on their left, unable to stand the vigo- 
rous assault of the British veterans, after one fire threw down 
their arms and fled; and their pernicious example was immedi- 
ately followed by the North Carolina brigade in our centre; and 
all tiie exertions of the officers, and of Gen. Gates in person, to 
rally them, was ineffectual: filled with consternation, they con- 
tinued iheir cowardly flight until they reached a place of safety. 
The centre of iha American line being thus broken, the right, 
consisting of the Maryland brigade and Delaware regiment, led 
by the gallant De K;:tib, had to sustain the whole force of the 
action. De Kalb and Gist were pushing on with decided ad- 
vantage, at the time the militia gave way, which stopped their 
advance, and brought the whole fire of the enemy upon them; 
animated by their brave leader, they resolutely sustained this 
unequal contest for a considerable time, and until all the other 
troops bad retreated: several times were the enemy's van driven 
in with loss. General Smallwood, with the first Maryland brig- 
ade, which had formed the reserve, advanced and took the place 
of the fugitives on the left, which exposed him to the whole 
corps of Webster's veterans, on the enemy's right. The shock 
was too heavy for militia; three times was General Smallwood 
compelled to give way, and with determined valour three times 
did he return to the charge, and would probably have maintain- 
ed his ground, had not the remaining regiment of North Caroli- 
na militia, which for some time seemed resolved to retrieve the 
disgrace of their countrymen, finally gave way, which compel- 
led Smallwood's regiment to retire in some disorder from so une- 
qual and destructive a contest. This left the right the second 



BARON DE KALB. 005 

lime exposed to the whole force of the enemy. Few, but un- 
dismayed, the brave continentals, animated by the heroic con- 
duct of their chief, made a determined etfort to sustain the hon- 
or of the field alone. From the vast superiorit}' of the enemy 
their tire was heavy and destructive, and could not be returned 
with the same effect; De Kalb, therefore, placed his last hopes 
on the bayonet, and, making a desperate charge, drove the ene- 
my before him with considerable adv^antage. But at this time, 
Cornwallis, perceiving that the American cavalry had left the 
field, ordered Col. Tarlton to charge with his cavalry; and, hav- 
ing concentrated his whole force, the charge was made with the 
usual impetuosity of that daring officer. This was decisive of 
the desperate conflict, and fatal to the gallant officer who is the 
subject of this brief notice. Fatigued from their long and ar- 
duous efforts, the heroic continentals, who had sustained almost 
the whole burden of the day, were unable to withstand the 
charge; and their gallant leader, who was himself a host, having 
fallen, they were compelled to leave a field they had so honora- 
bly defended, and seek safety by flight. The victory, and the 
dispersion of the Americans, was complete; and the fugitives 
were pursued for more than twenty miles. The troops under 
De Kalb, on the right, suffered as might be supposed, most se- 
verely; the Delaware regiment was nearly destroyed, two com- 
panies only being left and more than one third of the continen- 
tals were killed and wounded. 

Perhaps no officer ever exerted himself more, m a single ac- 
tion, than did the Baron De Kalb on this occasion; he did all 
that man could do, to retrieve the fortune of the day, exposing 
himself to constant and imminent danger. He received eleven 
w^ounds in the course of the action, but kept his post, and con- 
tinued his exertions until the last, which proved mortal. As he 
fell, his aid. Lieutenant-colonel de Buysson, caught him in his 
arms, to save him from the uplifted bayonets of the enemy, 
which he warded off by receiving them in his own body. In his 
last moments the Baron dictated a letter to General Sinallwood, 
who succeeded to his command, expressing a warm affection for 
the Americans and the cause in which they were engaged, and 



(?06 BARON DE STEUBEN. 

his admiration of the conduct of the troops under his immediate 
command, whose bravery and firmness, in so unequal a contest, 
he said, had called forth the commendation even of the enemy; 
and concluded by expressing the satisfaction he felt in having 
fallen in the defence of the independence and liberties of Amer- 
ica, a cause so dear to the lovers of liberty and the friends of 
humanity, in Europe as well as America. 

He survived only a few days: an ornamental tree was planted 
at the head of his grave, near Camden, and congress, duly sen- 
sible of his merits, passed a resolution directing a monument to 
be erected to his memory, with very honorable inscriptions, at 
Annapolis, in Maryland: but the resolution, it is believed, has 
never been carried into effect, and the gratitude and plighted 
faith of the nation both remain unredeemed. He was in the 
forty-eighth year of his age ; most of his life had been spent in 
military employments, and the last three years in America, with 
distinguished reputation. 



BARON DE STEUBEN. 

Major General in the American Army. 

pREDERicjc William Steuben, was a native of Prussia, and 
born in the year 1735. Being designed for the profession of 
arms, he received a military education, and was early engaged 
in military employments,. His miUtary science, undoubted bra- 
Aery, and assiduous attention to duty, did not escape the pene- 
tration of the great Frederick, and soon procured for the young 
Baron, the confidence of his sovereign, and the most honorable 
preferment. For many years, he served in the memorabje cam- 
paigns of his sovereign, the greatest commander of the age, 
with distinguished reputation. This was a school, in which the 
dullest could hardly fail of acquiring experience and knowledge 
in the art of war; and at the same time opened a field suffi- 
ciently capacious for the most ardent aspirant for military fame. 



BARON DE STEUBEN. 607 

The war, which was terminated by the peace of 1763, in which 
France, Austria, Russia, Sweden and Saxony were united 
against Prussia, and which was commenced on the part of the 
«vHies, for the conquest and spoliation of the dominions of his 
Prussian Majesty, afforded the boldest and most successful cam- 
paigns, and the most splendid victories, of any in modern times. 
The exertions of the king of Prussia, m sustaining himself, 
with the assistance of Great BHtain, as his ally, against so many, 
and so powerful enemies, was truly astonishing. But his active 
genius overcame all difficulties, taught his enemies to respect 
him, and secured to him a mililary reputation, not second to 
any commander of the age. To have served with this great 
general, in his memorable campaigns, and taken a part in such 
great and splendid victories as those of Prague, Lissa, Crevelt, 
Zoondorf, Minden, and Torgau, was sufficient to confer experi- 
ence, and establish a military character, of no ordinary distinc- 
tion. But to have performed this service under a commander so 
severe, with success and honor, and to have secured his highest 
confidence, was a more conclusive proof of military genius and 
talents. And that Baron Stejiben did this, is sufficiently evi- 
dent, from the single fact, were there no other, of his having 
served as aid to his Prussian Majesty ; who would have no officer 
around his per&on, that did not sustain the first reputation for 
courage and capacity. The Baron rose to the high rank of 
lielitenant-general in the Prussian service. 

At the breaking out of tlie American war, there was a gene- 
ral peace in Europe, which favored the wishes of those patriot's 
and adventurers in that hemisphere, who desired to signalize 
their valor and patriotism, in assisting an infant people, strug- 
gling for their rights. Among the numerous foreigners, who 
honored the American cause by crossing the Atlantic to serve it, 
some no doubt acted from no other motive, than those which 
usually govern the conduct of military adventurers. Many, 
however, without doubt, were influenced by more noble and ex- 
alted motives: a regard for liberty, and a sincere desire to estab- 
lish it in the new world; which might serve both as* an asylum^ 
and an example for the old. And, notwithstajiding the atr^ 



G03 BARON D^^ STEUBEN. 

bitrary government of Prussia, under which he had lived, such 
wei'e the sentiments and views of Baron de Steuben. His en- 
lightened mind led him to esteem civil liberty, as the highest 
earthly good ; and he was desirous of consecrating his attach- 
ment to it, by his services, if not by his blood. He sailed from 
France to the United States, and arrived at Portsmouth, in 
New-Hampshire, in November, 1777. He brought with him 
strong recommendations from the American commissioners at 
Paris, and oth ^rs to congress. Notwithstanding which,however, 
he informed that body, that he wished for no rank, or com- 
pensation, and only requested permiseion, as a volunteer, to ren- 
der what service he could to the American army, and the cause 
in which the country was engaged. The following winter he 
spent at Valley Forge, where the American army was in winter 
quarters, under Washington. As is well known, the army at 
this time was in a most suffering condition ; being in want of 
provisions, clothing, and almost every thing which their comfort 
required, But, notwithstanding these discouraging circumstan- 
ces. Baron de Stuben exerted himself, with great assiduity to 
improve the discipline and mancouvres of the army. From his 
great military sciesce and experience, his prudent conduct, and 
the interest he manifested in the cause he had espoused,hesoon 
acquired the confidence of Washington. Early in the year 1778, 
General Conway resigned the office of inspector general ; and 
Washington, sensible of the great military skill and acquire- 
ments of Steuben, imniediately recommended him to congress, 
for that important post ; which was soon after conferred on him, 
with the rank of major-general. 

Being clothed with authority, and it being now his particular 
duty to attend to the discipline of the troops, his distinguished 
talents as a tactician were soon rendered conspicuous in the 
improved discipline of the troops He exerted himself to in- 
troduce a uniform and improved system of manoeuvres, and by 
his skill, perseverence, and industry, effected, during the contin- 
uance of the troops at Valley Forge, a most important and 
Jidvantagcous improvement in the discipline of all ranks of the 
army. 



BARON DE STEUBEN. QQfj 

After General Aniold lind treacherously deserted Ms pest at 
West Point, the Baron never tailed to manifest liis indignation 
and abhorrence of his name and character; and while inspecting 
Colonel Sheldon's regiment of light-horse, the name of Arnold 
struck his ear. The soldier was ordered to the fior;f ; he was ii 
tine looking fellow, his horse and equipments in excelifcnt order. 
" Change jour name, brother soldier," said lh.e Baron, " you 
are too respectable to bear the name of a traitor." " What 
name shall I take, General?" "Take any other name; mine 
is at your service." Most cheerfully was the offer accepted, 
•ind his name was entered on the roll as Sleuben. He or his 
children now enjoy the land given to him in the town of Steu- 
ben, by the Baron. This brave soldier met him after the war. 
•"' I am well settled. General," said he. " and have a wife and son ; 
I have called my sonafter you. Sir." "I thank you, my friendj 
what name have you given the boy?" "I called him Baron'— 
what else could I call him?" 

When Sir Henry Clinton evacuated Philadelphia for New- 
York, and was pursued by Washington, Steuben accompanied 
the American army; and although he had no particular com- 
mand, he volunteered in the action of Monmoutii. He contin*- 
ued his exertions to improve the discipline of the army, and to 
introduce his system, and thus establish uniformity throughout 
the different corps of the army; and for this purpose, in 1779, 
an abstract of his sj'stem of discipline and tactics was published, 
in compliance with the wishes of the commander-in-chief, and 
of congress. This being put into the hands of all the otiicers, 
had a wonderful influence in improving, and giving uniformity 
to the different corps of the army. 

In October, 17 80, after the defeat and dispersion of the south- 
ern army at Camden, under General Gates, great anxiety was 
felt for the fate of the southern states: and congress, in a parti- 
cular manner, directed their attention to the state of the war in 
that department. General Greene was appointed to supersede 
Gates: Ma]or Lee was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colo- 
nel, and ordered to join the southern army, with his legionary 
-torps; and Baron de Steuben was directed to proceed to Vir- 

77 



610 



BARON DE STEUBEN. 



ginia, to organize, from the militia and other elements which 
the state aflforded, the means of defence against the forces of the 
enemy then in the state, and threatening the destruction of its 
principal towns. 

While upon this duty, a regiment had been collected, and 
was paraded on the point of marching, when a welMooking 
man on horseback rode up and informed the Baron thai he had 
brought him a recruit. " I thank you, Sir," said the Baron, 
*' with all my heart — where is your man, Colonel?" for he was 
a colonel in the militia. " Bere, Sir," ordering his boy to dis- 
mount. The Baron's countenance changed, for he was too hon- 
est to suffer an imposition to be practised on the public. A ser- 
geant was ordered to measure the lad, whose shoes, when off, 
discovered something by which his stature had been increased. 
The Baron, patting the child's head, with his hands trembling 
with rage, asked him how old he was? He was very young, 
quite a child. " Sir," said he, to the militia colonel, ^' you must 
have supposed me to be a rascal." " Oh no! Baron, I did not." 
"Then, Sir, I suppose you to be a rascal, an infamous rascal, 
thus to attempt to cheat your country. Sergeant, take off this 
fellow's spurs and place him in the ranks, that we may have a 
man able to serve, instead of an infant, whom he would basely 
have made his substitute! Go, my boy, take the colonel's spurs 
and horse to his wife; make my compliments, and say, her hus- 
hand has gone to fight for the freedom of his country, as an 
honest man should dp;" and instantly ordeied — "Platoons! to 
the right wheel — forward march!" 

Colonel Gaskins, who commanded the regiment, fearing the 
consequences, after marching some distance, allowed the man 
to escape, who immedia(ely made application to the civil au- 
thority for redress; but Gov. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, and others 
not doubting the purity of the Baron's motive, and fully appre- 
ciating his honest zeal, prevented any disagreeable results at- 
tending this high-handed exertion of military power. 

Great apprehensions were felt for the safety of Richmond, 
threatened by the British General Leslie, at Portsmouth; but 
about the time the Baron arrived at the capital of Virginia, the 



BARON DE STEUBEN. 



611 



enemy left Portsmouth, which prevented the necessity of those 
measures which had been planned for his expulsion, and Vir- 
ginia, for a short time, remained tranquil. Early in January, 
1781, however, this repose was disturbed by the arrival of the 
traitor Arnold in the Chesapeake, who landed his forces on the 
James River, a (ew miles below Richmond. His ravages were 
immediately felt at Richmond, Smithtield, and other places. 
Baron de Steuben exerted himself to collect and organize a 
force of militia to oppose his destructive progress. This in- 
duced Arnold to retire to Portsmouth, and commence works of 
defence. But the militia came in slow, and a considerable por- 
tion of which being without arms, the Baron could do no more 
than protect the country from the predatory incursions of small 
parties. These movements in Virginia, induced congress to or- 
der La Fayette to the south, to oppose Arnold, with the expect- 
ed « o-operation of the French fleet. All the troops of the con- 
tinental establishment of Virginia, being under General Greene, 
in South Carolina, the defence of the state, against the depre- 
dations of the enemy, rested on the militia, of which the Baron 
had collected about 2,'0OO; one half were on the north side of 
James River, under General Nelson, and with the other half 
the Baron made an attempt to protect Petersburgh; but his 
meafis being wholly inadequate to the object, he was obliged to 
retreat, and suffer the enemy to enter the town. Previous to 
this, Arnold had been re-enforced by General Philips, who had 
taken the chief command. The Baron could do no more than 
"watch the motions of the enemy, and check the predatory in- 
cursions of small parties. 

On the arrival of the Marquis de La Fayette, with a small 
force of regulars, he joined Steuben, and took upon him the 
chief command. Their united force checked the progress of 
General Philips, and compelled him to turn his steps towards 
City-Point, where his fleet lay. 

In the various marches and countermarches which charac- 
terized the operations between La Fayette and Lord Cornwal- 
lis, who soon after assumed the command of the British forces 
in Virginia, the Baron Steuben afforded the most prompt and 



S12 



BARON DE STEUBEN, 



ready assistance to the young Marqais-. He was stationed at 
Point Fork, with 500 new levies to protect the American stores, 
when Tarleton was ordered to destroy them; and as the enemy 
approached, being led into a belief that the whole British army 
was near, he deemed it advisable to make a rapid retreat during 
the night, leaving all the stores to fall a sacrihce to the enemy* 
But though he lost the stores, he saved his men, and succeeded 
in joining the Marquis, at the same time that he received a 
re-enforcement of the lifle corps, under Colonel Clark, whieh 
enabled the Marquis to assume a more imposing attitude. The 
Baron continued to co-operate with La Fayette in the subse- 
quent events of the campaign, which was terminated by (he 
siege of Yorktown. He generally had the command of militia, 
or of new levies, and was improving their discipline whilsl he 
yvds aiding the operations of the Marquis. He was present 
during the siege at Yorktown, and exerted himself with great 
ardor in the various operations, and commanded in the trenches 
on the day the enemy surrendered, and was entitled to a share 
in the honor of this memorable siege, which so gloriously termi- 
nated the great struggle in which the country was engaged. 

"At the siege of Yorktown, the Baron was in the trenches, at 
the head of his division, and received the fust overture of Lord 
Cornwallis to capitulate. At the relieving hour, next morning, 
the Marquis de la Fayette approached at the head of his division 
to relieve him. The Baron refused to quit the trenches, 
assigning as a reason the etiquete in Europe, that the offer t» 
capitulate had been made during his tour of duty, and that it 
■was a point of honor of which he would not deprive his troops, 
to remain in the trenches till the capitulation was signed or hos- 
tilities recommenced. The dispute was referred to the conv- 
iTiander-in-chief,and the Baron was permitted to remain till the 
British flag was struck. While on this duty the Baron per- 
ceiving himself in danger from a shell thrown from the enemy, 
threw himself suddenly into the trench; General Wayne, in the 
jeopardy and hurry of the monent fell on him; the Baron turning 
his eyes, saw it was his brigadier, ''I always knew you were a 
brave general," said he, "but I did not know you were soperfeck. 



BARON DE STEUBEN. 



613 



^?i every point of duty, you cover your general's retreat in the 
best manner possible."* 

The Baron returned to the northward, and remained with 
the army, continually employed till the peace, in perfecting its 
disciphne. 

" At the disbandment of the revolutionary army, when inmates 
of the same tent, or hut, for seven long years were separating, 
and probably for ever; grasping each other's hand in silent 
agony," I saw, says Dr. Thacher, in his Military Journal, 
"the Baron's strong endeavors in throwing some ray of sunshine 
on tiie gloom, to mix some drops of cordial with the painful 
draught. To go, they knew not whither; all recollection of the 
art to thrive by civil occupations lost, or to the youthful nevec 
known. Their hard earned military knowleififge worse than 
useless, and with their badge of brotherhood, a mark at which 
to point the finger of suspicion — ignoble vile suspicion! to be 
cast out on a world, long since by them forgotten. Severed 
from friends, and all the joys and griefs which soldiers feell 
Griefs, while hope remained — when shared by numbers, almost 
joys! To go in silence and alone, and poor and hopeless; it was 
too hard! On that sad day how many hearts were wrung? I 
saw it all, nor will the scene be ever blurred or blotted from my 
view. To a stern old officer, a Lieutenant-Colonel Cochran, 
from the Green Mountains, who had met danger and difficulty 
almost in every step from his youth, and from whose furrowed 
visage a tear till that moment had never fallen, the Baron said— ^ 
what could be said, to lessen deep distress. 'For myself,' said 
Cochran, ' Icare not, I can stand it; but my wife and daughters 
are in the garret of that wretched tavern. I know not where 
to remove, nor have I means for their removal!' 'Come, my 
friend,' said the Baron, 'let us go — I will pay my respects to 
Mrs.Cochran and your daughters, if you please.' I followed 
to the loft, the lower rooms being all filled with soldiers, with 
drunkenness, despair, and blasphemy. And when the Baron 
left the poor unhappy cast aways, he left hope with them, and 
nil he had to give. — A black man, with wounds unhealed, wept 
'r^ 

* Thachcr's Military Journal, 



gl4 BAR©N DE STEUBKNi 

on the wharf— (for it was at Newburgh where this tragedy was 
acting) — there was a vessel in the stream, bound to the place 
to where he once had friends. He had not a dollar to pay his 
passage, and he could not walk. Unused to tears, I saw them 
trickle down this good man's cheeks as he put into the hands of 
the black man the last dollar he possessed. The negro hailed 
the sloop, and cried, 'God Almighty bless you master Baron !" 

"What good and honorable man, civil or military, before the 
party spirit murdered friendships, did not respect and love the 
Baron? Who most? Those who knew him best. After the 
peace the Baron retired to a farm in the vicinity of New- York, 
where, with forming a system for the organization and discipline 
of the militia, books, chess, and the very frequent visits of his 
numerous friends, he passed his time as agreeably as a frequent 
want of funds would permit. The stale of New- Jersey had 
given him a small improved farm, and the state of New- York 
gave him a tract of sixteen thousand acres of land in the county 
of Oneida. After the general government was in fuil operation, 
by the exertions of Colonel Hamilton, patronized and enforced 
by President Washington, a grant of two thousand five hundied 
dollars per annum was made to him for life. The summers were 
now chiefly spent on hi? !c\i)d, and his winters in the city. His 
sixteen thousand acres o; land were in the uncultivated wilder- 
pess; he built a convenient L--!.ou^e. denied sixty acres, 
parcelled out his land on easy terms to twenty or thirty tenants, 
distributed nearly a tenth of the tract in gifts to his aids-do-camp 
and servants, and sat himself down to a certain degree contented 
without society, except that of a young gentleman who read to 
and with him. He ate only at dinner, but he ate with a strong 
appetite. In drinking, he was always temperate; indeed he 
was free from every vicious habit. His powers of mind and 
body were strong, and he received to a certain extent a liberal 
education. His days were undoubtedly shortened by his se- 
dentary mode of life. He was seized with an appoplexy, which 
in a few hours was fatal. Agreeably to his desire oflen expressed, 
he was wrapped in his cloak, placed in a plain coffin, and hid in 
the earth, without a stone to tell where he lies. A few neigh- 



BARON DE STEUBEN. 615 

bors, his servants, the young gentleman, his late companion and 
one on whom for (ifteen years his countenance never ceased to 
beam with kindness, followed to the grave. It was in a thick, 
a lonely wood; bat in a few years after a public highway was 
opened near or over the hallowed sod! Colonel Walker 
snatched the poor remains of his dear friend from a sacrilegious 
violation, and gave a bounty to protect the grave in which he 
laid them from rude and impious intrusion. He died in 1795, 
in the dbih year of his age."* 

Baron Steuben possessed profound and extensive professional 
knowledge, the result of much study and experience, which was 
united with a competent share of general science and intelli- 
gence, matured by great experience; he was accomplished in 
his manners, correct in his morals, and was sincerely attached to 
the dearest interest of hamanity. His system of discipline and 
tactics, was adopted in the militia of the United States, and 
continued to be used for a great number of years; and had a 
very extensive and salutary influence in promoting discipline and 
knowledge in the use of arms. 

* "JThachei-'s Military Journa-I . 



INDEX. '"^^ 



A summary view of the causes which led to the \niericari Revolution, 3 

Ethan Allen, Brigridier- General in the American Army, - - - 33 

William Alexander, Major-General in the American Army, - - 39* 

Daniel Boone, the first settler of Kentucky, ... - 40 

John Cadwaldder, Brigadier-General in the American Army, •> - 53 
James Clinton, Major-General in the American Army, - - 55 

George Clinton, Bria;adier-General in the American Army, - - 61 

Thomas Conway, Major -General in the American Army, - - 65 

William Davidson, Brigadier General in the American Army, - - 67 
M'illiam Richardson Davie, Col. Commandant of the State Cavalry, of N. C. 71 

Ht^nry Dearborn, Colonel in the American Army, - - - "5" 

Evan Edwards, Major in the American Army, - - - - 80 

Christopher Gadsden, Brigadier-General and Lieutenant-Governor ©f S . C. 82 

Horatio Gates, Major-General in the American Army, - - 86 

Nathaniel Greene, Major-General in the American Army, - - 98 

Nathan Hale, Captain in the American Army, . . - 124 

Alexander Hamilton Inspector-General in the American Army, - - 127 

Isaac Hayne, Colonel in, the American Army, - - - 158 

William fleath, ftlajor-General in the American Army, - - 161 

John Edgar Howard, Colonel in the American Army, - - 171 

Peter Horry, Colonel in the American Army, - - - - 1''3 

John James, Major in the American Army, , - » 175 

Henry Knox, Major-General in the American Army, - - - 177 

Benjamin Lincoln, Major-General in the American Army, - - 184 

John Laurens, Colonel in the American Army, - - - - 192 

Charles Lee, tVlajor-General in the American Army, - - 196 

Henry Lee, Colonel in the American Army, - . - - 205 

Francis Marion, Colonel in the American Army, . , - 206 

Hugh Mercer, Major-General in the American Army, . - -f - 212 

Daniel Morgan, Brigadier-General in the American Army, - - 215 

Thomas Mifflin, Major-General in the American Army, - - 222 

Kichard Montgomery, Major-General in the American Army, - 224 

William Moultrie, Major-General in the American Army. - - - 234 

Israel Putnam, Major-General in the American Aarray, - - 238' 

Joseph Reed, Adjutant-General in the American Army, - . - 256 

Philip Schuyler, Major-General in the American Army, - - 259 

John Stark, Brigadier-General in the American Army, - - . 266 

Arthur St. Clair, Major-General in the American Army, - - 274 

John Sullivan, Major-General in the American Army, - - •• 281 

Seth Warner, Colonel in the American Army, - - . 284 

Joseph Warren, Major-General in the American Army, - - »293 

Pelcg Wadsworth, General of the Massachusetts Militia, - - 305 

AViliiam Washington, Colonel in the American Army, - - - 312 
George Washington, Esq., Commandcr-in Chief of the American Array, 314 

Anthony Wayne, Major-General in the American Army, - - 337 

Otho H. Williams, Brigadier-General in the American Army, - - 347 

Benedict Arnold, the Traitor, . . - - „ 350 

John Paul Jones, Commodore in the American Navy, - - - 364 

John Barry, Commodore in the American Navy, - . - 394 

Nicholas Biddle, Commodore in the American Navy, - - - 399 

EiUvard Preble, Commodore in the American Navy, - - 408 

ThomasTruxton, Commodore in the American Navy, - - - 427 

Gilbert Motier La Fayette, Major-General in the American Army, - 433 
Kosciusko, - ------- 581 

Count Pulaski, - - - - - - - 592 

BronDeKalb, .-----,-, 601 

Bajon De Steuben, Major-General in the American Army, - - 6OO 



